It is hardly possible for a native of a free country to form a right conception of the more than fatherly interest formerly2 taken by the petty prince of an Italian State in the welfare of his subjects. So deeply impressed with this feeling was Francis IV, Duke of Modena, Panizzi’s patron of yore, that he was in the habit at this time (1821) of sending regularly during the week one of his own private carriages into Brescello for the express purpose of bringing back two persons (whose names were set down in his orders, but not divulged) whom it was, doubtless, his intention to reclaim3 from evil opinions, to save them from the dangers to which such opinions might lead, and to hold them up as examples of his paternal4 care, or, it is just possible, as a warning to the remainder of his people. The Brescellese, either from uneasiness of conscience or from a natural dislike to all that was good, regarded both the duke’s intentions and his carriage with aversion. Of all men the least anxious for a seat in it were Panizzi and his 40friend Dr. Minzi, whom, it may be remembered, he had initiated5 into Carbonarism. It happened one day, as these two friends were taking their afternoon stroll along the Peggio road, that the ill-omened carriage suddenly appeared in the distance. Their only resource was to throw themselves into the ditch by the roadside, and remain concealed6 as closely as possible until the fatal vehicle had passed. This they accordingly did, and, as good luck would have it, escaped unnoticed. To return to Brescello was to meet the carriage a second time in all probability, for they suspected, and not without reason, that they themselves were the two persons who were to take a forced drive to Modena—a journey for which, at present, they felt little inclination7. It was decided8, therefore, as a temporary measure, to cross the frontier, and both being nimble of foot and with bodies well trained, as becomes all wise and prudent9 men, by athletic10 exercise, they fled across country with all possible speed for the Parmese territory. Arrived on this hospitable11 soil, the story goes that they threw themselves prone12 upon it, and actually (not figuratively) kissed it, pouring forth13 their heartfelt thanks to Providence14 for their deliverance from impending15 evil. Their position was even now far from enviable. It was impossible for them to remain on Parmese ground, and they were fully16 aware that perils17 as great as those from which they had just escaped lay before them. Exhausted18 as they were, they held a council on the road, in doubt whether to proceed or return to Brescello. The conclusion at which they arrived was that the better plan was to go back and 41make careful inquiries19 in the neighbouring villages, in order to ascertain20 who were the two persons for whom the agents of the police were seeking. On that very night, therefore, they returned, reaching Brescello about daybreak, and learnt to their great satisfaction that their names had never been mentioned. Here they seemed to have secured repose21; but, as it turned out, of short duration, lasting22 only for the space of two months; for on the 22nd of October in the same year Panizzi received a slight message summoning him to the police office, where he accordingly attended. Hardly had he reached the door when he was arrested. Throughout all his misfortunes he seems not to have been without his share of good luck. The man who arrested him proved to be a friend, and by the aid of this kindly23 official he was enabled to jump out of a window, and again make his way for the frontier.
It may not be uninteresting to mention here that this man afterwards became an Austrian spy. Many years later on, while Panizzi was on a journey to Italy, and had arrived at the frontier, some one approached the carriage and demanded his passport. It was, of course, handed over. On returning it the man said, “Buon viaggio, Signor Panizzi!” and he recognised his friend of the Brescello police-office.
In the meantime, and before his arrest, the refugee, whose good luck it must be confessed was mainly owing to his sagacity and foresight24, had taken care to provide himself with a passport. This, strange to say, he obtained duly endorsed25, through a friend of Count Munarini, then Minister of Foreign Affairs. In addition to this passport, he had also armed himself 42with another document, almost equally useful. This was a pass, in the form usually given to labourers who wished to absent themselves for the day. With these papers in his possession he crossed the Po to Viadana, and, setting out from thence in company with Minzi, Zatti and Montani, arrived at Cremona, where he was recognised by the Austrian police-agent Ticino, who endeavoured to arrest his further progress. In this attempt, however, he failed; Panizzi’s passport being perfectly27 en règle. Nevertheless, he succeeded at the instigation of a notorious spy named Antonioli in robbing the fugitive28 of a portion of his luggage.
From Cremona he made his way as well as he could to Switzerland, where he took up his quarters at Lugano. Here he wrote his “Processi di Rubiera,” and at first thought of settling in the place, as this was a free town, near his own home. It may be as well to keep the memory of wrongs before the world, and it is unfortunately the way of unsuccessful men in general, and of unsuccessful revolutionists in particular, not to accept defeat philosophically30, but after all hope of success has departed, still to irritate those whom they have failed to dispossess or overcome. From this pardonable defect Panizzi was, as might be expected, not more free than the rest of mankind. His restless and energetic disposition31 would not allow him to refrain from political controversy32, and the character of his writings so provoked the Austrians that he was ordered to quit Lugano and proceed to. Geneva. Thither33 he accordingly went, but not to remain long; his objectionable reputation had preceded him, and the representatives of Austria, France, and Sardinia 43insisted on his expulsion. England was the only country now open to himself and his brother exiles, and thither they determined34 to journey by way of France; but, as they were not certain that the French authorities would allow refugees to pass through their country, it was decided to send forward Signor Bezzi (afterwards well-known in England as Mr. G. Aubrey Bezzi, who died in Piedmont only a few months before Panizzi) to exploiter the route. This gentleman’s exploitation must be held to have fallen a little short of complete success. At Gex, a small town in France, in the Department of Ain, and about 11 miles from Geneva, he was stopped, unceremoniously stripped, and after being thoroughly35 searched and examined, sent back. There was, however, a way to England still left to the party, by the Rhine and the Netherlands, and by this route they arrived in London in May, 1823. It is painful to have to record that the slenderness of their means obliged them to live in a state bordering on actual destitution36. The author clearly recollects37 hearing Panizzi narrate38 that, in these days of his indigence39, fourteen-pence was all he allowed himself for breakfast and dinner, and how well he remembered spending one portion of an afternoon in gazing through the windows of a cook-shop watching with hungry eyes the more fortunate mortals who were satisfying their appetites within; and this reminiscence gained additional zest40 from the fact that it was related at a banquet.
London at this period was full of refugees, from every country and of every grade, including presidents of republics, generals, men of letters, lawyers, poets, etc.
44At first these various celebrities41 enjoyed a considerable amount of notoriety, no small part of which was bestowed42 upon them by the newspaper writers, who seemed for some time to be indefatigable43 in drawing public notice to the exiles, and in relating exciting anecdotes44 of this or that famous person sojourning amongst them. In due course, however, the novelty of the thing wore off, and readers, having had a surfeit46 of such accounts, the newspapers gradually ceased to stimulate47 their curiosity, and the expatriated heroes were forgotten by the public at large.
If, as the maxim48 is, a man may be known by the society he keeps, Panizzi, who seems at most times to have had peculiar49 good fortune in attracting to himself men of worth, both privately51 and publicly, must be allowed to have stood high in this respect.
His dearest friend at this period of his life in London was the illustrious Piedmontese statesman, Santorre Santa-Rosa, who, the life and soul of the great patriotic52 movement then lately made to achieve the freedom of his country, was born at Savigliano in Sardinia, in September, 1783. He was the author of the History of the Piedmontese Revolution, a work which breathes the true spirit of national liberty, and exhibits its writer as a most determined foe53 to anything in the shape of foreign domination. Forced by his Government to expatriate himself in 1821, Santa Rosa went to Switzerland, but being, like Panizzi, compelled by the Austrian and Sardinian Governments to quit that country, he betook himself to France, taking up his residence in Paris, where he 45assumed the name of Conti, and became the bosom54 friend of Victor Cousin. Early in October, 1822, he arrived in England, on the merits and defects of which country he makes the following quaint55 comment in one of his letters to his brother exiles:—“Here I have been received with sincerity56 and kindness. I also admire the virtuous57 habits of the English, but cannot get used to their mode of cooking.”
For ourselves, as true lovers of our country, we are too well content with the eulogy58 at the beginning, to take exception to the blame of one of our institutions implied in the concluding part of the sentence.
In November, 1824, Santa-Rosa left England for Napoli di Romania to fight for the cause of Greek independence, and was killed in battle on the 19th of May, 1825. His death was a sad blow to the band of Italian patriots59 in London, but especially to Panizzi, who had looked up to him as a father and a counsellor, and had kept up a constant correspondence with him. There are in our possession but two letters written by Santa-Rosa to his friend, dated respectively the 5th September and 13th November, 1823, from “The Green Cottage, South Bank, St. John’s Wood,” a part of the town much affected60 as a dwelling61 place by the leading refugees. Conspicuous62 in these are the writer’s affection for Panizzi and anxious care for his welfare; nor are matters of mental instruction omitted, for we find strong recommendations carefully to study the political and literary history of Italy, and also “note all the most important points of English habits.” After Santa-Rosa, Panizzi’s chief friends, with whom during his stay in town he spent a great portion 46of his time, were the brothers Camillo and Filippo Ugoni, both literary men of some note.
Shortly after Panizzi’s arrival in London he was tried in his absence on the charge of Carbonarism, in which it has been shown that he was deeply implicated63. Of this, as might have been expected, he was found guilty on pretty clear evidence, and, in default of appearance, was sentenced to death by the Government of Modena.
Subjoined is a translation of the sentence:—
Invoking64 the name of God Most Holy, in the reign26 of Francis IV. Duke of Modena, Reggio, and Mirandola, Archduke of Austria, Prince Royal of Hungary and Bohemia.
The Special Tribunal, instituted by revered65 sovereign sign manual of 28 July, 1823,
Having assembled at the Palace of Justice, and in the chamber66 duly appointed for the purpose of trying the Doctor of Laws, Antonio, son of Luigi Panizzi, native of and domiciled at Brescello, province of Reggio, contumacious67, and CRIMINALLY ARRAIGNED68:
1. For that he, being already enrolled69 in a prohibited sect70, took part with other persons known to the judicial71 authorities in the reception into the sect of Carbonari of the appraiser72 Francesco Panizzi, and Doctor Domenico Giglioli of Brescello, in the afternoon of the 11th of March, 1821, in his own office situated73 in his dwelling house at Brescello.
2. For that he in the evening of the next day, the 12th, did with other persons likewise known to the judicial authorities take part in the reception into the sect of Carbonari of the apothecary74 Bartolomeo Panizzi of Brescello, which reception took place in the office of the appraiser Francesco Panizzi, situated in his dwelling house at Brescello.
Having referred to the documents drawn75 up by the acting50 Director of Police, Doctor Pietro Curti, and to the further 47documents before this Tribunal, and particularly to the charges issued against the accused by the special inquisition on the 1st, and the 19th of September last past;
Having referred to the inferences of the Procurator Fiscal76 of this Tribunal, Advocate Felice Fieri;
Considering that the results of the legal proceedings77 taken against the said contumacious Dr. Panizzi prove that he certainly belonged to a proscribed78 sect, and moreover clearly demonstrate that he was anxious to gain proselytes for the sect of Carbonari, and to promote by every means the efforts of the confederates, and the object at which they were aiming, that is the overthrow79 and destruction of our present lawful80 government;
Considering that the deposition81 of the appraiser Panizzi and those of Giuseppe Alberici, of Dr. Giuseppe Minzi and of Dr. Giov. Batta Cavandoli all of Brescello, show that the accused Panizzi took part in the reception into the sect of Carbonari of the said appraiser Panizzi and of Dr. Domenico Giglioli of Brescello, which took place at his own house and exactly in the office of the accused himself, in the afternoon of the first Sunday in Lent, in the year 1821, that is on the 11th of March in the said year, whilst amongst the said persons there are some who assert that the accused himself acted there as chief, and also instructed the aforesaid Giglioli and appraiser Panizzi, the first of whom likewise confesses that his aggregation82 to the sect, which he afterwards found to be that of the Carbonari, and which was even indicated to him as such by the accused Panizzi, took place with the participation83 of the said accused and in the place above-mentioned;
Considering that in regard to the aggregation of the apothecary Panizzi to the Carbonari sect with the participation of the accused, there are the depositions84 of the former as well as of the appraiser Panizzi and of Cavandoli, who were present there with others, and that those depositions are corroborated85 by the extrajudicial confession86 of the accused himself, made to Nizzoli on the very evening of the event, that he had introduced 48the said apothecary Panizzi into the Carbonari sect, and made a Carbonaro of the said Panizzi, and subsequently with regard to Giglioli that he too had been affiliated87 to the Carbonari sect;
As the said Panizzi still persists in his contumacy, which in terms of the law is equivalent to imputed88 confession, and considering that all the formalities prescribed by T. 12, L. 4 of the Cod89. Est. have been observed;
Having referred to the same code §§ 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 7 of L. 5. T. 2.—§ 9. L. 4, 7, 15, and the sovereign edict 20 September, 1820;
The above-mentioned tribunal has condemned90, and does condemn91, the contumacious Doctor of Laws, Antonio Panizzi, to the punishment of
DEATH
to be executed on his effigy92, to confiscation93 of his property, and in the costs.
Modena, 6 October, 1823.
Giuseppe Consre Terni, President.
Pe Cavedoni, Judge.
C. Tassoni, Judge.
P. Pedreschi, Chancellor94.
This sentence was promulgated95 by me in due form this 20 October, 1823.
Pedreschi, Chancellor.
A true copy. Pedreschi, Chancellor.
These hair-breadth escapes may be very amusing and pleasant to read about, but to the principal person concerned, who was thoroughly capable of appreciating the various positions and vicissitudes96 of life, they must have conveyed anything but agreeable impressions, or conduced to the ease of mind so acceptable to mankind in general.
49 William Roscoe
Panizzi remained but a short time in London. The celebrated97 Ugo Foscolo, to whom the Ugoni had introduced him, had strongly advised him at once to quit the metropolis98 and to try his fortunes at Liverpool, where there was more likelihood of his obtaining employment. Foscolo furnished him with letters of introduction to William Roscoe, author of the life of Leo X., and also to other distinguished99 Liverpool men. How he was received by Roscoe, the following passage in the biography of the latter (Lond. 1833), vol. ii., p. 406, will show:—“It was the good fortune of Mr. Roscoe to retain, even to the close of his life, that power of attracting the friendship of others which had been from his youth one of his most marked characteristics. Amongst these, the friends of his age, there was no one who became more sincerely attached to him, or for whom he himself felt a higher degree of esteem100 and affection than Mr. Panizzi, an Italian gentleman, who had been compelled, in consequence of political persecutions, to abandon Italy and to take refuge in England. Soon after his arrival in this country he settled in Liverpool as a teacher of the Italian language, where his talents and worth soon won the regard of Mr. Roscoe. To the kindness and attention of Mr. Panizzi, which rather resembled that of a son than of a stranger, he owed many happy hours.” Mr. Roscoe died on June 30th, 1831.
50At his death Panizzi received the following letter:—
Lodge-lane, 30th June, 1831.
So affectionately attached as you have been to my father, I cannot let you learn the sad intelligence which this letter will convey from anybody but one of his own family.
He was seized last week with a violent cold or influenza101, accompanied with fever. At first we thought him getting over it, but on Monday night he was attacked with a shivering fit, and being put to bed he never rose again. His strength failed him rapidly, and this morning at 11 o’clock he breathed his last quite peacefully.
It is a great consolation102 to know that he suffered no acute pain, and his mind seemed perfectly composed.
Yours, &c.,
H. Roscoe.
The centenary of William Roscoe’s birth was celebrated at Liverpool on the 8th March, 1853, and Panizzi was of course asked to attend.
In replying to the invitation he said:—“Feb. 19, 1853.... The veneration103 in which I, together with all lovers of truth, of freedom, of independence, of literature, and of the arts, hold the memory of that illustrious man, and the grateful recollection of the warm and affectionate regard with which I was honoured by him, are inducements so powerful to accept so kind an invitation as that which your letter conveys, that nothing but the absolute impossibility of leaving my duties here could restrain me from availing myself of it.”
Before Panizzi left London he received from Italy a most curious bill for money due from him; such a bill as few men have ever received at any time, and such as many men, Panizzi, probably, amongst the number, would hardly consider the most unpleasant 51of their kind. It was from the Inspector of Finances and Tax-gatherer (Ispettore ed Esattore di Finanze) at Reggio, who, having heard of Panizzi’s escape and arrival in Switzerland, sent him an account of money spent in preparing his accusation104, sentence of death, and even for the expenses of his execution, “in contumaciam.” The actual sum demanded was 225 francs and 25 cents, including the usual fee for the hangman.
In his then low state of spirits Panizzi hardly felt equal to answering this amusing epistle in a befitting manner, and accordingly postponed105 his reply until after his arrival at Liverpool, whence he sent the following humorous letter:—
(Translation.) Realm of Death,
Elysian Fields,
10th May, 1824.
The soul of whilom Dr. Antonio Panizzi,
To the Inspector of Finances and Tax-gatherer of the Province of Reggio (Satanic Domain).
The body animated106 by me before I was smitten107 by the pointless stiletto of Terni, Cavedoni, and crew, and now living at Liverpool, by the grace of God sound and so sprightly108 that those who see it think that—spite of Modena’s Dukeling—I have not yet forsaken109 it, has sent me in my abode110 here a letter of yours, No. 14 of the 26th of March last past, requesting information or reply. Now I, in compliance111 with the latter solicitation112, have to tell you that, mindful of the maxim “mors omnia solvit,” I do not consider that since my departure I have any longer either assets or liabilities in that miserable113 world of yours; unless you mean to say that, notwithstanding the Holy Alliance, I am still united to that body of mine at Liverpool; which would be a deadly sin ipso facto et jure incurring115 the penalty of higher excommunication, from which 52none but a fashionable Jesuit could absolve116 me, for having had the audacity117 to suggest a doubt of your most benign118 petty masterling’s lawful authority to expel me from the world.
Nevertheless, as I and that aforesaid body of mine are always upon such good terms with each other that we might still pass for body and soul conjoined, and as the corporal party through honourable120 industry can by my direction dispose of a few pounds sterling119 without inconvenience, I beg you to send to my body at Liverpool—for the post from your diabolical121 State never comes to disturb my rest here—a detailed122 account of the expenses and of the food which you tell me ought to be paid for to the extra-crammed treasury123 of a microscopical124 Duke who has been so over-weeningly fatuous125 as to send me to dwell in this beatific126 place; and if your statement be found correct, I will remit127 you in discharge thereof a bill of exchange on some Capuchin bank payable128 at sight when the Greek calends come. Only I warn you to give full particulars of the food, for I have an idea that it was gobbled up by the aforesaid fleshmongers Terni, Cavedoni, and crew; knowing well that my body, seasonably advised by me, spared the Treasury the trouble not only of providing the food to be paid for afterwards, and for which you make a demand now, but also of preparing a lodging129 generously offered gratis130, only rather too late. If I perceive by the item—Bottles—that Terni bravely distinguished himself as a consummate131 hypocrite in Austrian service ought to do, I will write to him, begging him to pardon me for a letter which I addressed to him, as if I had been on earth, telling him that he acted against me like a hired assassin, and I will excuse him as a “drunken murderer.”
Wishing you a death such as mine, I conclude without further ceremony, both for the sake of following your example and because such observances are not much affected in this republic.
The soul of A. Panizzi
53It must be acknowledged that this was rather a substantial letter to emanate132 from the world of spirits, and the imaginary separation of the soul from the “sound and sprightly” body should certainly have satisfied his extraordinary creditors133 and absolved134 him from the debt.
Panizzi had now settled for the time in Liverpool, where he kept up a constant correspondence with absent friends. The two letters from Santa-Rosa, dated 1823, too clearly prove that he was at this time in a state of great poverty, and that he thought of returning to London, a step, however, strongly opposed by his friend.
The capricious nature of the English climate—it was in the winter that he had arrived at Liverpool—seemed to discourage and depress him, perhaps, more than anything else; whilst the want of the most ordinary comforts of life, even of proper food, told severely135 upon his health. His income was chiefly derived136 from giving lessons in the Italian language and literature; some of his pupils lived far away from the town, and he used to start on foot early in the morning, give his lessons and return to Liverpool by eleven o’clock. This was necessary, as other duties required his attendance in the town at that hour; and, when we consider that the journey had frequently to be made through snow and rain, its depressing influence on the spirits of the young Italian, accustomed to the more genial137 climes of the south, may be readily understood.
Francis Haywood
His address at this date, December 1823, is not known, but in the January following he lodged138 at 54No. 6, King-street, Soho. He continued to extend his acquaintance and was upon friendly terms with the bankers, Mr. Ymes and Mr. Zwilchenbart. At this period, too, he knew Mr. John Ewart, at whose house he met Mr. Francis Haywood, the translator of Kant’s “Critick of Pure Reason.”
From these gentlemen, who, as well as the Rev29. William Shepherd, author of the “Life of Poggio Bracciolini,” were among his earliest acquaintances in Liverpool, he received the greatest kindness. With Mr. Haywood he soon became most intimate, and frequent communications passed between them. Indeed, if a day elapsed without a letter from Mr. Haywood, Panizzi wrote, asking “why had he not written.”
Such were the friends, whom even in his early career, when chances of success appeared at a hazy139 distance, this young man was able to draw towards him, and many more he secured in after life.
The necessity of close attention to his duties, and the attractions of the hospitable society of English friends, never led him to neglect his fellow exiles.
Amongst the latter was a certain Count Linati, whose character and antecedents deserve some short notice at our hands. Claudio Linati was born in the Duchy of Parma, on the 1st of February, 1790. He appears to have been at one time a man of wealth and standing114, but had become deeply involved in the political complications of his country. On the 559th of April, 1824, he was tried in his absence for conspiracy140 against his Government, and sentenced to death in contumaciam by the Supreme141 Tribunal of Parma. Having succeeded in making his escape, he settled for a time in Spain, and subsequently in France. He was a writer and artist of no mean ability. In a letter to a mutual142 friend, Panizzi describes Linati, as a man of turbulent spirit, on whom nature had bestowed a robust143 constitution, proof against all changes of climate; full of energy, though without any decided aim, an adept144 at all employments, and well versed145 in literature; a painter and a poet, a writer of plays, too, both comic and tragic146, many of which he delighted to read to his friend. The manners and customs of the countries in which he lived were his constant study, though his views of mankind in general partook of his own untutored spirit. Speaking of Spain he says that priestly anarchy147 predominates in that country, and calls France “quel servilissimo versatile148 compassionevole popoletto,” stigmatising the nation as “servile pecus” for its submission150 to tyranny. Linati’s troubles were many, and these it was his constant pleasure to relate to his friend at Liverpool, in long letters which Panizzi often answered by sharp criticisms, perhaps provoked in part by the heavy postage which he had to pay, and to which he did not scruple151 to call attention. In one especial respect there was great dissimilarity between the Count and Panizzi, for whereas the former for some unknown reason hated England and the English people, the latter early evinced the strongest liking152 for both.
56In December, 1823, he wrote to Linati, minutely describing his position, and concluding his long letter thus:—“In spite of all my sufferings and many troubles occasioned by poverty, I had rather live in England than in Italy.”
Upon this Linati wrote:—“Though your dear and beloved England may in some measure have slackened your chain, I will nevertheless tell you that I still prefer the Duke d’Angoulême, open enemy as he is, to that vile149 and infamous153 Sir William A’Court, who has betrayed the rights of hospitality by supporting a Government which, if unable to save itself, ought at least to have saved others. I can make a distinction between the generous people of England, whose hearts beat with noble enthusiasm at the war-cry of the liberal Spaniards, as well as the aspiration154 for Greek independence and self-government. I am delighted to learn that you are in the way of getting an honest livelihood155. A hazardous156 occupation is that of teaching languages, particularly if you happen to meet with a pretty ‘Brittanna,’ who, whilst she is anxious to learn how to sing in Italian, may seem still more anxious to master the language of Petrarch, and suggest to her teacher that he might assist her in conjugating157 the verb amare (to love).”
The biographer has at this point to deplore158 the absence of some of Panizzi’s letters; not only because of the interesting matter which they are sure to have contained, but because curiosity must now remain unsatisfied in regard to the particular impression made on Panizzi’s mind by the suggestion in the last paragraph of Linati’s letter.
57As the Count was no longer allowed to reside in France, the police ordered him to quit the country at once; whereupon he emigrated to Brussels, and here he found a letter from his Liverpool friend, enclosing an order for 300 francs. This present, however, he declined with thanks. The wretched state of the Italians, cast into the streets of Paris penniless, after several months of imprisonment159, gave Panizzi and Linati work enough to do. The former used his influence with the Philhellenic Society in London, and the latter secured the interest of Lord Byron, of whom he happened to be an intimate friend.
In the summer of the following year it appears that both intended to settle at New York. Panizzi, however, in discussing this project, remarked that his acquaintance, though showing him every mark of kindness, never seemed to lose sight of the fact that he was an Italian; from the Americans, who were “a proud people,” there was a fortiori but scant160 courtesy to be expected, and but little advancement161 to be hoped for in their country. Linati’s answer was:—“I do not agree with you in what you say respecting the North Americans, for half the population consists of adventurers, and the system of colonization162 being so active, there will be no difficulties in becoming a citizen, whereas in England you will remain a ‘foreigner’ for ever.”
However, Linati went to Mexico, and from there again indulged in his abuse of England in these words:—“I cannot understand your sympathy with those English tradesmen; for whilst living amongst them I daily noticed cold and formal ceremonials, stupidity 58provoked by drink, and the brutality163 of the ‘prize-ring,’ with its livid eyes and battered164 faces. Really, and indeed, my dear friend, I am truly sorry that you do not agree with me.”
Linati seems to have discovered that worse countries existed than England; only a short interval165 had elapsed before we find him leaving Mexico in disgust and returning during the winter of 1827 to London, where he is heard of no more until 1830. In that year he was upon the committee for remodelling166 Italy. It is certain, however, that in course of time he overcame his antipathy167 to Mexico, for he afterwards returned thither, and died at Tampico in the year 1832.
Count Giuseppe Pecchio was another of those distinguished exiles in whose company Panizzi delighted. Their long correspondence reveals a close intimacy168. Pecchio, better known in England as the author of the “Semi-serious Observations of an Italian Exile during his Residence in England,” was also one of the victims of the ill-fated Piedmontese Revolution. England was his first refuge, and, after being engaged in various occupations, amongst others that of Italian teacher at Nottingham, he married an English lady, and, “post tot naufragia tutus,” took up his residence at Brighton.
The book, published at Lugano in 1827, contains amusing sketches169 of English life from a foreigner’s point of view; and after perusing170 it one can safely conclude that the Count was indebted for his inferences rather to imagination than to memory—perhaps to the two combined more than to actual facts.
59While residing in London Pecchio contemplated171 the production of a periodical, to which Panizzi was to be the chief contributor, with Messrs. Haywood and Roscoe as his supporters in addition to Silvia Pellico, who was about to be set free on occasion of the marriage of the Archduke Leopold, and whose presence was expected in the metropolis. This formed a strong company for the undertaking172, to which the promoters were justified173 in looking forward with no little hope of success. The attempt to start this periodical, however, proved futile174, and not even a number of it ever appeared.
On the 13th November, 1825, Pecchio wrote a letter to Panizzi, for the purpose of introducing a certain Miss E ****, telling him that he ought to appear as a Narcissus to captivate the young lady. Panizzi’s health, however, seemed at this time to fail him, and this he attributed to the severity of the winter season, which, as before stated, invariably affected him in a remarkable175 decree.
Possibly this may have been one cause of his indisposition. The Count, however, with some acuteness in deciding on symptoms, remarks: “The loss of one’s country is a wound which never heals; it is one of those pains which slowly destroy our own existence without our perceiving it.”
Sufficient space has, however, been allotted176 to Panizzi’s friends, and it is now time to return to Panizzi himself. His celebrity177 as a teacher of Italian and lecturer on that language was established at Liverpool. Before dilating178 upon his peculiar aptitude179 in this direction we must mention one feature in his 60character which will pre-eminently raise him in the estimation of all discerning readers. Miss Martin, one of his former pupils, knew him as a political exile in the time of his penury180; nevertheless, she well recollects and bears witness to his most high-spirited disinterestedness181 in pecuniary182 matters—in fact, his singular disregard of money.
The lectures on the Italian language, at which this lady was present, were delivered by him in the years 1824 and 1825 in English; they had been inaugurated by Mr. Roscoe, and were given at the Royal Institution, Liverpool, where, strange to say, no record of them has been kept.
The following anecdote45 related by Miss Martin may serve to illustrate183 the earnestness of his addresses. In reciting some of the lines of the “Gerusalemme Liberata,” where the anxious Crusaders first catch sight of the sacred city of Jerusalem:—
“Ecco apparir Gerusalem si vede,
Ecco additar Gerusalem si scorge;
Ecco da mille voci unitamente
Gerusalemme salutar si sente.—”
his eager eye glanced at the wall at the side of the lecture-room with such realistic animation184, and with such power over his hearers, that some of the audience turned to gaze on the vacant space as though the veritable towers and walls of Jerusalem had been thereon depicted185.
These lectures were never published. The following extracts, expressive186 of his personal feelings towards his auditors187 may, even at this distance of time, be not altogether devoid188 of interest.
61The first quotation189 is from the first of the lectures, written in the summer of 1824, and the second is from the concluding lecture of the series, delivered three years afterwards.
I.
If I dare to address you in your own language, it is neither because I have a vast confidence in my limited knowledge of it, nor because I am unaware190 how awkwardly a foreigner is situated on such an occasion. But since you do not honour me with your presence to ascertain how I am acquainted with your language, but to hear what my opinion is with respect to some poems written in my own, it is after all of very little consequence whether my diction be so correct and my pronunciation be pure, if I am but intelligible191. Having to speak of a foreign literature, I had still more reason to expect that the audience would liberally overlook my blunders; for the Italian quotations192 would remind those whose keen sense of the beauties of their own tongue might perchance dispose to pass a vigorous sentence on my English, how difficult it is to speak a foreign language tolerably.
These reasons alone might perhaps have induced me to trust to the liberality of an English public; but even without them, and with far more confidence would I have presented myself before you. Your kindness to me on former occasions, to which I shall only allude193 as no language at any length could do justice to it, would have been a sufficient encouragement to me. It was in this same place that without any claim to your favour, I met the most flattering reception. The repeated proofs of benevolence194 which I have received from you warrant me in expecting that you would continue to me the same support. I know you so well that I am as certain that you cannot be unkind, as I am conscious that I cannot be ungrateful.
The Lectures which I purpose delivering will form an appendix to those which you have already heard on Ariosto, on whose poem I shall not lecture this time. I am sensible of the disadvantage of such an omission195.
62
II.
I feel it would be indiscretion were I to trespass196 any longer upon your time, as I was inclined so to do on this last occasion. I shall therefore conclude, offering you my sincerest thanks for the kindness with which, sometimes even in spite of the enraged197 elements, you have honoured this course of lectures. I know full well that the subject must have been so agreeable to a choice audience like that by which I have been favoured, so as to be a powerful attraction for them to attend. But I cannot and will not think that I am indebted for your presence to the merits of the poems I lectured upon rather than to your benevolence to me. I have known Liverpool so long and so well, and have had so many occasions of experiencing the hospitality of its inhabitants, that my heart cannot allow me to think that you came to hear me as you would have done a stranger. I am not a stranger in this town to which the noblest of sentiments—gratitude—ties me. I beg you will continue to entertain for me the kind feelings which you have hitherto done, being certain that I am fully sensible of their value, and proud in thinking that you have not found—and I hope you never will find me either unworthy of them, or not appreciating them as fully as they deserve.
It is pleasing to trace in these words the grateful heart of Panizzi, reflecting as they do the warmth of his feelings, and acknowledging the kindness shown him by Liverpool friends at a time when he sadly needed sympathy and support; we now leave him, through such aid, in better worldly circumstances than he had but recently encountered.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
inspector
|
|
| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
formerly
|
|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
reclaim
|
|
| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
paternal
|
|
| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
initiated
|
|
| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
concealed
|
|
| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
inclination
|
|
| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
decided
|
|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
prudent
|
|
| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
athletic
|
|
| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
hospitable
|
|
| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
prone
|
|
| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
providence
|
|
| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
impending
|
|
| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
perils
|
|
| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
exhausted
|
|
| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
inquiries
|
|
| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
ascertain
|
|
| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
repose
|
|
| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
lasting
|
|
| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
kindly
|
|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
foresight
|
|
| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
endorsed
|
|
| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
reign
|
|
| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
perfectly
|
|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
fugitive
|
|
| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
rev
|
|
| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
philosophically
|
|
| adv.哲学上；富有哲理性地；贤明地；冷静地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
disposition
|
|
| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
thither
|
|
| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
thoroughly
|
|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
destitution
|
|
| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
recollects
|
|
| v.记起，想起( recollect的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
narrate
|
|
| v.讲，叙述 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
indigence
|
|
| n.贫穷 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
zest
|
|
| n.乐趣；滋味，风味；兴趣 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
celebrities
|
|
| n.（尤指娱乐界的）名人( celebrity的名词复数 )；名流；名声；名誉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
bestowed
|
|
| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
indefatigable
|
|
| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
anecdotes
|
|
| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
anecdote
|
|
| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
surfeit
|
|
| v.使饮食过度；n.(食物)过量，过度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
stimulate
|
|
| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
maxim
|
|
| n.格言，箴言 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
peculiar
|
|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
acting
|
|
| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
privately
|
|
| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
patriotic
|
|
| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
foe
|
|
| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
bosom
|
|
| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
quaint
|
|
| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
sincerity
|
|
| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
virtuous
|
|
| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
eulogy
|
|
| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
patriots
|
|
| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
affected
|
|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
dwelling
|
|
| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
conspicuous
|
|
| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
implicated
|
|
| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
invoking
|
|
| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
revered
|
|
| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
chamber
|
|
| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
contumacious
|
|
| adj.拒不服从的，违抗的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
arraigned
|
|
| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
enrolled
|
|
| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
sect
|
|
| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
judicial
|
|
| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
appraiser
|
|
| n.评价者，鉴定者，估价官 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
situated
|
|
| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
apothecary
|
|
| n.药剂师 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
fiscal
|
|
| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
proceedings
|
|
| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
proscribed
|
|
| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
overthrow
|
|
| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
lawful
|
|
| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
deposition
|
|
| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
aggregation
|
|
| n.聚合，组合；凝聚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
participation
|
|
| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
depositions
|
|
| 沉积（物）( deposition的名词复数 )； （在法庭上的）宣誓作证； 处置； 罢免 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
corroborated
|
|
| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的过去式 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
confession
|
|
| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
affiliated
|
|
| adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
imputed
|
|
| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
cod
|
|
| n.鳕鱼；v.愚弄；哄骗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
condemned
|
|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
condemn
|
|
| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
effigy
|
|
| n.肖像 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
confiscation
|
|
| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
chancellor
|
|
| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
promulgated
|
|
| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
vicissitudes
|
|
| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
celebrated
|
|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
metropolis
|
|
| n.首府；大城市 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
distinguished
|
|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
esteem
|
|
| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
influenza
|
|
| n.流行性感冒，流感 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
consolation
|
|
| n.安慰，慰问 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
veneration
|
|
| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
accusation
|
|
| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
postponed
|
|
| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
animated
|
|
| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
smitten
|
|
| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
sprightly
|
|
| adj.愉快的，活泼的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
Forsaken
|
|
| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
abode
|
|
| n.住处，住所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
compliance
|
|
| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
solicitation
|
|
| n.诱惑；揽货；恳切地要求；游说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
miserable
|
|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
incurring
|
|
| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
absolve
|
|
| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
audacity
|
|
| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
benign
|
|
| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
sterling
|
|
| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
honourable
|
|
| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
diabolical
|
|
| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
detailed
|
|
| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
treasury
|
|
| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
microscopical
|
|
| adj.显微镜的，精微的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
fatuous
|
|
| adj.愚昧的；昏庸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
beatific
|
|
| adj.快乐的，有福的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
remit
|
|
| v.汇款，汇寄；豁免（债务），免除（处罚等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
payable
|
|
| adj.可付的，应付的，有利益的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
lodging
|
|
| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
gratis
|
|
| adj.免费的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
consummate
|
|
| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
emanate
|
|
| v.发自，来自，出自 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
creditors
|
|
| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
absolved
|
|
| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
severely
|
|
| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
derived
|
|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
genial
|
|
| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
lodged
|
|
| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
hazy
|
|
| adj.有薄雾的，朦胧的；不肯定的，模糊的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
conspiracy
|
|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
supreme
|
|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
mutual
|
|
| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
robust
|
|
| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
adept
|
|
| adj.老练的，精通的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
versed
|
|
| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
tragic
|
|
| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
anarchy
|
|
| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
versatile
|
|
| adj.通用的，万用的；多才多艺的，多方面的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
vile
|
|
| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
submission
|
|
| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
scruple
|
|
| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
liking
|
|
| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
infamous
|
|
| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
aspiration
|
|
| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
livelihood
|
|
| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
hazardous
|
|
| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
conjugating
|
|
| vt.使结合（conjugate的现在分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
deplore
|
|
| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
imprisonment
|
|
| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
scant
|
|
| adj.不充分的，不足的；v.减缩，限制，忽略 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
advancement
|
|
| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
colonization
|
|
| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
brutality
|
|
| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
battered
|
|
| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
interval
|
|
| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
remodelling
|
|
| v.改变…的结构[形状]( remodel的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
antipathy
|
|
| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
intimacy
|
|
| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
sketches
|
|
| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
perusing
|
|
| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的现在分词 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
contemplated
|
|
| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
172
undertaking
|
|
| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
173
justified
|
|
| a.正当的，有理的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
174
futile
|
|
| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
175
remarkable
|
|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
176
allotted
|
|
| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
177
celebrity
|
|
| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
178
dilating
|
|
| v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
179
aptitude
|
|
| n.(学习方面的)才能，资质，天资 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
180
penury
|
|
| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
181
disinterestedness
|
|
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
182
pecuniary
|
|
| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
183
illustrate
|
|
| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
184
animation
|
|
| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
185
depicted
|
|
| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
186
expressive
|
|
| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
187
auditors
|
|
| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
188
devoid
|
|
| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
189
quotation
|
|
| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
190
unaware
|
|
| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
191
intelligible
|
|
| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
192
quotations
|
|
| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
193
allude
|
|
| v.提及，暗指 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
194
benevolence
|
|
| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
195
omission
|
|
| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
196
trespass
|
|
| n./v.侵犯，闯入私人领地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
197
enraged
|
|
| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |