Panizzi being established in Liverpool in 1826, it may be concluded (and, indeed, in a letter to be presently quoted he admits as much) that he was now earning sufficient to satisfy his immediate2 wants, and to enable him to enjoy a certain degree of luxury. He resided at 93 Mount Pleasant, an eminence3 overlooking the town, and celebrated4 in Roscoe’s poem of the same name. From the invitations he received, constantly dining out, it may be inferred he moved in the best society and was leading a comfortable life. Far otherwise was it with Ugo Foscolo, his fellow-exile. For Foscolo, of whose celebrity5 in England, as of the reverence6 paid to his name by the youth of his native Italy, Giuseppe Mazzini writes so warmly, was now living in London in a state bordering on destitution7.
“Stern and somewhat aggressive in temperament,” says Mazzini, speaking of Foscolo, “his mind nourished 64and fortified8 by severe study, little calculated for laying new foundations, but endowed with mighty9 faculties10 for destruction, he effectually overthrew11 (except for those who bow down kindly12 before precedents) a whole edifice13 of errors which barred the way to the study of Dante. In his different writings, especially in his “Discorso sul Testo,” etc., etc., etc., he cleared the ground for a better understanding of the ‘Commedia’ and the poet.”
Ugo Foscolo
This estimate of Foscolo’s character was founded entirely14 on reading and reports, and seeing that the two famous refugees had no personal knowledge of each other—indeed had never met—must be taken as an eulogium rather of the genius than the moral worth of the great writer.
Though doubtless much might be said on this topic, our space and the purpose of this memoir15 forbid our dwelling16 at any length on the subject. For Foscolo’s genius as writer and poet, Panizzi—as who would not, even without his shrewd discernment?—ever entertained the profoundest respect; but in a somewhat important qualification, strict adherence17 to truth, he detected a slight deficiency. However, he made 65every allowance for this failing in a man of superior endowments, and felt the deepest sympathy with one of so great attainments18 reduced to such ignoble19 shifts. It is but too true that Foscolo wrote his famous book, “Discorso sul Testo, etc.,” and other of his last works under the pressure of extreme poverty and in continual dread20 of his creditors21, which rendered his bodily sufferings the more intolerable, and caused him alarm lest want of bread should put a stop to his literary labours.
It is unnecessary to give further details of Foscolo’s life. They were better known to Panizzi than to any one else, and he alone could have narrated22 the true story of the experiences of his illustrious friend. The biographers of the former have unaccountably and unpardonably neglected to take due cognizance of the intimacy23 which subsisted24 between the two.
The first letter, written by Panizzi to Foscolo from Liverpool, and dated 25th February, 1826, is long and most interesting. Herein he recalls to his friend’s memory that it was just thirty months since he laid the foundation of all that the writer possessed25, and proceeds in the following grateful strain: “Were it possible for me to forget my own country, I could not certainly forget Liverpool. If the misery26 of selling articles and verbs were not such as to freeze one’s blood, I might say that I live, yet I only vegetate27; even this is due to you.”
Of Foscolo’s “Discorso sul Testo” of Dante, Panizzi always expressed the highest admiration28. “It would be impossible,” he writes of his friend’s magnum opus, “to describe how much superior your work seems to me, 66compared with those hitherto made known, not only in Italy, but by any critic elsewhere. Being a great admirer of Dante, in whom I find the greatest comfort of my exile, I paid last month a visit to the Bodleian, where I saw thirteen manuscripts of the ‘Divina Commedia.’ I have ready a minute description of each, which I have written in the shape of a letter, with the intention of sending it to the ‘Antologia,’ a paper more Italian in feeling, and less slavish than the others; but if you would like to see it, I shall most willingly send it to you. I may add that not far from here there is another manuscript of Dante, which, according to Mr. Roscoe, is well worth consulting; I propose seeing it next Easter. Mr. Coke, of Holkham, also possesses other MSS. and has kindly offered to send them to my house, that I may have an opportunity of studying them at leisure.”
The splendid library at Holkham had been, in 1812, carefully examined and catalogued by Mr. Roscoe, who was immensely impressed with its value and importance.
“Such MSS. of Dante,” he writes to a friend, “drawings of the old masters, treasures of European history—you have no idea ... besides beautifully illuminated30 MSS. on vellum of many of the Latin classics, a most exquisite31 Boccaccio, a very fine old Dante.”
In the catalogue the following note is written by Roscoe: “For a transcript32 of this very difficult MS. of Boccaccio, by Signor Antonio Panizzi, see the illustrations in Vol. VIII. of this catalogue.”
67Next, if not equal in value to the “Discorso sul Testo,” in Panizzi’s estimation, was another work of Foscolo’s. This was “La Commedia di Dante Alighieri illustrata da Ugo Foscolo.” (London: 8vo., 1825). It may be mentioned that the preface to the first vol. of a later edition (1842) of this book, signed “un Italiano,” was written by Mazzini. Panizzi reviewed “La Commedia” (it was his first attempt at criticism in the English language) in the Westminster Review (vol. 7, p. 153).
This will amply repay perusal33. The sincerity34 of the writer’s patriotism35, and the manner in which it serves to enhance his interest in the great poet of his native country, will probably attract the reader’s attention at the outset. The philological36 contest in which Dante was engaged—his conclusions (set forth37 in his “De Vulgari Eloquio”), on the true origin of the Italian language, by which he so much disgusted his Florentine compatriots,—his own life and greater works,—the relations of the different powers by whose influence Italy was chiefly affected39,—the spiritual in jeopardy40 of its existence in its own home, and externally the temporal, on which it mainly relied for support,—are all brought under notice, and skilfully41 treated.
Reference has been made to the “Westminster Review,” and as that periodical is easily accessible it is unnecessary to destroy the reader’s interest by extracting from the article in question.
Meanwhile Foscolo still continued his correspondence with Panizzi, furnishing him with details of his troubles. Serious differences seem to have arisen 68between him and Mr. Pickering, the publisher of his projected works, whose treatment of him he describes as shameful42. Neither is Mr. Brougham spared; Foscolo had employed him to heal the breach43 between Mr. Pickering and himself; and these are the terms in which he mentions the services rendered:—“Brougham, at first, offered to take the matter to heart, but allowed it to drop, because I have no money to carry on the suit. He has acted as a lawyer, and wisely too; I shall also act wisely by having nothing more to do with him.”
It is somewhat difficult to discover from these words the exact part Brougham took in the matter. To substantiate44 the charges brought by Foscolo against men of acknowledged worth is against our inclination45, nor have we the opportunity of clearly knowing their nature. In writing a memoir of Panizzi it is but just to remark that, so far as the worthy46 publisher is concerned, he entertained the highest opinion of Pickering up to the last, as a man of taste, of great knowledge, and of indisputable private worth. These accusations47, in all probability without foundation, possibly created in their recipient’s mind his before-mentioned suspicion of his friend’s entire trustworthiness, a suspicion he almost publicly divulged48 in 1871, when Foscolo’s remains49 were about to be removed from Chiswick to a more honourable50 grave in Santa Croce, Florence.
In the summer of the year 1826, Foscolo reached the lowest depth of his poverty. Persecuted51 on all sides by his creditors, he hid, or rather, as he wrote, buried himself alive. “I send you my new address, 69you are the only person who will be acquainted with it, 19, Henrietta-street, Brunswick-square, let nobody know it, now or ever, and if in town, I can offer you a bed, and thus prevent your portmanteau from being ransacked52 by some London hotel-keeper.” At this period (painful to relate), he evidently meditated53 suicide. “The virile54 act of voluntary death becomes dreadful, when committed through poverty. I must, in order to proceed with my work, take care of myself; and have imitated you, in finding a few humble55 families, to whom I give lessons at three shillings each.” Of these lessons he could give no more than six a week, having in hand another important work, also on Dante, in which he requested the assistance of Panizzi who possessed some valuable notes on the subject. This aid was readily afforded. Panizzi, however, who wished to serve his friend to the utmost urged Foscolo to visit Liverpool; and, as a compensation for his expenses, proposed that he should deliver six lectures at the Royal Institution, on Tasso and Ariosto, during the space of three weeks, and receive for this ￡50. In the letter suggesting this he says:—“I do not care for these lectures myself; having so many friends I am obliged to give away tickets to, in return for their dinners and tea-parties. Come, and write, never mind the postage, for I had sooner deprive myself of a good dinner than one of your letters. Moreover I am not in want.”
As to the subject of giving lessons the writer remarked: “How much better it is to sell articles, nouns, and verbs than to stretch forth your hand and ask for assistance from those generous, miserable56, 70proud rich people whose rude manners make one unwillingly57 ungrateful. When I think that Macchiavelli acted the pedagogo to live I may well be proud of my present position. There will be no more of this soon. Courage, my dear friend, the storm will clear up before long, and the serene58 sky will also return for you.”
It would appear by this letter that the political atmosphere of Liverpool had affected Panizzi in a manner that may seem strange to some of our readers. That the little “nuances” of character, which he notes as distinguishing the members of our different political parties, may be discerned by a keen observer, and the causes of their existence perceived, is not impossible; they seem to have struck him very forcibly, as a foreigner, in his short experience. Of the three sections as they existed at that time (it would be interesting to know his opinion of parties more recently) he remarks not less strongly than naively60: “D—n the English Liberals! my experience (Roscoe and Shepherd excepted) shows me that the Tories are more polite than the Whigs, and much more so than the Radicals61.”
Poor Ugo Foscolo, who, for some reason, had been unable to accept the invitation to Liverpool, and whom misfortune seemed to have marked for her own, died in London in penury62 on the 10th September, 1827. His death was at once announced to Panizzi by Giulio Bossi. The few books he left behind were purchased by some of his remaining friends; Panizzi bought as many as his means allowed him, and these he distributed among the most distinguished63 admirers 71of the deceased, one of whom was Mr. Macaulay, who acknowledged the presentation in the following letter:—
October 4, 1827.
Your letter was acceptable to me as a mark of kind remembrance, but it is quite unnecessary as an apology. I assure you that I considered myself, and not you, as the offending person on the occasion to which you refer. I hope, however, that either here or in Liverpool we shall hereafter enjoy many meetings without any such cross accident.
I have not yet found time to read your kind present, poor Foscolo’s book. I hope soon to be able to study it, which I shall do with additional interest on his account and on yours.
Yours, &c., &c.,
T. B. Macaulay.
No doubt the untimely death of Foscolo under such lamentable64 circumstances grieved his friend deeply; but it must have been to him a consolation65 that he had endeavoured to assuage66 the exile’s sufferings, although, as has been stated, the generous offer was not accepted. It is such sympathy for our fellow-man which stamps the character, and imparts to it the true ring of charity and worth.
The year 1828 may be said to have been the turning-point in Panizzi’s career, for it was then his departure from Liverpool took place. In that populous67 town, by his own personal merits and ability, he had won for himself, if not quite the traditional golden opinions of all sorts of men, at least that well-deserved meed of praise and respect to which all aspire68. To this a contemporary bears witness and writes of him, “that he never abused a friend’s kindness, but always availed himself of it in a becoming 72manner, turning it to good account for himself, and at the same time reflecting honour upon him who bestowed69 it.”
Lord Brougham
Conspicuous71 amongst his friends was Mr. Brougham, then one of the most active members of the Council for the new University of London, now known as University College. At this college Panizzi was asked to occupy the chair of Italian Literature, an offer made to him solely72 through the influence of Brougham, with whom he became intimate in the spring of 1827, when they proceeded in company to Lancaster, to attend the famous trial of the Wakefield family, for conspiracy73 and the abduction of Miss Ellen Turner, who had been a pupil of Panizzi. That, among all the vicissitudes74 of his life, he had not forgotten his former cunning, appears from the statement that he rendered important assistance in this case, by his knowledge of law in general, and particularly, as might be supposed, of Roman law.
After serious and anxious consideration the offer of this professorship was accepted, mainly at the instigation of his learned friend, who strongly urged it upon him. This determination was not arrived at without much reluctance76 and regret; for, indeed, he was loth to abandon his friends at Liverpool, which he now regarded as his second home. His appointment bears 73date, May, 1828, but it was not till the 1st of October following that the college was formally opened.
Four days afterwards Brougham wrote to Lord Grey “that the delight of all who have been admitted to the university was perfect.... The professors and all concerned are therefore in the highest spirits.”
Amongst those who felt Panizzi’s departure from Liverpool most keenly was Roscoe, who, now in his sixty-fifth year, had become thoroughly77 accustomed to his frequent visits, and took the greatest delight in his conversation. The old savant, however, spared no trouble in giving him letters of introduction to friends, amongst them one to Samuel Rogers.
Samuel Rogers
“This is intended to be delivered to you by my highly-valued friend, Signor Antonio Panizzi, professor of the Italian language in the London University, who lived some years in Liverpool, whence he is now returning, after visiting the numerous friends whom he has made during his residence here. He is probably already known to you by his literary works, particularly his edition of Bojardo and Ariosto, now publishing; in addition to which I beg leave to add my testimony78, not only to his abilities as an elegant scholar, but to his experienced worth as a sincere friend, and to his character as a man. It is, therefore, with great satisfaction, that I introduce him to your better acquaintance, 74being convinced that it cannot fail of being productive of pleasure and advantage to both.”
Panizzi, on his appointment as Professor, took up his abode79 at No. 2, Gower Street, North, close to the college, and delivered his first lecture in November, 1828. As was the case with his Liverpool lectures, so with these. They do not seem to have been reported, consequently no record remains. In 1837 he resigned the Professor’s chair.
The first of his London publications (“Extract from Italian Prose Writers, for the use of Students in the London University”) appeared in 1828, and was followed, soon afterwards, by “An Elementary Italian Grammar.” In addition to the compilation80 of these works, he now began to contribute frequently to the Reviews. The first of these contributions appeared in the Foreign Review and Continental81 Miscellany; it was a criticism of a work entitled “I Lombardi alia prima Crociata. T. Grassi. Milo., 1826. 8vo.” This was followed by another, a very interesting review of the “Storia d’Italia dal 1789 al 1814, da Carlo Botta. 8 vols. 1824. 12mo.” To this last the critic extends at least as much justice as mercy, and spares no pains to refute (which he does by the clearest evidence) many of the statements put forward in the work as historical facts. Of the author he gives the following notice:—
“A Piedmontese physician, who, in 1794, after two years’ imprisonment82 in Piedmont, for his warm support of the principles of the French Revolution, made his escape (Heaven knows how!) to France, and was employed in his professional capacity in the 75French army. When this army entered Piedmont, Botta fought with it against the King and his country. He went to Corfu in the capacity of army physician. The King of Piedmont having been obliged to abdicate83, the French General, Joubert, appointed a provisional government, which the historian, of course, mentions with high eulogium, inasmuch as of this very government Signor Botta was a worthy member.”
As to his diction, the reviewer says:—“We wish not to criticize minutely Signor Botta’s style.... The Italian edition, however, we have read, and, save only school-boy themes and college exercises, more coldness, stiffness, and affectation is scarcely to be found.”
Apart, however, from the historical blunders and style of the work, another cause existed to call forth the hostile criticism of Panizzi. This will appear from the opening passage of the review, which runs thus:—“The name of Carlo Botta has long been known as that of an historian. While yet a member of the legislative84 body, during the reign59 of Napoleon, he published at Paris a ‘History of American Independence.’ Whether it so happened that his notions on liberty have been since wonderfully revolutionized, or his bitter vituperations of England and laudatory85 tropes in favour of America, propitiated86 the then rancorous hatred87 of the French towards this nation we know not, but his work was eminently88 successful.”
Undoubtedly89 it was Botta’s ill-feeling towards England, more than the demerits of the work itself, which called for such severe and scathing90 comments. 76The review was translated into Italian, and circulated amongst Botta’s compatriots.
Other articles on various subjects appeared in the same journal up to the year 1830.
The new college, though happily inaugurated, did not attract so many students to the lessons in the Italian language and literature as might have been anticipated, and the expected emoluments91 of the Professor fell proportionately short; nevertheless his reputation as a sound scholar and acute critic increased daily, and his circle of friends widely extended. Mr. Brougham, who assiduously cultivated his society, lost no opportunity of introducing him to the leading literary personages of the period, and to the most prominent members of the Liberal party. Among the former was Lady Dacre, whose translations from Petrarch were highly valued, yet not beyond their merit, by some of the ablest critics of the time. To her Panizzi was introduced in the following note from Brougham:—
‘March 3, 1829.
“My dear Lady Dacre,—This will be presented to you by Professor Panizzi, of whom my brother has already spoken to you, and of whom it is quite impossible to say too much, either as regards his accomplishments92 or his excellent amiable93 qualities.
Yours, etc., etc., H. Brougham.”
The acquaintance thus formed ripened94 into a lasting95 friendship. Of the frequent correspondence which this led to the chief and most interesting examples are the views exchanged on the interpretation96 of various passages from Dante and Petrarch. Lady 77Dacre, in fact, began very shortly to regard Panizzi as her literary adviser97; and some years later, on the publication of her work, “Translations from the Italian” (1836), makes the following grateful mention of him:—“I have of late years been so fortunate as to make the acquaintance of Mr. Panizzi, of the British Museum, and to obtain also his approbation98 of these English versions of his great national poet. It is by his advice and that of other high authorities that I now make this collection of my attempts.”
Lady Dacre’s letters are beyond measure charming. The elegance99 of mind and purity of taste pervading100 them, with the rare beauty of their tone and style, must cause any one who may happen to have read them, though knowing nothing before, nor having even heard of Lady Dacre, to regret that the amiable and accomplished101 translator of Petrarch is not more extensively appreciated.
A passage from one of her earlier letters seems worth extracting, as showing her estimate of the best known English translator of Dante, although the comments it calls for may lead to a slight digression from the line of the narrative102:—“As to Cary’s translation of ‘La Divina Commedia,’ I still hold translating Dante as an impossibility.... Cary does not satisfy me, for, as he gave himself all the latitude103 of blank verse, I cannot help thinking he might have done more justice to the gems104.”
With the opinion expressed in the first clause of this extract few will disagree. Lady Dacre, indeed, might have extended her sentence to other poets besides Dante, and, it may be said, to poets in general of any marked eminence.
78Of these poets, or of any save those of the second or third class, to which may be added certain of the satirical and didactic category, it is not too much to assert that nothing that could be called a sufficient translation has yet been accomplished. By translation is here meant not a mere106 rendering107, however faithful and intelligent, of the words, phrases, and plain meaning, but a transfusion108, by the translator’s own genius, of the spirit of the original into the ordinary diction, idioms and peculiarities109 of another language. Pope and Dryden have, perhaps, arrived nearest this result; but, too great themselves, they have so imbued111 their greater originals with their own spirit—a spirit in many respects differing widely from the classical, that their versions may with more justice be called paraphrases112 than translations. Still, if there are degrees of impossibility, Dante is fully29 entitled to a place in the first class of such impossibilities.
To Lady Dacre’s assertion, however, of the facility which Cary ought to have derived113 from his use of blank verse, exception may well be taken. Although in some cases, as in translating Petrarch, it may be difficult, and in others, as in rendering certain classic metres, impossible, to reproduce in the alien language the exact form of verse employed in the original (and with the form of his verse, it must be observed, the spirit of the poet is always indissolubly connected), yet it is necessary to a good and true translation that this course should be adopted wherever practicable. Dante is a rhymed poet, and the system both of his rhymes and of his verse is by no means uncommon115 in English poetry; to none, it might be supposed, more 79familiar than to Lady Dacre. For this reason alone it would appear that if Dante, of all poets, is to be clothed anew in English garb116, the most fitting attire117 for him would not be blank verse.
These remarks are merely by the way, our work is not particularly concerned with poetry, but with the life of Panizzi, who was then (1829) engaged upon his “Orlando Innamorato di Bojardo: Orlando Furioso di Ariosto: with an Essay on the Romantic Narrative Poetry of the Italians; Memoirs118, and Notes by Antonio Panizzi.” 9 vols. 8vo. London, 1830-34.
Ariosto
The first volume of this edition, dedicated119 to his benefactor120 Roscoe, contains a dissertation121 on Italian Romantic Poetry, with analyses of the “Teseide” of Boccaccio, the “Morgante” of Luigi Pulci, and the “Mambriano” of Francesco Bello, besides other Italian romantic epics122. The second volume is prefaced by a memoir of Bojardo, with an essay making him full amends123 for the long usurpation124 of his fame by his adaptor Berni. It also contains a life of Ariosto.
The corrupt125 text of the “Orlando Innamorato” is restored, with great acumen126 (from a collation127 of rare editions, principally contributed by the Right Hon. Thomas Grenville and Earl Spencer), and, as well as that of the “Furioso” (published later on, 1834), is accompanied by long and learned notes in English, “from an idea that they would prove more acceptable 80to the English reader, who will gladly excuse any errors, when he reflects that, had I not preferred his language, he would not have enjoyed the beautiful translations by Lady Dacre; W. S. Rose, Esq., and W. Sotheby, Esq., which adorn128 this introductory essay.”
The first part is well worthy the consideration of such as are curious in tracing the windings129 of the stream of civilization from its fountain head. In this, with great ingenuity130, the author describes the passions and incidents of the most remarkable131 period in the history of medi?val times—the age of chivalry132—which institution he attributes to Celtic sources. Chivalry raised Europe from its barbarous condition. Every institution, indeed, is of lowly origin. Love, naturally a brutal133 appetite, only becomes refined by emulation134 among men, advancing knowledge, and civilization. Panizzi (p. 29) tells us that the Italians were indebted to the popular songs sung in the north for their long prose romances, giving, as an example of the most popular and inspiriting of these songs, the Lays of Roland and Charlemagne, sung by Taillefer, the Norman standard-bearer who led the charge at the battle of Hastings. “If,” Panizzi continues, at p. 34, “the original destination of poetry were in every nation of the world to celebrate the glorious actions of heroes, one of the provinces of England, possessing one of the most ancient languages extant, would seem to have surpassed all other countries in the application of the art. All the chivalrous135 fictions, since spread throughout Europe, appear to have had their birth in Wales.... So famous were their lays in France, 81that the French trouvères were accustomed to cite the British originals as vouchers136 for the truth of their stories, while some of them were translated by Marie de France. A glance at these translations will show the lays to be of British origin.”
To this ingenious theory it is difficult, without considerable further inquiry137, to give so unqualified an assent138 as the Editor of Bojardo appears to have done. The subject, however, opens up a field of discussion far too wide to be entered into in this biography.
Besides Panizzi’s valuable notes, his work is further embellished139 with a selection from Lady Dacre’s translations from Petrarch. The peculiar110 skill with which this most elegant authoress could transfer to her own language the graces of her Italian original will be best presented to the reader by an example of her art:—
And Forisene was in her heart aware,
That love of her was Oliver’s sole care.
And because Love not willingly excuses
One who is loved, and loveth not again;
(For tyrannous were deem’d the rule he uses,
Should they who sue for pity sue in vain;
What gracious lord his faithful liege refuses?)
So when the gentle dame140 perceived the pain,
That well-nigh wrought141 to death her valiant142 knight143,
Her melting heart began his love requite144.
And from her eyes soft beamed the answering ray,
That Oliver’s soul-thrilling glance returns;
Love in these gleamy lightnings loves to play,
Till but one flame two youthful bosoms145 burns.
Or Forisena intanto come astuta
Dell’ amor d’ Ulivier s’era avveduta.
82E perchè amor malvolentier perdona
Ch’ e’ non sia alfin sempre amato chi ama,
E non saria sua legge giusta e buona,
Di non trovar merzè chi pur la chiama;
Nè giusto sire il suo servo abbandona:
Poi che s’accorse questa gentil dama,
Come per lei si moriva il Marchese,
Subito tutta del suo amor s’accese.
E cominciò con1 gli occhi a rimandare
Indietro a Ulivier gli ardenti dardi
Che amor sovente gli facea gettare
Acciò che solo un foco due cor ardi.
When the work was published, copies were presented by the author to his most intimate friends, and he received, amongst others, the following letters of acknowledgment:—
From Mr. W. S. Rose[B] (whose ire at Pickering’s device is not altogether unjustifiable):—
“Brighton, 29 April, 1830.
“Dear Panizzi,
I have seen nothing to quarrel with in your book, but will read it again, and with a more exceptious disposition146.
If Pickering be not squeezed to death in his own press, his nose at least ought to be rubbed in his own frontispieces (I mean title-pages) while the ink is still wet, ... as an appropriate punishment. I do not blame him for his imitation, but for his bad imitation, of Aldus. His symbol and disposition of words are not offensive.
83
Compare this with Mr. Pickering’s.
Anglus is not an adjective.
Why have we Arabic instead of Roman numerals? which would have harmonized with the rest of the letterpress.
Ever yours,
W. S. Rose.”
B. Wm. Stewart Rose was born in 1775. He resided in Italy for two years, during which time he acquired the most accurate knowledge of the language and literature of the country. In 1823 he began a condensed translation in prose and verse of Bojardo’s Orlando Innamorato and Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso. He died in 1843.
84From Roscoe:—
“Lodge Lane, May 1st, 1830.
“My dear Friend,
I have just received a copy of the first volume of your edition of the great works of Bojardo and of Ariosto, and feel myself greatly obliged by the honour you have done me by dedicating them to me; an honour to which I have no pretensions147 but in the partiality of your friendship, which renders such a memorial of it truly valuable.
I flatter myself that through the blessing148 of Providence149 I may yet be favoured with such a state of health as may enable me to enjoy the perusal of this introductory volume, from which I anticipate great pleasure.
I am, with the sincerest esteem150 and attachment151,
Ever faithfully yours,
W. Roscoe.”
And from Macaulay, dated “Calcutta, 1st January, 1835.” (This letter has reference not only to Panizzi’s “Orlando Innamorato,” but to another work of his, shortly to be mentioned, that is, the edition of Bojardo.)
“Dear Panizzi,
Many thanks for your kind and welcome present. It was acceptable to me on account of its intrinsic interest, and still more acceptable as a proof that I am kindly remembered by one by whom I should be sorry to be forgotten.
In two years or little more I shall be on my return to England. There, or, as I would rather hope, in your own beautiful country, we shall meet, and talk over that fine literature which you have done so much to illustrate152. I have never given up my intention of writing a review of your edition of Bojardo. I never found time to read the poem through in England. But here I have had that pleasure, and have been exceedingly gratified both by the text and the 85notes. I read Berni’s Rifacimento long ago. But I like Bojardo better.
At present my official duties take up a great and increasing portion of my time.
The hours before breakfast are still my own. But I give them to ancient literature.
It is but little that I have lately been able to spare to Italian, yet I feel all that Milton has so beautifully expressed,
Quamquam etiam vestri nunquam meminisse pigebit,
Pastores Tusci, Musis operata juventus;
Hic Charis, atque Lepos; et Tuscus, tu quoque, Damon,
Antiqua genus unde petis Lucumonis ab urbe.
O, ego105 quantus eram, gelidi cum stratus ad Arni
Murmura, populeumque nemus, qua mollior herba,
Carpere nunc violas, nunc summas carpere myrtos,
Et potui Lycid? certantem audire Menalcam![C]
But of these things we shall have opportunities of talking hereafter.
Believe me ever, yours, &c., &c.,
T. B. Macaulay.”
Macaulay, no doubt, intended to bestow70 on Panizzi’s book something more than a mere acknowledgment of its presentation. In a letter addressed to Macvey Napier, dated 29 April, 1830, he says:—“There are two subjects on which I think of writing for the next number (of the ‘Edinburgh Review’). ‘The Romantic Poetry of the Italians’ is one of them. A book on the subject has just been published by my friend Panizzi, Professor in the London University, which will afford a good opportunity. I have long had this project in my head.”
C. Epitaphium Damonis, line 125, sqq.
86On the 16th October, 1830, he, however, writes again, saying, “My article on the Italian Poets must be postponed154 till the spring.” And again on the 8th October, 1838, writing from London, to Napier, “I think of writing an article on Panizzi’s edition of Bojardo, with some remarks on the romantic poetry of the Italians generally. This I can do as well, indeed better, on my journey than in London. I will try to send it off by the middle of December, or earlier.”
The intention, however, thus twice, at all events, expressed, was never carried into effect, and an essay which would probably have taken its place with the best of Macaulay’s has been lost to the world.
From what has been said it will seem that the book received due appreciation155 from some, at least, of those well capable of judging of its value.
This short notice of its reception would be incomplete were all account omitted of a curious but somewhat unpleasant episode in the history of the work in question, to touch upon which it is necessary to anticipate a little the course of events. The fons et origo mali is best told in Panizzi’s own words, which are taken from a letter dated 27th March, 1835, and addressed to the proprietors156 of The Foreign Quarterly Review:—
“In the last number of The Foreign Quarterly Review (called XXIX., but in fact No. 1 by your editor) (Vol. XV., p. 48), there is a lucubration on Italian Romantic Poetry, in the shape of an article on the Orlando Innamorato and Furioso, edited by me, in which occurs the following passage, intended, I suppose, as a sample of the courteous157 and gentlemanly 87style of literary criticism which is to grace this journal under the new régime:—
“The present beautiful edition of these poems has been prepared by a gentleman named Panizzi, one of those Italians who have been obliged to fly their country for their political opinions—a circumstance, by the way, as our readers must be aware, no ways conclusive158 in proof of the moral dignity of the exiled patriots38’ souls. Anytus, we know, was one of the men of the Pir?us who delivered Athens from her Thirty Tyrants159, and yet Anytus was afterwards one of the accusers of Socrates! To this a case somewhat parallel will presently appear. In his own country Mr. Panizzi was, as we are assured, utterly160 unknown as a man of letters; here, through the patronage161 of the ex-Chancellor162 chiefly, he enjoys the barren honour of being professor of Italian in the University of London, and the substantial situation of one of the Under-Librarians of the British Museum. He is also, we understand, engaged for a handsome remuneration to catalogue the library of the Royal Society,—two appointments which gave great offence to those narrow-minded persons who think that charity should begin at home, and that deserving Englishmen of letters, who have families to support, and are able to write out the titles of books as well as a foreigner, might have been found without any very anxious search. Be this as it may, Mr. Panizzi, we believe, performs the duties of his office in a most efficient manner, and he is not ungrateful, but seems perfectly163 content with his lot, for while his “co-mates and brothers in exile” are sighing after the beautiful country they have lost, not a murmur153 or a sigh ever escapes him. Mr. Panizzi writes and speaks English with facility, as is proved by the present work, though what motive164 but vanity could have induced him to employ it in preference to his beautiful mother-language, we are unable to conceive; for, surely, any one who is curious about the original text of the Orlando Innamorato, must feel rather offended than otherwise at being presented with English notes. This dexterity165 in 88writing our language has also tempted166 Mr. Panizzi to become a reviewer: and here it is that his character appears in a most unpleasant light, and he becomes, as we have just hinted, a kind of literary Anytus. In conversation and in writing he is the incessant167, and we may add virulent168, assailant of the literary reputation of his illustrious compatriot, Rossetti, whose Comment on Dante, that extraordinary monument of erudition and sagacity, he would fain make the world believe to be a tissue of ignorance and absurdity169. Nay170, should any friend of Mr. Panizzi’s even hint that he is disposed to regard Rossetti’s system as well founded, his own works, if he has published any, will be made to feel the wrath171 of the learned librarian. But we leave the critic, and turn to the essayist and annotator172.’”
On these strictures, just as fair as they are to the point, with reference to his character as an author, Panizzi pertinently173 remarks:—
“Did you choose an editor to start a magazine of calumnies174, or to continue a review of works? If the latter was your object, can you say what the above slang has to do with the Italian Romantic Poetry, and my edition of Bojardo and Ariosto?... That I was utterly unknown in Italy as a man of letters, when, scarcely twenty-five years of age, I fled the country, is perfectly true; and, had I continued there, I doubt not that I should have died without ever being known as such; but the question propounded175 is, whether my edition of Bojardo and Ariosto is good or bad? As the Reviewer says that ‘it has everything to recommend it,’ is it discreditable to me that I should have turned a man of letters, when driven into exile with nothing in the world but my head, which I had the wit to keep on my shoulders, although not without trouble?
‘Indignata malis mens est succumbere: seque
Pr?stitit invictam viribus usa suis.
* * * * * *
89En ego cum patria caream gazisque domoque,
Raptaque sint, adimi qu? potuere mihi;
Ingenio tamen ipse meo comitorque fruorque.
Hostis in hoc potuit juris habere nihil.’”[D]
D. Paraphrased:—
Uprising in unconquer’d strength, the soul
Scornfully braves the storms of fate.
* * * * * *
So I, bereft176 of fortune, house, and home—
Of all that could be torn away,
My talents still retain and can employ:
O’er these no foe177 has aught of power.
What seems especially to have aroused Panizzi’s anger (and herein may be remarked his sincere affection for the land of his refuge and rest), was that he should be called a “foreigner.” If to be domiciled in England and naturalized by an act of her legislature makes a man an Englishman, then was he an Englishman to all the then necessary intents and purposes. “It is true,” says he, “that I am not ungrateful; I love my adoptive country as much as the one wherein I was born, and being able to gain a very honourable and independent subsistence, by making use of those talents which Providence has been pleased to bestow on me, no wonder that I do not allow murmurs178 and sighs to escape me.” His alleged179 disposition towards Rossetti, the foundation for which he declares to have been derived from advantage taken of certain private conversation, grossly misrepresented by his reviewer, he thus vindicates180 from a charge which he declares to be “utterly false.”
“I dissent181 from Mr. Rossetti’s views concerning Dante; but I have a high opinion of his talents and acquirements; I respect them too much to be virulent 90when speaking of his works, which I do not incessantly182 attack. The contrary assertion made by the reviewer is a wilful183 and deliberate falsehood, charitably invented and propagated to cause mischief184 and strife185 between Mr. Rossetti and myself. I once stated freely my reasons for differing from Mr. Rossetti’s system concerning Dante; but I then said, that I knew him to be a very clever man, and I added that his writings on the subject do much honour to his ingenuity, and his very mistakes indicate a lively imagination. Is this the language of ‘a virulent assailant’?”
In treating another passage in the article our author displays, as well he may, more of contempt than anger. His reviewer, one Mr. Keightley, drew a comparison between Panizzi’s literary merits and his own—by no means in favour of the former, a practice, though decidedly blameable, not so rare as to call for lengthy186 notice here. A couple of sonnets187 translated from Bojardo by this same Mr. Keightley are actually inserted in the review. Examples are to be found, both in early and late history, of an author praising his own works anonymously188, and if by means of self-laudation he can smite189 his enemies secretly his acuteness has been thought all the more deserving of admiration.
To what motive can the savage190 tone and evident personal rancour of this article be imputed191? The office of the critic has for a long time past been discharged fairly enough; if not with an undue192 excess of leniency193 and generosity194, at least (from the critic’s own point of view) with justice and honour. Politics, and such other matters as may be taken to be the 91common property of the public, have, it is true, been known to infuse something of what might at first sight be called acerbity195 into his style; but as he who in fair and open fight, complaining of blows, would meet with scant196 pity, so the “benighted Tory” or the “reckless and destructive Radical,” or possibly the propounder197 of some latest theory in literature, science, or art, must put up smilingly with the rubs which it may please his adverse198 judge to give him, remembering always that the office of that judge is to suppress the ignorant, to repress the arrogant199, and occasionally, though of course but very rarely, to oppress those who are neither the one nor the other. Still, that the gall200 of personal animosity should mix itself with the ink and infect the pen of the reviewer is plainly a thing so utterly monstrous201 as to astonish us on hearing of its occurrence more than once in an ordinary lifetime. There is, unfortunately, too clear evidence that, not uninfluenced by some such dark motive, the critic now under notice perpetrated the article in question.
It seems that about two years before the review appeared either Panizzi made Mr. Keightley’s acquaintance or Mr. Keightley Panizzi’s.
The relations between the two—so long as they lasted—seem to have been of an amicable202 kind. Panizzi assisted his new acquaintance in the Italian works on which he was engaged, and, although he never appears to have been inclined to admit him to any very intimate friendship, yet a good deal of intercourse203 seems to have taken place between them, especially in matters relating to the peculiar study 92with which each was occupied. Panizzi, indeed, acknowledges that the last time he met Mr. Keightley the latter insisted upon his accepting a copy of his works, and that he (Panizzi) “peremptorily objected” to doing so. It maybe admitted that this was somewhat discourteous204, and perhaps hinc ill? lachrym?. Be that as it may, what must have been his astonishment205 to receive, three months afterwards, the following letter from his quondam friend, of whom during that period he had quite lost sight:—
“Sir,
When next you stab a friend in the dark, if you wish to be unknown, hide your hand a little better than you have done in my case. But I have reason to suppose that you did not desire concealment207, as I find it was commonly known that you were the author of the article in question. Indeed no one who knew your style, &c., could doubt for a moment. I never saw that article till last Saturday, and before I had read the first column I named the writer of it. It is not safe to attack one with whom you have been in the habit of conversing208. He has too many keys.
When I recollect209 that it was written at the very time I was endeavouring to serve you, I must regard the action as a piece of the basest treachery and darkest malignity210 that can be conceived. I should not condescend211 to notice it, but that I required to inform you that I know you, and that our acquaintance is at an end. ‘I bide212 my time,’ and may yet repay you, but not by a stab in the dark.
I am, yours, &c., &c.,
Thomas Keightley.”
Following closely upon this letter came Mr. Keightley’s article in the Foreign Quarterly. It may be safe to conclude here—hoc ergo post propter hoc.
93Panizzi, his temper already not unreasonably213 ruffled214 by the letter, appears to have been terribly put out by the Review. He winds up his own appeal to the proprietors of the “Foreign Quarterly” with a burst of indignation and menace, which, had it been carried into execution might have brought him into collision with the laws of his “adoptive country.”
Dreading215 and deprecating any such forcible expression of his ire by the outraged216 author, Mr. W. S. Rose sent him the poetical218 epistle which we subjoin.
“Brighton, April 15, 1835.
“My Wife and I are certain you are better
Than you’re reported, reasoning from your letter;
In which you’ve blown your enemy to bits (I
Think) and deservedly, my dear Panizzi:
But do not in your honest rage outrun
The rule the ghostly king enjoined219 his son;
Tho’ you “speak daggers—use none”—this I know
You’d scarcely do—I mean don’t use your toe,
Or break his head, or pull him by the nose.
Always yours truly,
W. S. Rose.”
Panizzi himself seems to have possessed somewhat of a poetic217 faculty220, if we may judge by the sole specimen221 extant of his skill in the art—a translation of one of Moore’s songs, “Her last words at parting.” In confirmation222 of this, it may be observed that the canon before assumed in speaking of Lady Dacre on Cary, namely, that the translator should conform to the style of the verse in the original, has here been overlooked. For this neglect there may be cogent223 reasons. It would be difficult to adapt Moore’s 94anap?stic lines to Italian verse in the same measure, and, when adapted they would in all probability, prove inelegant, and perhaps unnatural224; even were this not the case, liberties which would not be admissible with an important poem, might very pardonably be taken with the trifling225 composition of Moore.
The stanzas226 set out below are neatly227 turned, and convey the idea of the original in elegant and musical versification:—
L’ultime sue parole
Quando mi disse addio
Scordar giammai poss ’io?
Meco saranno ognor;
Qual melodioso accento
Che l’ alma ne consola
Benchè quel suon s’invola
Nè piu risuoni allor.
Venga l’avversa sorte,
M’ oltraggierà, ma invano;
Sempre il mio talismano
Sarà quel suon d’amor.
“Rammenta nell’ assenza,
Fra le ritorte e pene,
Un cor che ti vuol bene
Sol per te batte ancor.”
Da dolce fonte in oltra
Il pellegrino errante,
Per un sol breve istante
Gusta del suo sapor.
Ma si provede intanto
Dell’ acque ricche e care
Di quelle goccie rare
Che danno a lui valor228.
95Così al rigor229 del fato
Nell’ eremo della vita,
La fonte mia gradita
Sarà quel suon d’ amor.
“Rammenta nell’ assenza,
Fra le ritorte e pene,
Un cor che ti vuol bene
Per te sol batte ancor.”
This, however, is merely given as an instance of versatility230 in a genius that was more fully developed and more usefully employed, in illustrating231 and setting forth, so far as such work is concerned, to the world the poetry of others. The “Orlando Innamorato,” &c., &c., was soon followed by the “Sonetti e Canzone del Poeta Clarissimo, Matteo Maria Bojardo, Conte di Scandiano. 4o, Milano, 1835.” This remarkably232 handsome volume, in beautiful type, and extremely scarce, only 50 copies of it having been printed, is inscribed233 “All onorevolissimo Signor Tommaso Grenville, &c., &c.”
As in the case of the former work so in the execution of this one, Mr. Grenville had kindly given his aid by the loan of his two editions of Bojardo’s Sonnets to the editor. The correspondence between the two gives ample proof of the genuine love of his subject for its own sake felt by Panizzi, and affords satisfactory corroboration234 of the disinterestedness235 in money matters, to which his old pupil, Miss Martin, of Liverpool, has borne witness. Mr. Grenville was desirous that the editor should receive some remuneration for his labours. The manner in which this desire is declared, and the offering with which the writer supports 96it, cannot fail to receive its due meed of praise for consummate236 delicacy237 and good feeling. We subjoin a few extracts in evidence:—
“B. M., Sept. 12, 1834.
“Dear Sir,
As this publication, or rather edition, is intended for you I was anxious to obtain your approbation, well knowing besides that if I were so fortunate as to obtain it I might hope not to be reasonably found fault with by men of taste. To tell you the truth I fancy the volume (as I almost see it printed, pressed, and bound) as a very fine one. Do not laugh at my conceit238. I never did anything so much con amore. With notes and all it will come to about 300 pages.
Yours, &c.,
A. Panizzi.”
“Vale Royal, 15 Sept., 1834.
“Dear Sir,
I have always been truly sensible to the kindness with which you have satisfied the occasional literary enquiries with which you have allowed me to trouble you, and with which you have taken so friendly an interest in the details of my small collection of books, and in its gradual improvement, but to permit, if I may use such a word, or to encourage you to incur239 the expense of printing a work of 300 pages for me without any intention of remunerating yourself by the sale of the work, is what upon no consideration I ought or could be brought, as far as I am concerned, to consent to. At the same time, I cannot but be disposed most gratefully to accept your present, and most anxiously to assist in promoting your literary labours, so useful to all readers of taste and so creditable to the distinguished editor. As an humble associate in so laudable an undertaking240, I trust you will have the goodness to accept me as such, and have therefore taken the liberty of enclosing a small advance, as you will see in the note to Coutts which accompanies this. By your kind concurrence241 in this indispensable 97course you will increase your claim upon my grateful acknowledgments for your welcome present, and will thus relieve me from difficulties otherwise insuperable. I cannot but add likewise my earnest wish that you would be induced, after you have indulged your liberality in your presents to your friends, to give the work to the public, and to derive114 from it the profit to which you are so justly entitled. Once more, dear Sir, accept my grateful thanks for your intended present, which will be a most valuable addition to my library.
Yours, &c.,
Thomas Grenville.”
“B. M., Sept. 17, 1834.
“Dear Sir,
I have just received the kind note with which you have honoured me, and I cannot conceal206 how greatly mortified242 I am at the indispensable condition, as you call it, on which you will do me the honour of allowing me to dedicate to you the edition of Bojardo’s Lyrical Poems. I assure you that if you insist upon it, it will be a very great disappointment to me. I have taken a liking243 to Bojardo’s poems because they are, in my opinion, remarkably fine, because I owe him a good deal (since it is through him that I have had the honor of becoming acquainted with you more than would have been likely to be the case had he not written the Innamorato) and because he was born in my native province; and I, having been in the habit of spending many of my younger days at Scandiano, feel great pleasure in being occupied with the works of a poet whose name is connected in my mind with so many dear recollections. I intend printing a limited number of copies of the lyrical poems, because few persons can appreciate them, and still fewer will buy them; whilst the present will be more acceptable if only a few copies of a book not published for sale, be offered to an amateur.
It was this last circumstance which induced me to beg of you to condescend to have the book inscribed to you: for as it would be seen only by those who knew us both, or even 98either of us, a dedication244 could not be considered but what it really is intended to be, an expression of gratitude245 and respect really felt and due. Were I to say that the thought of editing a volume which was to be so inscribed did not render the occupation still more agreeable than it would have been, I should not state the fact; but I can truly say that the edition will be proceeded with at all events even should you not allow me to offer it to you—a determination which I hope you will not take. You will see from this that you neither cause, permit, nor encourage expense, and that consequently I cannot consent to your bearing any.
With many and many thanks for your kindness, and in hope that you will not deprive me of the anticipated pleasure of inscribing246 my little volume to you. I have, &c.,
A. Panizzi.”
“Vale Royal, 19th Sept., 1834.
“Dear Sir,
I had hoped to overcome the delicacy of your scruples247 in a matter which appeared to me likely to press very unreasonably upon you; but your letter expresses so strong a sense of mortification248 and disappointment at the earnestness of my proposal, that I can only say that I will leave the decision upon it entirely to your own consideration and judgment249.
* * * * * * *
I have only once more to repeat that my former letter had no other object than that of doing what might be gratifying to you, and that I wish you to do about it whatever is most agreeable to yourself, and that you may be assured that in all events I shall be highly honoured and gratified by your inscribing the book to me.—I am, &c.,
Thomas Grenville.”
“Brit. Mus., Sept. 22nd, 1834.
“Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 19th inst., which I have just had the honour of receiving, by granting the request I made on my 99own terms, and granting it in such a manner renders me still more deeply indebted to you. **** I can fully enter into the motives250 which dictated251 both your letters, and I see in both of them a fresh proof of that delicate kindness to me which I have so often experienced, which I appreciate to its extent, and which I shall never forget.—Believe me, yours, &c., &c.
A. Panizzi.”
In returning from our dissertation on Panizzi’s works to his life, we bring the narrative back to the date 1830-1831, it may be observed, when Europe was in a state of revolution. In Italy fresh disturbances252 indicated that the spirit of discontent was unallayed—especially in Modena—where Francis IV. continued his oppressive government; while in Piedmont, a more earnest and conscientious253 people founded an association under the name of Giovine Italia; amongst them was the Genoese Giuseppe Mazzini, who forwarded an address (1831) to the King of Sardinia, praying for a Constitutional Statute254.
For this act Mazzini was forced into exile, and from that time may be said to date the end of Carbonarism, which, overpowered by the new scheme of not only uniting Italy, but of establishing a Republican form of government, seemed to have alienated255 those that were left of the older patriots who had sacrificed life and property ten years previously256.
The King, Charles Felix, died, leaving behind him the reputation of having ruled his kingdom after the fashion most worthy of the “rois fainéants”, and as an unworthy nephew of Emanuel Philibert 100and Charles Emanuel. His death, by a strange coincidence, happened on the very day, in the same year that one of His Majesty’s most bitter enemies, Antonio Panizzi, entered the Institution which afterwards he so much honoured.
In England the death of George IV. (1830), and the unpopularity of the Duke of Wellington, largely contributed to the overthrow257 of the Tory party. In France, too, the expulsion of Charles X. (in consequence of his attempts on the constitution and the press), had its influence on the masses in this country; the elections greatly favoured the Whig party, and Mr. Brougham, raised to the Peerage on the 22nd of November, 1830, took the earliest opportunity, as an ex-officio Trustee of the British Museum, to place his Italian friend in that noble establishment, under the title of Extra-Assistant Librarian.
On the 27th of April, 1831, his appointment was signed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Howley, and by the Lord Chancellor, Brougham; the House of Commons having been dissolved, there was no Speaker at the time. Panizzi had to give, according to usage, two securities of ￡500 each, which were promptly258 forthcoming in the persons of his two earliest friends of Liverpool, Mr. Ewart and Mr. Haywood.
Thus far have we drawn259 from the materials at hand, a sketch260 of that early career which was to lead to the achievement of a lasting literary reputation, and the exercise of an energetic administrative261 faculty. We have glanced at the struggles of the incipient262 jurisconsult, the patriotic263 agitator264, the outlaw265, the homeless fugitive266, the indigent267 teacher, the literary aspirant268, 101and, in every vicissitude75, the man of many warmly-attached friends. We have traced his progress until he attained269 the position wherein his abilities had extended scope, wherein his influence was to be beneficially felt, and his success consummated270. The record of his life to this period is of itself the most valuable testimonial to his character and conduct; but while we lay sufficient stress on his own exertions271, let us not forget to award the share of honour due to Lord Brougham, who, discarding national prejudice, recognised the capacity, and gave ample sphere to the energy and genius of Antonio Panizzi.
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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destitution
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| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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overthrew
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| overthrow的过去式 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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possessed
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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vegetate
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admiration
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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illuminated
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exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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transcript
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| n.抄本，誊本，副本，肄业证书 | |
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33
perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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34
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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35
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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36
philological
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| adj.语言学的，文献学的 | |
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37
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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38
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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39
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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40
jeopardy
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| n.危险；危难 | |
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41
skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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42
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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43
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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44
substantiate
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| v.证实；证明...有根据 | |
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45
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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46
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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47
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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48
divulged
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| v.吐露，泄露( divulge的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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50
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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51
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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52
ransacked
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的过去式和过去分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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53
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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54
virile
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| adj.男性的；有男性生殖力的；有男子气概的；强有力的 | |
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55
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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56
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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57
unwillingly
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| adv.不情愿地 | |
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58
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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59
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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60
naively
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| adv. 天真地 | |
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61
radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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62
penury
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| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
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63
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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64
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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65
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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66
assuage
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| v.缓和，减轻，镇定 | |
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67
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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68
aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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69
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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71
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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72
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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73
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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74
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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75
vicissitude
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| n.变化，变迁，荣枯，盛衰 | |
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76
reluctance
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|
| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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77
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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78
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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79
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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80
compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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81
continental
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|
| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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82
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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83
abdicate
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| v.让位，辞职，放弃 | |
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84
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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85
laudatory
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| adj.赞扬的 | |
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86
propitiated
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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87
hatred
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|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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88
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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89
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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90
scathing
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|
| adj.（言词、文章）严厉的，尖刻的；不留情的adv.严厉地，尖刻地v.伤害，损害（尤指使之枯萎）( scathe的现在分词) | |
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91
emoluments
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| n.报酬，薪水( emolument的名词复数 ) | |
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92
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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93
amiable
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|
| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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94
ripened
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|
| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
lasting
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|
| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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96
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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97
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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98
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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99
elegance
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|
| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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100
pervading
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的现在分词 ) | |
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101
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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102
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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103
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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104
gems
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| growth； economy； management； and customer satisfaction 增长 | |
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105
ego
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| n.自我，自己，自尊 | |
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106
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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107
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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108
transfusion
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| n.输血，输液 | |
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109
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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110
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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111
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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112
paraphrases
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| n.释义，意译( paraphrase的名词复数 )v.释义，意译( paraphrase的第三人称单数 ) | |
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113
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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114
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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115
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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116
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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117
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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118
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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119
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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120
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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121
dissertation
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| n.（博士学位）论文，学术演讲，专题论文 | |
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122
epics
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| n.叙事诗( epic的名词复数 )；壮举；惊人之举；史诗般的电影（或书籍） | |
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123
amends
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| n. 赔偿 | |
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124
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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125
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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126
acumen
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| n.敏锐，聪明 | |
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127
collation
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| n.便餐；整理 | |
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128
adorn
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| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
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129
windings
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| （道路、河流等）蜿蜒的，弯曲的( winding的名词复数 )； 缠绕( wind的现在分词 )； 卷绕； 转动（把手） | |
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130
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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131
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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132
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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133
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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134
emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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135
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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136
vouchers
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| n.凭证( voucher的名词复数 )；证人；证件；收据 | |
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137
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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138
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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139
embellished
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| v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 )；装饰；修饰；润色 | |
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140
dame
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| n.女士 | |
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141
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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142
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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143
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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144
requite
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| v.报酬，报答 | |
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145
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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146
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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147
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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148
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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149
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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150
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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151
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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152
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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153
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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154
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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155
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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156
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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157
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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158
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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159
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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160
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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161
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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162
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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163
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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164
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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165
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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166
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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167
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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168
virulent
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| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
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169
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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170
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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171
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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172
annotator
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| n.注释者 | |
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173
pertinently
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| 适切地 | |
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174
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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175
propounded
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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176
bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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177
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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178
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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179
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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180
vindicates
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| n.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的名词复数 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的第三人称单数 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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181
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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182
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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183
wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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184
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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185
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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186
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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187
sonnets
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| n.十四行诗( sonnet的名词复数 ) | |
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188
anonymously
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| ad.用匿名的方式 | |
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189
smite
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| v.重击；彻底击败；n.打；尝试；一点儿 | |
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190
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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191
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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192
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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193
leniency
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| n.宽大（不严厉） | |
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194
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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195
acerbity
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| n.涩，酸，刻薄 | |
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196
scant
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| adj.不充分的，不足的；v.减缩，限制，忽略 | |
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197
propounder
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| n.提议者，建议者，[法] 提出遗嘱者 | |
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198
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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199
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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200
gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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201
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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202
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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203
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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204
discourteous
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| adj.不恭的，不敬的 | |
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205
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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206
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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207
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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208
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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209
recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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210
malignity
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| n.极度的恶意，恶毒；（病的）恶性 | |
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211
condescend
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| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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212
bide
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| v.忍耐；等候；住 | |
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213
unreasonably
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| adv. 不合理地 | |
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214
ruffled
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| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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215
dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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216
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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217
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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218
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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219
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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220
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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221
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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222
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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223
cogent
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| adj.强有力的，有说服力的 | |
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224
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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225
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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226
stanzas
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| 节，段( stanza的名词复数 ) | |
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227
neatly
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| adv.整洁地，干净地，灵巧地，熟练地 | |
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228
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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229
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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230
versatility
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| n.多才多艺，多样性，多功能 | |
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231
illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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232
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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233
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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234
corroboration
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| n.进一步的证实，进一步的证据 | |
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235
disinterestedness
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236
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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237
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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238
conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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239
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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240
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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241
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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242
mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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243
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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244
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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245
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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246
inscribing
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的现在分词 ) | |
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247
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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248
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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249
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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250
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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251
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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252
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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253
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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254
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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255
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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256
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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257
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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258
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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259
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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260
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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261
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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262
incipient
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| adj.起初的，发端的，初期的 | |
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263
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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264
agitator
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| n.鼓动者；搅拌器 | |
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265
outlaw
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| n.歹徒，亡命之徒；vt.宣布…为不合法 | |
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266
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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267
indigent
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的 | |
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268
aspirant
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| n.热望者；adj.渴望的 | |
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269
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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270
consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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271
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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