Henry set sail from Southampton on August 11th. His point of attack was Harfleur, in the estuary1 of the Seine, now a decayed village, but then reckoned to be the first seaport2 of Normandy. This importance was one reason for attacking it; another was the activity shown by its sailors in capturing English shipping3. The fleet of transports was necessarily large, fourteen or sixteen hundred vessels4 in all; it seems to have accomplished5 the voyage in safety, though, as the disembarkation of the troops did not begin till the night of August 14th, it may have encountered rough weather, and some stores were certainly spoiled by the sea.
Henry’s first care was to issue strict orders for the good behaviour of his army. All property of the Church was to be held sacred, and no violence to be done to any clerical person; women were not to be injured. The penalty of death was to be inflicted6 on all offenders7.
He had effected his landing, which it would have been easy to oppose, without molestation8. Nor did he meet with any hindrance9 when, four days afterwards, the disembarkation of his men and stores completed, he marched68 to Harfleur and invested the town. This occupied both banks of the river Lézarde, a tributary10 of the Seine. The entrance to the harbour was defended by a chain drawn11 across from two towers which flanked either end of the walls. The defences of the town were strong, and each of the three gates was defended by an outwork. The garrison12 consisted of four hundred men-at-arms, who with their attendants may have made up a force of between two and three thousand men. It was reinforced, before the investment of the town was made complete, by a body of troops under the Lord of Gaucourt, who immediately assumed the chief command. Henry sent a herald13 to demand the surrender of the town. It was consistent with the position which he claimed, that of a sovereign demanding his rightful inheritance, that he threatened the inhabitants with death if they refused obedience14 to the lawful15 Duke of Normandy.
A regular siege was then commenced. Trenches16 were pushed up to the town, and when the batteries were finished a cannonade was opened. Henry had some heavy field-pieces and a certain number of artillerymen and engineers, though these, of course, did not bear anything like the modern proportion to the whole force of the army. The defence was obstinate18. The besieged19 repaired the damage caused by the cannonade almost as fast as it was done, and successfully countermined the English mines. They inflicted no little loss on their assailants by the missiles which they discharged from the walls, and even made some sallies with success. Meanwhile the English army was suffering greatly. No small part of the stores brought from England had69 been damaged in the passage across the Channel, and supplies from the country could only be obtained by sending out large bodies of men. It was not long before disease began to show itself in the camp. Bad and scanty20 food, and the wetness of the weather, which seems to have been constantly unfavourable throughout the campaign, caused an epidemic21 of dysentery. As many as two thousand men are said to have perished of this disease. Among them was the Bishop22 of Norwich—who, churchman as he was, seems to have been a trusted and efficient counsellor in military matters—and many nobles and knights23.
Henry did not fail to perceive the gravity of the situation, and determined24 to risk an assault. This was to be delivered at dawn, after a cannonade had been kept up during the night. But before morning came, the commander of the garrison sent an envoy25 to the King, bearing the offer to capitulate unless the town should be relieved by the King of France within three days. It was now the 19th of September, and the siege had lasted exactly thirty days. No help arrived within the stipulated26 time; indeed the French king and his counsellors had at once informed the inhabitants that their army was not ready to act. On Sunday the 22nd, the Lord of Gaucourt, accompanied by a number of the chief inhabitants of Harfleur, made a formal surrender of the keys to the English king. Henry received his visitors in a magnificent tent which had been raised for the purpose on a hill fronting the town. Everything was arranged to suit the royal state which it was a point of principle with him to assume. Sir Robert Umfraville stood on his right hand holding a spear, on the70 point of which was the crowned helmet which it was his custom to wear, and which denoted that the King was seeking to recover his own by arms. The English nobles stood in ranks on either side. The ceremony over, the Governor and his company were royally feasted, and on the next day Henry entered the town.
It was characteristic of the devout27 temper of the man that his first thought was for his religious duties. He dismounted on reaching the gate, had his shoes and beaver28 removed, and walked barefooted to the church of St. Martin, where he offered up a thanksgiving for his success. This piety29, however, did not prevent him from pushing to the extreme his use of a conqueror’s rights. The nobles and men-at-arms were stripped of their armour30 and sent away, “clothed in their jackets only,” after giving a promise on oath to surrender themselves prisoners at Calais on the Martinmas following (November 11th). This, perhaps, was no more than defeated combatants might have expected. But the treatment of the inhabitants seems to have been harsh. They were compelled to ransom31 their lives with all that they possessed32, and then, with their wives and children, were driven out of the town. To each was given a miserable33 pittance34 of five sous, and they were permitted to take with them a part of their clothing. “It was pitiful,” says Monstrelet, writing apparently35 from the report of an eye-witness, “to see and hear the sorrow of these poor people, thus driven away from their dwellings36 and property.”
Harfleur was undoubtedly37 a great prize. The actual amount of booty taken in the town was large, and the harbour was the most important in Western Normandy.71 The loss of it, too, was deeply galling38 to the French king, who made it the ground of an urgent summons to his nobles that for want of succour his gallant39 and loyal subjects of Harfleur had been forced to surrender. But the capture of a single town, however important and wealthy, was not an adequate result of an expedition which had aimed at nothing less than the conquest of France. It became a pressing question what was to be done. The first expedient40 tried, if we may so speak, was to send a challenge to the Dauphin, offering to submit the decision of the claim to the throne of France to the issue of a single combat. Henry was too good a soldier not to know that his antagonists41 were not likely to give him so easy a way of escaping from a perilous42 position, and could not have been disappointed when no answer was sent to his message. The safest course would now have been to return at once; and this seems to have been pressed upon the King by the majority of his counsellors. But this prudent43 advice did not approve itself to Henry’s adventurous44 temper. He was determined to show that, at least, he was not afraid of the foes45 whom he had challenged, and who, as he declared—it is hard to say with what belief in his own words—had unjustly seized his inheritance. He determined accordingly to make what may be called a military parade to Calais. This involved a march of not less than a hundred and fifty miles through a hostile country, a dangerous, and, but that one who cherishes such designs as Henry’s must make a reputation for daring, a useless operation; but the King’s determined will overcame all opposition46, and preparations were made to carry out the plan.
72 The sick and wounded were sent back to England, and with them the prisoners—who, however, could not have been numerous—the booty, and the engines of war, for which Henry probably felt that he had not adequate means of transport. It suggests a curious contrast to the conditions of modern warfare47 to find a skilful48 general voluntarily ridding himself of his artillery17. Five hundred men-at-arms and a thousand archers49 were left to garrison Harfleur. On October 8th the King commenced his march with such forces as were left. Elmham, his chaplain, who was probably present, puts them at scarcely nine hundred men-at-arms and five thousand archers; Monstrelet estimates the former at two thousand, the latter at fifteen thousand.
Nearly half of his purposed journey Henry seems to have accomplished unmolested. At Eu, near Tréport, the seat of the Counts of Artois, his light troops were attacked, but repulsed50 the enemy with loss. And now his difficulties began. His position, indeed, was curiously51 like that in which his great-grandfather, the third Edward, had been before the victory of Crecy. He was in the presence of superior forces, and he had to cross the Somme, a considerable river, fordable in few places, in despite of them. Edward had made the passage at Blanchetaque, a ford52 near the sea, which got its name from the white stones which there formed the bottom of the river. Henry’s first idea was to follow his example, but he learned from his scouts53 that the ford was strongly guarded by the French, and altering his line of march made for Pont-de-Remy, a place about as much above Abbeville73 as Blanchetaque is below it. The detachment sent to force the bridge found it strongly occupied by the enemy, and was unable to dislodge them. Edward had made an equally fruitless attempt at the same place.
Fortune, or rather the fault of his enemies, befriended him, as it had befriended his predecessor54. A Norman peasant, who preferred a hundred nobles to his duty to his country, had guided Edward to the ford of Blanchetaque; and now the neglect of the people of St. Quentin, who had been commanded to stop the ford between Betencourt and Voyenne, allowed a passage to Henry. The crossing was no easy task. The river was swollen55 with rain, and the army had no little difficulty in approaching the bank. If a sufficient French force had come in time to dispute the passage, the English might have lost heavily, or even been destroyed; but the first part of the army had made its way over unmolested, the King himself superintending the operation, before the enemy came in sight, and then not in sufficient force to prevent the completion of the passage. Before nightfall the whole army had safely reached the right bank of the Somme. Henry had been marching and counter-marching for nine days on the other shore, and had been forced to make a long detour56 from his proposed line. If he could have made the passage of the river, as he had once hoped to do, at the ford of Blanchetaque, he would have been at less than half the distance from Calais than that at which he now found himself.
The line of march from which he had been driven by the necessity of crossing the Somme he was bent57 on74 regaining58.9 The nearer to the sea the easier the road, and there would be the advantage that one flank of the army would be safe against attack. Accordingly he moved westward59 unmolested, it would seem, by the French troops which had been previously60 guarding the right bank of the Somme, and had now fallen back on the main body of their countrymen. His route led him through the villages of Peronne, Albert, Bonnieres, and Frevent. On October 24th he reached the village of Blangy-on-the-Ternoise, a stream with an average breadth of about thirty feet and of considerable depth. It is possible, however, that it was not then, as it is now, dammed up to work a mill; and it is at this mill that local tradition fixes the place of his crossing. Continuing his march up the slope which leads to the table-land above the valley of the Ternoise, he found himself close to the enemy, who indeed had posted themselves in great force across the way to Calais. Their presence was announced to the Duke of York, who was in command of the van. The King, calling a halt, rode forward to reconnoitre, and began at once to make his arrangements for the battle which he now felt to be imminent61. His main body took up its position at Maisoncelles, the baggage being placed in the rear of the wood that still bears that name. The front lines of the French army were but three bow-shots off; according to one account still75 less; their headquarters seem to have been somewhere behind the village of Azincour or Agincourt.
The night was spent by the English in much discomfort62. The King’s chaplain tells that he turned aside to a village where there were houses, but very few of them. Some of the principal personages had a roof over their heads; the main body of the army had to be content with such rest as they could find in gardens and orchards63, and this amidst drenching64 rain. The supply of meat and drink was, however, a little better than usual. The chaplains with the army were busy almost till morning with receiving confessions65 and giving absolution, and the complaint was that there were not enough of them for this duty, although one of their number speaks of them as a clerical army. On the other hand, the French passed the time in feasting and merriment, and found one source of amusement, it is said, in casting dice66 for their prisoners. The same story is told of the demeanour of the victors and the vanquished67 before the battle of Hastings. It is possible that it may be true, but it certainly points a moral very aptly.
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1
estuary
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| n.河口，江口 | |
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seaport
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| n.海港，港口，港市 | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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7
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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molestation
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| n.骚扰，干扰，调戏；折磨 | |
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9
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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10
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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11
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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12
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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13
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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14
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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16
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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17
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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18
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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21
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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24
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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28
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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29
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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30
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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32
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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pittance
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| n.微薄的薪水，少量 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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40
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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41
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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42
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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43
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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44
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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45
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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46
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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47
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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48
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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49
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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50
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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51
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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52
Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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53
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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54
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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55
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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56
detour
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| n.绕行的路，迂回路；v.迂回，绕道 | |
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57
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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58
regaining
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| 复得( regain的现在分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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59
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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60
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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61
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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62
discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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63
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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drenching
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| n.湿透v.使湿透( drench的现在分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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65
confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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66
dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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