It has been remarked in the preceding chapter that C?sar does not appear to have received any commission for the subjugation1 of Gaul when he took military charge of his three provinces. The Gauls were still feared in Rome, and it was his duty to see that they did not make their way over the Alps into the Roman territory. It was also his duty to protect from invasion, and also from rebellion, that portion of Gaul which had already been constituted a Roman province, but in which the sympathies of the people were still rather with their old brethren than with their new masters. The experience, however, which we have of great and encroaching empires tells us how probable it is that the protection of that which the strong already holds should lead to the grasping of more, till at last all has been grasped. It is thus that our own empire in India has grown. It was thus that the Spanish empire grew in America. It is thus that the empire of the United States is now growing. It was thus that Prussia, driven, as we all remember, by{29} the necessity of self-preservation, took Nassau the other day, and Hanover and Holstein and Hesse. It was thus that the wolf claimed all the river, not being able to endure the encroaching lamb. The humane2 reader of history execrates3, as he reads, the cruel, all-absorbing, ravenous4 wolf. But the philosophical5 reader perceives that in this way, and in no other, is civilisation6 carried into distant lands. The wolf, though he be a ravenous wolf, brings with him energy and knowledge.
What may have been C?sar’s own aspirations7 in regard to Gaul, when the government of the provinces was confided8 to him, we have no means of knowing. We may surmise,—indeed we feel that we know,—that he had a project in hand much greater to him, in his view of its result, than could be the adding of any new province to the Republic, let the territory added be as wide as all Gaul. He had seen enough of Roman politics to know that real power in Rome could only belong to a master of legions. Both Marius and Sulla had prevailed in the city by means of the armies which they had levied9 as the trusted generals of the Republic. Pompey had had his army trained to conquest in the East, and it had been expected that he also would use it to the same end. He had been magnanimous, or half-hearted, or imprudent, as critics of his conduct might choose to judge him then and may choose to judge him now, and on reaching Italy from the East had disbanded his legions. As a consequence, he was at that moment, when C?sar was looking out into the future and preparing his own{30} career, fain to seek some influence in the city by joining himself in a secret compact with C?sar, his natural enemy, and with Crassus. C?sar, seeing all this, knowing how Marius and Sulla had succeeded and had failed, seeing what had come of the magnanimity of Pompey—resolved no doubt that, whatever might be the wars in which they should be trained, he would have trained legions at his command. When, therefore, he first found a cause for war, he was ready for war. He had not been long proconsul before there came a wicked lamb and drank at his stream.
In describing to us the way in which he conquered lamb after lamb throughout the whole country which he calls Gallia, he tells us almost nothing of himself. Of his own political ideas, of his own ambition, even of his doings in Italy through those winter months which he generally passed on the Roman side of the Alps, having left his army in winter quarters under his lieutenants10, he says but a very few words. His record is simply the record of the campaigns; and although he now and then speaks of the dignity of the Republic, he hardly ever so far digresses from the narrative11 as to give to the reader any idea of the motives13 by which he is actuated. Once in these seven memoirs14 of seven years’ battling in Gaul, and once only, does he refer to a motive12 absolutely personal to himself. When he succeeded in slaughtering15 a fourth of the emigrating Swiss, which was his first military success in Gaul, he tells us that he had then revenged an injury to himself as well as an injury to the Republic, because the grandfather of his father-in-law{31} had in former wars been killed by the very tribe which he had just destroyed!
It is to be observed, also, that he does not intentionally17 speak in the first person, and that when he does so it is in some passage of no moment, in which the personality is accidental and altogether trivial. He does not speak of “I” and “me,” but of C?sar, as though he, C?sar, who wrote the Commentary, were not the C?sar of whom he is writing. Not unfrequently he speaks strongly in praise of himself; but as there is no humility18 in his tone, so also is there no pride, even when he praises himself. He never seems to boast, though he tells us of his own exploits as he does of those of his generals and centurions19. Without any diffidence he informs us now and again how, at the end of this or that campaign, a “supplication,” or public festival and thanksgiving for his victories, was decreed in Rome, on the hearing of the news,—to last for fifteen or twenty days, as the case might be.
Of his difficulties at home,—the political difficulties with which he had to contend,—he says never a word. And yet at times they must have been very harassing20. We hear from other sources that during these wars in Gaul his conduct was violently reprobated in Rome, in that he had, with the utmost cruelty, attacked and crushed states supposed to be in amity21 with Rome, and that it was once even proposed to give him up to the enemy as a punishment for grievous treachery to the enemy. Had it been so resolved by the Roman Senate,—had such a law been enacted,—the power to carry out the law would have been wanted. It was easier{32} to grant a “supplication” for twenty days than to stop his career after his legions had come to know him.
Nor is there very much said by C?sar of his strategic difficulties; though now and then, especially when his ships are being knocked about on the British coast, and again when the iron of his heel has so bruised22 the Gauls that they all turn against him in one body under Vercingetorix, the reader is allowed to see that he is pressed hard enough. But it is his rule to tell the thing he means to do, the way he does it, and the completeness of the result, in the fewest possible words. If any student of the literature of battles would read first C?sar’s seven books of the Gallic War, and then Mr Kinglake’s first four volumes of the ‘Invasion of the Crimea,’ he would be able to compare two most wonderful examples of the dexterous23 use of words, in the former of which the narrative is told with the utmost possible brevity, and in the latter with almost the utmost possible prolixity24. And yet each narrative is equally clear, and each equally distinguished25 by so excellent an arrangement of words, that the reader is forced to acknowledge that the story is told to him by a great master.
In praising others,—his lieutenants, his soldiers, and occasionally his enemies,—C?sar is often enthusiastic, though the praise is conferred by a word or two,—is given, perhaps, simply in an epithet26 added on for that purpose to a sentence planned with a wholly different purpose. Of blame he is very sparing; so much so, that it almost seems that he looked upon certain imperfections, in regard even to faith as well as valour{33} or prudence27, as necessary to humanity, and pardonable because of their necessity. He can tell of the absolute destruction of a legion through the folly28 and perhaps cowardice29 of one of his lieutenants, without heaping a word of reproach on the name of the unfortunate. He can relate how a much-favoured tribe fell off from their faith again and again without expressing anger at their faithlessness, and can explain how they were,—hardly forgiven, but received again as friends,—because it suited him so to treat them. But again he can tell us, without apparently30 a quiver of the pen, how he could devote to destruction a city with all its women and all its children, so that other cities might know what would come to them if they did not yield and obey, and become vassals31 to the godlike hero in whose hands Providence32 had placed their lives and their possessions.
It appears that C?sar never failed to believe in himself. He is far too simple in his language, and too conscious of his own personal dignity, to assert that he has never been worsted. But his very simplicity33 seems to convey the assurance that such cannot ultimately be the result of any campaign in which he is engaged. He seems to imply that victory attends him so certainly that it would be futile34 in any case to discuss its probability. He feared no one, and was therefore the cause of awe35 to others. He could face his own legions when they would not obey his call to arms, and reduce them to obedience36 by a word. Lucan, understanding his character well, says of him that “he deserved to be feared, for he feared nothing;”{34} “meruitque timeri Nil37 metuens.” He writes of himself as we might imagine some god would write who knew that his divine purpose must of course prevail, and who would therefore never be in the way of entertaining a doubt. With C?sar there is always this godlike simplicity, which makes his “Veni, vidi, vici,” the natural expression of his mind as to his own mode of action. The same thing is felt in the very numerous but very brief records of the punishments which he inflicted38. Cities are left desolate39, as it were with a wave of his hand, but he hardly deigns40 to say that his own hand has even been waved. He tells us of one Acco who had opposed him, that, “Graviore sententia pronunciata,”—as though there had been some jury to pronounce this severe sentence, which was in fact pronounced only by himself, C?sar,—he inflicted punishment on him “more majorum.” We learn from other sources that this punishment consisted in being stripped naked, confined by the neck in a cleft41 stick, and then being flogged to death. In the next words, having told us in half a sentence that he had made the country too hot to hold the fugitive42 accomplices43 of the tortured chief, he passes on into Italy with the majestic44 step of one much too great to dwell long on these small but disagreeable details. And we feel that he is too great.
It has been already said that the great proconsular wolf was not long in hearing that a lamb had come down to drink of his stream. The Helvetii, or Swiss, as we call them,—those tribes which lived on the Lake Leman, and among the hills and valleys to the north{35} of the lake,—had made up their minds that they were inhabiting but a poor sort of country, and that they might considerably45 better themselves by leaving their mountains and going out into some part of Gaul, in which they might find themselves stronger than the existing tribes, and might take possession of the fat of the land. In doing so, their easiest way out of their own country would lie by the Rhone, where it now runs through Geneva into France. But in taking this route the Swiss would be obliged to pass over a corner of the Roman province. Here was a case of the lamb troubling the waters with a vengeance47. When this was told to C?sar,—that these Swiss intended, “facero iter per Provinciam nostram”—“to do their travelling through our Province,”—he hurried over the Alps into Gaul, and came to Geneva as fast as he could travel.
He begins his first book by a geographical48 definition of Gaul, which no doubt was hardly accurate, but which gives us a singularly clear idea of that which C?sar desired to convey. In speaking of Gallia he intends to signify the whole country from the outflow of the Rhine into the ocean down to the Pyrenees, and then eastward49 to the Rhone, to the Swiss mountains, and the borders of the Roman Province. This he divides into three parts, telling us that the Belgians inhabited the part north of the Seine and Marne, the people of Aquitania the part south of the Garonne, and the Gauls or Celts the intermediate territory. Having so far described the scene of his action, he rushes off at once to the dreadful sin of the Swiss emigrants50 in desiring to pass through “our Province.”{36}
He has but one legion in Further Gaul,—that is, in the Roman province on the further side of the Alps from Rome; and therefore, when ambassadors come to him from the Swiss, asking permission to go through the corner of land, and promising51 that they will do no harm in their passage, he temporises with them. He can’t give them an answer just then, but must think of it. They must come back to him by a certain day,—when he will have more soldiers ready. Of course he refuses. The Swiss make some slight attempt, but soon give that matter up in despair. There is another way by which they can get out of their mountains,—through the territory of a people called Sequani; and for doing this they obtain leave. But C?sar knows how injurious the Swiss lambs will be to him and his wolves, should they succeed in getting round to the back of his Province,—that Roman Province which left the name of Provence in modern France till France refused to be divided any longer into provinces. And he is, moreover, invited by certain friends of the Roman Republic, called the ?dui, to come and stop these rough Swiss travellers. He is always willing to help the ?dui, although these ?dui are a fickle53, inconstant people,—and he is, above all things, willing to get to war. So he comes upon the rear of the Swiss when three portions of the people have passed the river Arar (Saone), and one portion is still behind. This hindermost tribe,—for the wretches54 were all of one tribe or mountain canton,—he sets upon and utterly55 destroys; and on this occasion congratulates himself on having{37} avenged56 himself upon the slayers of the grandfather of his father-in-law.
There can be nothing more remarkable57 in history than this story of the attempted emigration of the Helvetii, which C?sar tells us without the expression of any wonder. The whole people made up their minds that, as their borders were narrow, their numbers increasing, and their courage good, they would go forth58,—men, women, and children,—and seek other homes. We read constantly of the emigrations of people,—of the Northmen from the north covering the southern plains, of Danes and Jutes entering Britain, of men from Scandinavia coming down across the Rhine, and the like. We know that after this fashion the world has become peopled. But we picture to ourselves generally a concourse of warriors59 going forth and leaving behind them homes and friends, to whom they may or may not return. With these Swiss wanderers there was to be no return. All that they could not take with them they destroyed, burning their houses, and burning even their corn, so that there should be no means of turning their steps backward. They do make considerable progress, getting as far into France as Autun,—three-fourths of them at least getting so far; but near this they are brought to an engagement by C?sar, who outgenerals them on a hill. The prestige of the Romans had not as yet established itself in these parts, and the Swiss nearly have the best of it. C?sar owns, as he does not own again above once or twice, that the battle between them was very long, and for long very doubtful. But{38} at last the poor Helvetii are driven in slaughter16. C?sar, however, is not content that they should simply fly. He forces them back upon their old territory,—upon their burnt houses and devastated60 fields,—lest certain Germans should come and live there, and make themselves disagreeable. And they go back;—so many, at least, go back as are not slain61 in the adventure. With great attempt at accuracy, C?sar tells us that 368,000 human beings went out on the expedition, and that 110,000, or less than a third, found their way back. Of those that perished, many hecatombs had been offered up to the shade of his father-in-law’s grandfather.
Hereupon the Gauls begin to see how great a man is C?sar. He tells us that no sooner was that war with the Swiss finished than nearly all the tribes of Gallia send to congratulate him. And one special tribe, those ?dui,—of whom we hear a great deal, and whom we never like because they are thoroughly62 anti-Gallican in all their doings till they think that C?sar is really in trouble, and then they turn upon him,—have to beg of him a great favour. Two tribes,—the ?dui, whose name seems to have left no trace in France, and the Arverni, whom we still know in Auvergne,—have been long contending for the upper hand; whereupon the Arverni and their friends the Sequani have called in the assistance of certain Germans from across the Rhine. It went badly then with the ?dui. And now one of their kings, named Divitiacus, implores63 the help of C?sar. Would C?sar be kind enough to expel these horrid64 Germans, and{39} get back the hostages, and free them from a burdensome dominion65, and put things a little to rights? And, indeed, not only were the ?dui suffering from these Germans, and their king, Ariovistus; it is going still worse with the Sequani, who had called them in. In fact, Ariovistus was an intolerable nuisance to that eastern portion of Gaul. Would C?sar be kind enough to drive him out? C?sar consents, and then we are made to think of another little fable,—of the prayer which the horse made to the man for assistance in his contest with the stag, and of the manner in which the man got upon the horse, and never got down again. C?sar was not slow to mount, and when once in the saddle, certainly did not mean to leave it.
C?sar tells us his reasons for undertaking66 this commission. The ?dui had often been called “brothers” and “cousins” by the Roman Senate; and it was not fitting that men who had been so honoured should be domineered over by Germans. And then, unless these marauding Germans could be stopped, they would fall into the habit of coming across the Rhine, and at last might get into the Province, and by that route into Italy itself. And Ariovistus himself was personally so arrogant67 a man that the thing must be made to cease. So C?sar sends ambassadors to Ariovistus, and invites the barbarian68 to a meeting. The barbarian will not come to the meeting. If he wanted to see the Roman, he would go to the Roman: if the Roman wants to see him, the Roman may come to him. Such is the reply of Ariovistus. Ambassadors pass between them, and there is a good deal of argument, in which{40} the barbarian has the best of it. C?sar, with his godlike simplicity, scorns not to give the barbarian the benefit of his logic69. Ariovistus reminds C?sar that the Romans have been in the habit of governing the tribes conquered by them after their fashion, without interference from him, Ariovistus; and that the Germans claim and mean to exercise the same right. He goes on to say that he is willing enough to live in amity with the Romans; but will C?sar be kind enough to remember that the Germans are a people unconquered in war, trained to the use of arms, and how hardy70 he might judge when he was told that for fourteen years they had not slept under a roof? In the mean time other Gauls were complaining, and begging for assistance. The Treviri, people of the country where Treves now stands, are being harassed71 by the terrible yellow-haired Suevi, who at this time seem to have possessed72 nearly the whole of Prussia as it now exists on the further side of the Rhine, and who had the same desire to come westward73 that the Prussians have evinced since. And a people called the Harudes, from the Danube, are also harassing the poor ?dui. C?sar, looking at these things, sees that unless he is quick, the northern and southern Germans may join their forces. He gets together his commissariat, and flies at Ariovistus very quickly.
Throughout all his campaigns, C?sar, as did Napoleon afterwards, effected everything by celerity. He preaches to us no sermon on the subject, favours us with no disquisition as to the value of despatch74 in war, but constantly tells us that he moved all his army{41} “magnis itineribus”—by very rapid marches; that he went on with his work night and day, and took precautions “magno opere,”—with much labour and all his care,—to be beforehand with the enemy. In this instance Ariovistus tries to reach a certain town of the poor Sequani, then called Vesontio, now known to us as Besan?on,—the same name, but very much altered. It consisted of a hill, or natural fortress75, almost surrounded by a river, or natural fosse. There is nothing, says C?sar, so useful in a war as the possession of a place thus naturally strong. Therefore he hurries on and gets before Ariovistus, and occupies the town. The reader already begins to feel that C?sar is destined76 to divine success. The reader indeed knows that beforehand, and expects nothing worse for C?sar than hairbreadth escapes. But the Romans themselves had not as yet the same confidence in him. Tidings are brought to him at Vesontio that his men are terribly afraid of the Germans. And so, no doubt, they were. These Romans, though by the art of war they had been made fine soldiers,—though they had been trained in the Eastern conquests and the Punic wars, and invasions of all nations around them,—were nevertheless, up to this day, greatly afraid even of the Gauls. The coming of the Gauls into Italy had been a source of terror to them ever since the days of Brennus. And the Germans were worse than the Gauls. The boast made by Ariovistus that his men never slept beneath a roof was not vain or useless. They were a horrid, hirsute77, yellow-haired people, the flashing aspect of whose eyes could hardly be endured{42} by an Italian. The fear is so great that the soldiers “sometimes could not refrain even from tears;”—“neque interdum lacrimas tenere poterant.” When we remember what these men became after they had been a while with C?sar, their blubbering awe of the Germans strikes us as almost comic. And we are reminded that the Italians of those days were, as they are now, more prone78 to show the outward signs of emotion than is thought to be decorous with men in more northern climes. We can hardly realise the idea of soldiers crying from fear. C?sar is told by his centurions that so great is this feeling, that the men will probably refuse to take up their arms when called upon to go out and fight; whereupon he makes a speech to all his captains and lieutenants, full of boasting, full of scorn, full, no doubt, of falsehood, but using a bit of truth whenever the truth could aid him. We know that among other great gifts C?sar had the gift of persuasion79. From his tongue, also, as from Nestor’s, could flow “words sweeter than honey,”—or sharper than steel. At any rate, if others will not follow him, his tenth legion, he knows, will be true to him. He will go forth with that one legion,—if necessary, with that legion of true soldiers, and with no others. Though he had been at his work but a short time, he already had his picked men, his guards, his favourite regiments80, his tenth legion; and he knew well how to use their superiority and valour for the creation of those virtues81 in others.
Then Ariovistus sends ambassadors, and declares that he now is willing to meet C?sar. Let them meet on a certain plain, each bringing only his cavalry82{43} guard. Ariovistus suggests that foot-soldiers might be dangerous, knowing that C?sar’s foot-soldiers would be Romans, and that his cavalry are Gauls. C?sar agrees, but takes men out of his own tenth legion, mounted on the horses of the less-trusted allies. The accounts of these meetings, and the arguments which we are told are used on this and that side, are very interesting. We are bound to remember that C?sar is telling the story for both sides, but we feel that he tries to tell it fairly. Ariovistus had very little to say to C?sar’s demands, but a great deal to say about his own exploits. The meeting, however, was broken up by an attack made by the Germans on C?sar’s mounted guard, and C?sar retires,—not, however, before he has explained to Ariovistus his grand idea of the protection due by Rome to her allies. Then Ariovistus proposes another meeting, which C?sar declines to attend, sending, however, certain ambassadors. Ariovistus at once throws the ambassadors into chains, and then there is nothing for it but a fight.
The details of all these battles cannot be given within our short limits, and there is nothing special in this battle to tempt52 us to dwell upon it. C?sar describes to us the way in which the German cavalry and infantry83 fought together, the footmen advancing from amidst the horsemen, and then returning for protection. His own men fight well, and the Germans, in spite of their flashing eyes, are driven headlong in a rout46 back to the Rhine. Ariovistus succeeds in getting over the river and saving himself, but he has to leave his two daughters behind, and his two{44} wives. The two wives and one of the daughters are killed; the other daughter is taken prisoner. C?sar had sent as one of his ambassadors to the German a certain dear friend of his, who, as we heard before, was, with his comrade, at once subjected to chains. In the flight this ambassador is recovered. “Which thing, indeed, gave C?sar not less satisfaction than the victory itself,—in that he saw one of the honestest men of the Province of Gaul, his own familiar friend and guest, rescued from the hands of his enemies and restored to him. Nor did Fortune diminish this gratification by any calamity84 inflicted on the man. Thrice, as he himself told the tale, had it been decided85 by lot in his own presence whether he should then be burned alive or reserved for another time.” So C?sar tells the story, and we like him for his enthusiasm, and are glad to hear that the comrade ambassador also is brought back.
The yellow-haired Suevi, when they hear of all this, desist from their invasion on the lower Rhine, and hurry back into their own country, not without misfortunes on the road. So great already is C?sar’s name, that tribes, acting86 as it were on his side, dare to attack even the Suevi. Then, in his “Veni, vidi, vici” style, he tells us that, having in one summer finished off two wars, he is able to put his army into winter quarters even before the necessary time, so that he himself may go into his other Gaul across the Alps,—“ad conventus agendos,”—to hold some kind of session or assizes for the government of his province, and especially to collect more soldiers.
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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execrates
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| v.憎恶( execrate的第三人称单数 )；厌恶；诅咒；咒骂 | |
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ravenous
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| adj.极饿的，贪婪的 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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slaughtering
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的现在分词 ) | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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intentionally
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| ad.故意地，有意地 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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centurions
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| n.百人队长，百夫长（古罗马的军官，指挥百人）( centurion的名词复数 ) | |
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harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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bruised
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| [医]青肿的，瘀紫的 | |
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dexterous
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| adj.灵敏的；灵巧的 | |
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prolixity
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| n.冗长，罗嗦 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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nil
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| n.无，全无，零 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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deigns
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| v.屈尊，俯就( deign的第三人称单数 ) | |
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cleft
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| n.裂缝；adj.裂开的 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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fickle
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| adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的，不坚定的 | |
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wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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implores
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的第三人称单数 ) | |
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horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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hirsute
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| adj.多毛的 | |
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prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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84
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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