In opening his account of his seventh campaign C?sar makes almost the only reference to the affairs of Rome which we find in these memoirs1. Clodius has been murdered. We know, too, that Crassus had been killed at the head of his army in the east, and that, at the death of Clodius, Pompey had been created Dictator in the city with the name of sole Consul3. C?sar, however, only mentions the murder of Clodius, and then goes on to say that the Gauls, knowing how important to him must be the affairs of Rome at this moment, think that he cannot now attend to them, and that, in his absence, they may shake off the Roman yoke4. The affairs of Rome must indeed have been important to C?sar, if, as no doubt is true, he had already before his eyes a settled course of action by which to make himself supreme5 in the Republic. Clodius, the demagogue, was dead, whom he never could have loved, but whom it had not suited him to treat as an enemy. Crassus, too, was dead, whom, on account of his wealth, C?sar had admitted as a colleague. Pompey, the third triumvir,{101} remained at Rome, and was now sole Consul; Pompey who, only twelve months since, had so fondly given up his legion for the sake of the Republic,—and for friendship. C?sar, no doubt, foresaw by this time that the struggle must be at last between himself and Pompey. The very forms of the old republican rule were being turned adrift, and C?sar must have known, as Pompey also knew, and Clodius had known, and even Crassus, that a new power would become paramount6 in the city. But the hands to wrest7 such power must be very strong. And the day had not yet quite come. Having spent six summers in subduing8 Gaul, C?sar would not lose the prestige, the power, the support, which such a territory, really subdued9, would give him. Things, doubtless, were important at Rome, but it was still his most politic10 course to return over the Alps and complete his work. Before the winter was over he heard that the tribes were conspiring11, because it was thought that at such an emergency C?sar could not leave Italy.
This last book of the Commentary, as written by C?sar, tells the story of the gallant12 Vercingetorix, one of the Arverni,—the modern Auvergne,—whose father, Celtillus, is said to have sought the chieftainship of all Gaul, and to have been killed on that account by his own state. Vercingetorix is certainly the hero of these wars on the Gaulish side, though we hear nothing of him till this seventh campaign. The conspiracy13 against Rome is afloat, the Carnutes, whose chief town is Genabum,—Orleans,—having commenced it. Vercingetorix excites his own countrymen to join, but is expelled from{102} their town, Gergovia, for the attempt. The Arverni, or at least their chief men, fear to oppose the Romans; but Vercingetorix obtains a crowd of followers14 out in the country, and perseveres15. Men of other tribes come to him, from as far north as Paris, and west from the Ocean. He assumes supreme power, and enacts16 and carries out most severe laws for his guidance during the war. For any greater offence he burns the offender17 alive and subjects him to all kinds of torments18. For any small fault he cuts off a man’s ears, pokes19 out one of his eyes, and sends him home, that he may be an example visible to all men. By threats of such punishment to those who do not join him, and by inflicting20 such on those who do and are then untrue to him or lukewarm, he gets together a great army. C?sar, who is still in Italy, hears of all this, and having made things comfortable with Pompey, hurries into the province. He tells us of his great difficulty in joining his army,—of the necessity which is incumbent21 on him of securing even the Roman Province from invasion, and of the manner in which he breaks through snow-clad mountains, the Cevennes, at a time of the year in which such mountains were supposed to be impassable. He is forced into fighting before the winter is over, because, unless he does so, the few friends he has in Gaul,—the ?dui, for instance,—will have been gained over by the enemy. This made it very difficult, C?sar tells us, for him to know what to do; but he decides that he must begin his campaign, though it be winter still.
C?sar, moving his army about with wonderful quickness, takes three towns in the centre of Gaul, of which{103} Genabum, Orleans, is the first, and thus provides himself with food. Vercingetorix, when he hears of these losses, greatly troubled in his mind that C?sar should thus he enabled to exist on the provisions gathered by the Gauls, determines to burn all the Gaulish towns in those parts. He tells his people that there is nothing else for them in their present emergency, and that they must remember when they see their hearths22 smoking and their property destroyed, that it would be, or ought to be, much more grievous for them to know that their wives and children would become slaves, as undoubtedly23 would be their fate, if C?sar were allowed to prevail. The order is given. Twenty cities belonging to one tribe are burned to the ground. The same thing is done in other states. But there is one very beautiful city, the glory of the country round, which can, they say, be so easily defended that it will be a comfort rather than a peril24 to them. Avaricum, the present Bourges,—must that also be burned? May not Avaricum be spared? Vercingetorix is all for burning Avaricum as he has burned the others; but he allows himself to be persuaded, and the city is spared—for the time.
C?sar, of course, determines to take Avaricum; but he encounters great difficulties. The cattle have been driven away. There is no corn. Those wretched ?dui do almost nothing for him; and the Boii, who are their neighbours, and who, at the best, are but a poor scanty25 people, are equally unserviceable. Some days his army is absolutely without food; but yet no word of complaint is heard “unworthy of the majesty{104} and former victories of the Roman people.” The soldiers even beg him to continue the siege when he offers to raise it because of the hardships they are enduring. Let them endure anything, they say, but failure! “Moreover C?sar, when he would accost26 his legions one by one at their work, and would tell them that he would raise the siege if they could but ill bear their privations, was implored28 by all of them not to do that. They said that for many years under his command they had so well done their duty that they had undergone no disgrace, had never quitted their ground leaving aught unfinished,”—except the subjugation29 of Britain they might perhaps have said,—“that they would be now disgraced if they should raise a siege which had been commenced; that they would rather bear all hardships than not avenge30 the Roman citizens who had perished at Genabum by the perfidy31 of the Gauls.” C?sar puts these words into the mouths of his legionaries, and as we read them we believe that such was the existing spirit of the men. C?sar’s soldiers now had learned better than to cry because they were afraid of their enemies.
Then we hear that Vercingetorix is in trouble with the Gauls. The Gauls, when they see the Romans so near them, think that they are to be betrayed into C?sar’s hands, and they accuse their leader. But Vercingetorix makes them a speech, and brings up certain Roman prisoners to give evidence as to the evil condition of the Roman army. Vercingetorix swears that these prisoners are soldiers from the Roman legions, and so settles that little trouble; but C?sar,{105} defending his legionaries, asserts that the men so used were simply slaves.
Vercingetorix is in his camp at some little distance from Avaricum, while C?sar is determined32 to take the city. We have the description of the siege, concise33, graphic34, and clear. We are told of the nature of the walls; how the Gauls were good at mining and countermining; how they flung hot pitch and boiling grease on the invaders35; how this was kept up, one Gaul after another stepping on to the body of his dying comrade; how at last they resolved to quit the town and make their way by night to the camp of Vercingetorix, but were stopped by the prayers of their own women, who feared C?sar’s mercies;—and how at last the city was taken. We cannot but execrate36 C?sar when he tells us coolly of the result. They were all killed. The old, the women, and the children, perished altogether, slaughtered38 by the Romans. Out of forty thousand inhabitants, C?sar says that about eight hundred got safely to Vercingetorix. Of course we doubt the accuracy of C?sar’s figures when he tells us of the numbers of the Gauls; but we do not doubt that but a few escaped, and that all but a few were slaughtered. When, during the last campaign, the Gauls at Genabum (Orleans) had determined on revolt against C?sar, certain Roman traders—usurers for the most part, who had there established themselves—were killed. C?sar gives this as the cause, and sufficient cause, for the wholesale39 slaughter37 of women and children! One reflects that not otherwise, perhaps, could he have conquered Gaul, and that Gaul{106} had to be conquered; but we cannot for the moment but abhor40 the man capable of such work. Vercingetorix bears his loss bravely. He reminds the Gauls that had they taken his advice the city would have been destroyed by themselves and not defended; he tells them that all the states of Gaul are now ready to join him; and he prepares to fortify41 a camp after the Roman fashion. Hitherto the Gauls have fought either from behind the walls of towns, or out in the open country without other protection than that of the woods and hills.
Then there is another episode with those unsatisfactory ?dui. There is a quarrel among them who shall be their chief magistrate42,—a certain old man or a certain young man,—and they send to C?sar to settle the question. C?sar’s hands are very full; but, as he explains, it is essential to him that his allies shall be kept in due subordinate order. He therefore absolutely goes in person to one of their cities, and decides that the young man shall be the chief magistrate. But, as he seldom does anything for nothing, he begs that ten thousand ?duan infantry43 and all the ?duan cavalry44 may be sent to help him against Vercingetorix. The ?dui have no alternative but to comply. Their compliance45, however, is not altogether of a friendly nature. The old man who has been put out of the magistracy gets hold of the ?duan general of the forces; and the ?duan army takes the field,—to help, not C?sar, but Vercingetorix! There is a large amount of lying and treachery among the ?dui, and of course tidings of what is going on are carried to C?sar. Over{107} and over again these people deceive him, betray him, and endeavour to injure his cause; but he always forgives them, or pretends to forgive them. It is his policy to show to the Gauls how great can be the friendship and clemency46 of C?sar. If he would have burned the ?dui and spared Bourges we should have liked him better; but then, had he done so, he would not have been C?sar.
While C?sar is thus troubled with his allies, he has trouble enough also with his enemies. Vercingetorix, with his followers, after that terrible reverse at Avaricum,—Bourges,—goes into his own country which we know as Auvergne, and there encamps his army on a high hill with a flat top, called Gergovia. All of us who have visited Clermont have probably seen the hill. Vercingetorix makes three camps for his army on the hill, and the Arverni have a town there. The Gaul has so placed himself that there shall be a river not capable of being forded between himself and C?sar. But the Roman general makes a bridge and sets himself down with his legions before Gergovia. The limits of this little work do not admit of any detailed47 description of C?sar’s battles; but perhaps there is none more interesting than this siege. The three Gaulish camps are taken. The women of Gergovia, thinking that their town is taken also, leaning over the walls, implore27 mercy from the Romans, and beg that they may not be treated as have the women of Avaricum. Certain leading Roman soldiers absolutely climb up into the town. The reader also thinks that C?sar is to prevail, as he always does prevail. But he is beaten back, and{108} has to give it up. On this occasion the gallant Vercingetorix is the master of the day, and C?sar excuses himself by explaining how it was that his legions were defeated through the rash courage of his own men, and not by bad generalship of his own. And it probably was so. The reader always feels inclined to believe the Commentary, even when he may most dislike C?sar. C?sar again makes his bridge over the river, the Allier, and retires into the territory of his doubtful friends the ?dui. He tells us himself that in that affair he lost 700 men and 46 officers.
It seems that at this time C?sar with his whole army must have been in great danger of being destroyed by the Gauls. Why Vercingetorix did not follow up his victory and prevent C?sar from escaping over the Allier is not explained. No doubt the requirements of warfare48 were not known to the Gaul as they were to the Roman. As it was, C?sar had enough to do to save his army. The ?dui, of course, turned against him again. All his stores and treasure and baggage were at Noviodunum,—Nevers,—a town belonging to the ?dui. These are seized by his allies, who destroy all that they cannot carry away, and C?sar’s army is in danger of being starved. Everything has been eaten up where he is, and the Loire, without bridges or fords, was between him and a country where food was to be found. He does cross the river, the ?dui having supposed that it would be impossible. He finds a spot in which his men can wade49 across with their shoulders just above the waters. Bad as the spot is for fording, in his great difficulty he makes the attempt and accomplishes it.{109}
Then there is an account of a battle which Labienus is obliged to fight up near Paris. He has four legions away with him there, and having heard of C?sar’s misfortune at Gergovia, knows how imperative50 it is that he should join his chief. He fights his battle and wins it, and C?sar tells the story quite as enthusiastically as though he himself had been the conqueror51. When this difficulty is overcome, Labienus comes south and joins his Imperator.
The Gauls are still determined to drive C?sar out of their country, and with this object call together a great council at Bibracte, which was the chief town of the ?dui. It was afterwards called Augustodunum, which has passed into the modern name Autun. At this meeting, the ?dui, who, having been for some years past bolstered52 up by Rome, think themselves the first of all the Gauls, demand that the chief authority in the revolt against Rome,—now that they have revolted,—shall be intrusted to them. An ?duan chief, they think, should be the commander-in-chief in this war against Rome. Who has done so much for the revolt as the ?dui, who have thrown over their friends the Romans,—now for about the tenth time? But Vercingetorix is unanimously elected, and the ?duan chiefs are disgusted. Then there is another battle. Vercingetorix thinks that he is strong enough to attack the enemy as C?sar is going down south towards the Province. C?sar, so says Vercingetorix, is in fact retreating. And, indeed, it seems that C?sar was retreating. But the Gauls are beaten and fly, losing some three thousand of their men who are slaughtered in the fight. Vercingetorix shuts himself{110} up in a town called Alesia, and C?sar prepares for another siege.
The taking of Alesia is the last event told in C?sar’s Commentary on the Gallic War, and of all the stories told, it is perhaps the most heartrending. Civilisation53 was never forwarded in a fashion more terrible than that which prevailed at this siege. Vercingetorix with his whole army is forced into the town, and C?sar surrounds it with ditches, works, lines, and ramparts, so that no one shall be able to escape from it. Before this is completed, and while there is yet a way open of leaving the town, the Gaulish chief sends out horsemen, who are to go to all the tribes of Gaul, and convene54 the fighting men to that place, so that by their numbers they may raise the siege and expel the Romans. We find that these horsemen do as they are bidden, and that a great Gaulish conference is held, at which it is decided55 how many men shall be sent by each tribe. Vercingetorix has been very touching56 in his demand that all this shall be done quickly. He has food for the town for thirty days. Probably it may be stretched to last a little longer. Then, if the tribes are not true to him, he and the eighty thousand souls he has with him must perish. The horsemen make good their escape from the town, and Vercingetorix, with his eighty thousand hungry souls around him, prepares to wait. It seems to us, when we think what must have been the Gallia of those days, and when we remember how far thirty days would now be for sufficing for such a purpose, that the difficulties to be overcome were insuperable. But C?sar says that the tribes did send their men, each tribe sending the number demanded,{111} except the Bellovaci,—the men of Beauvais,—who declared that they chose to wage war on their own account; but even they, out of kindness, lent two thousand men. C?sar explains that even his own best friends among the Gauls,—among whom was one Commius, who had been very useful to him in Britain, and whom he had made king over his own tribe, the Atrebates,—at this conjuncture of affairs felt themselves bound to join the national movement. This Commius had even begged for the two thousand men of Beauvais. So great, says C?sar, was the united desire of Gaul to recover Gallic liberty, that they were deterred57 from coming by no memory of benefits or of friendship. Eight thousand horsemen and two hundred and forty thousand footmen assembled themselves in the territories of the ?dui. Alesia was north of the ?dui, amidst the Lingones. This enormous army chose its generals, and marched off to Alesia to relieve Vercingetorix.
But the thirty days were past, and more than past, and the men and women in Alesia were starving. No tidings ever had reached Alesia of the progress which was being made in the gathering58 of their friends. It had come to be very bad with them there. Some were talking of unconditional59 surrender. Others proposed to cut their way through the Roman lines. Then one Critognatus had a suggestion to make, and C?sar gives us the words of his speech. It has been common with the Greek and Latin historians to put speeches into the mouths of certain orators60, adding the words when the matter has come within either their knowledge or belief. C?sar does not often{112} thus risk his credibility; but on this occasion he does so. We have the speech of Critognatus, word for word. Of those who speak of surrender he thinks so meanly that he will not notice them. As to that cutting a way through the Roman lines, which means death, he is of opinion that to endure misfortune is greater than to die. Many a man can die who cannot bravely live and suffer. Let them endure a little longer. Why doubt the truth and constancy of the tribes? Then he makes his suggestion. Let those who can fight, and are thus useful,—eat those who are useless and cannot fight; and thus live till the levies61 of all Gaul shall have come to their succour! Those who have authority in Alesia cannot quite bring themselves to this, but they do that which is horrible in the next degree. They will turn out of the town all the old, all the weak, and all the women. After that,—if that will not suffice,—then they will begin to eat each other. The town belongs, or did belong, to a people called the Mandubii,—not to Vercingetorix or his tribe; and the Mandubii, with their children and women, are compelled to go out.
But whither shall they go? C?sar has told us that there was a margin62 of ground between his lines and the city wall,—an enclosed space from which there was no egress63 except into C?sar’s camp or into the besieged64 town. Here stand these weak ones,—aged men, women, and children,—and implore C?sar to receive them into his camp, so that they may pass out into the open country. There they stood as supplicants, on that narrow margin of ground between two armies. Their own friends, having no food for them,{113} had expelled them from their own homes. Would C?sar have mercy? C?sar, with a wave of his hand, declines to have mercy. He tells us what he himself decides to do in eight words. “At C?sar, depositis in vallo custodiis, recipi prohibebat.” “But C?sar, having placed guards along the rampart, forbade that they should be received.” We hear no more of them, but we know that they perished!
The collected forces of Gaul do at last come up to attempt the rescue of Vercingetorix,—and indeed they come in time; were they able by coming to do anything? They attack C?sar in his camp, and a great battle is fought beneath the eyes of the men in Alesia. But C?sar is very careful that those who now are hemmed65 up in the town shall not join themselves to the Gauls who had spread over the country all around him. We hear how during the battle C?sar comes up himself, and is known by the colour of his cloak. We again feel, as we read his account of the fighting, that the Gauls nearly win, and that they ought to win. But at last they are driven headlong in flight,—all the levies of all the tribes. The Romans kill very many: were not the labour of killing66 too much for them, they might kill all. A huge crowd, however, escapes, and the men scatter67 themselves back into their tribes.
On the next day Vercingetorix yields himself and the city to C?sar. During the late battle he and his men shut up within the walls have been simply spectators of the fighting. C?sar is sitting in his lines before his camp; and there the chieftains, with Vercingetorix at their head, are brought up to him. Plutarch{114} tells us a story of the chieftain riding up before C?sar, to deliver himself, with gilt68 armour69, on a grand horse, caracolling and prancing70. We cannot fancy that any horse out of Alesia, could, after the siege, have been fit for such holiday occasion. The horses out of Vercingetorix’s stables had probably been eaten many days since. Then C?sar again forgives the ?dui; but Vercingetorix is taken as a prisoner to Rome, is kept a prisoner for six years, is then led in C?sar’s Triumph, and, after these six years, is destroyed, as a victim needed for C?sar’s glory,—that so honour may be done to C?sar! C?sar puts his army into winter quarters, and determines to remain himself in Gaul during the winter. When his account of these things reaches Home, a “supplication” of twenty days is decreed in his honour.
This is the end of C?sar’s Commentary “De Bello Gallico.” The war was carried on for two years more; and a memoir2 of C?sar’s doings during those two years,—B.C. 51 and 50,—was written, after C?sar’s manner, by one Aulus Hirtius. There is no pretence71 on the writer’s part that this was the work of C?sar’s hands, as in a short preface he makes an author’s apology for venturing to continue what C?sar had begun. The most memorable72 circumstance of C?sar’s warfares told in this record of two campaigns is the taking of Uxellodunum, a town in the south-west of France, the site of which is not now known. C?sar took the town by cutting off the water, and then horribly mutilated the inhabitants who had dared to defend their own hearths.{115} “C?sar,” says this historian, “knowing well that his clemency was acknowledged by all men, and that he need not fear that any punishment inflicted73 by him would be attributed to the cruelty of his nature, perceiving also that he could never know what might be the end of his policy if such rebellions should continue to break out, thought that other Gauls should be deterred by the fear of punishment.” So he cut off the hands of all those who had borne arms at Uxellodunum, and turned the maimed wretches74 adrift upon the world! And his apologist adds, that he gave them life so that the punishment of these wicked ones,—who had fought for their liberty,—might be the more manifest to the world at large! This was perhaps the crowning act of C?sar’s cruelty,—defended, as we see, by the character he had achieved for clemency!
Soon after this Gaul was really subdued, and then we hear the first preparatory notes of the coming civil war. An attempt was made at Rome to ruin C?sar in his absence. One of the consuls75 of the year,—B.C. 51,—endeavoured to deprive him of the remainder of the term of his proconsulship, and to debar him from seeking the suffrages77 of the people for the consulship76 in his absence. Two of his legions are also demanded from him, and are surrendered by him. The order, indeed, is for one legion from him and one from Pompeius; but he has had with him, as the reader will remember, a legion borrowed from Pompeius;—and thus in fact C?sar is called upon to give up two legions. And he gives them up,—not being as yet quite ready to pass the Rubicon.
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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wrest
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| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
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subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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perseveres
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的第三人称单数 ) | |
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enacts
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的第三人称单数 ) | |
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offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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torments
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| （肉体或精神上的）折磨，痛苦( torment的名词复数 )； 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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pokes
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| v.伸出( poke的第三人称单数 )；戳出；拨弄；与（某人）性交 | |
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inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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hearths
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| 壁炉前的地板，炉床，壁炉边( hearth的名词复数 ) | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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accost
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| v.向人搭话，打招呼 | |
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implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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graphic
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| adj.生动的，形象的，绘画的，文字的，图表的 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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execrate
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| v.憎恶；厌恶；诅咒 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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abhor
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| v.憎恶；痛恨 | |
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fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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wade
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| v.跋涉，涉水；n.跋涉 | |
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imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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bolstered
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| v.支持( bolster的过去式和过去分词 )；支撑；给予必要的支持；援助 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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convene
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| v.集合，召集，召唤，聚集，集合 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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egress
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| n.出去；出口 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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gilt
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| adj.镀金的；n.金边证券 | |
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armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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prancing
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| v.（马）腾跃( prance的现在分词 ) | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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suffrages
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| （政治性选举的）选举权，投票权( suffrage的名词复数 ) | |
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