C?sar now gives us his history of that civil war in which he and Pompey contended for the mastery over Rome and the Republic. In his first Commentary he had recorded his campaigns in Gaul,—campaigns in which he reduced tribes which were, if not hostile, at any rate foreign, and by his success in which he carried on and maintained the potency1, traditions, and purport2 of the Roman Republic. It was the ambition of the Roman to be master of the known world. In his ideas no more of the world was really known than had become Roman, and any extension to the limits of this world could only be made by the addition of so-called barbarous tribes to the number of Roman subjects. In reducing Gaul, therefore, and in fighting with the Germans, and in going over to Britain, C?sar was doing that which all good Romans wished to see done, and was rivalling in the West the great deeds which Pompey had accomplished3 for the Republic in the East. In this second Commentary he is forced to deal with a subject which must have been less gratifying to Roman readers. He{117} relates to us the victories which he won with Roman legions over other legions equally Roman, and by which he succeeded in destroying the liberty of the Republic.
It must he acknowledged on C?sar’s behalf that in truth liberty had fallen in Rome before C?sar’s time. Power had produced wealth, and wealth had produced corruption4. The tribes of Rome were bought and sold at the various elections, and a few great oligarchs, either of this faction5 or of that, divided among themselves the places of trust and honour and power, and did so with hands ever open for the grasping of public wealth. An honest man with clean hands and a conscience, with scruples6 and a love of country, became unfitted for public employment. Cato in these days was simply ridiculous; and even Cicero, though he was a trimmer, was too honest for the times. Laws were wrested7 from their purposes, and the very Tribunes[11] of the people had become the worst of tyrants8. It was necessary, perhaps, that there should be a master;—so at least C?sar thought. He had, no doubt, seen this necessity during all these years of fighting in Gaul, and had resolved that he would not be less than First in the new order of things. So he crossed the Rubicon.
The reader of this second Commentary will find it less alluring9 than the first. There is less in it of adventure, less of new strange life, and less of that sound,{118} healthy, joyous10 feeling which sprang from a thorough conviction on C?sar’s part that in crushing the Gauls he was doing a thoroughly11 good thing. To us, and our way of thinking, his doings in Gaul were stained with terrible cruelty. To him and to his Romans they were foul12 with no such stain. How other Roman conquerors14 acted to other conquered peoples we may learn from the fact, that C?sar obtained a character for great mercy by his forbearance in Gaul. He always writes as though he were free from any sting of conscience, as he tells us of the punishments which policy called upon him to inflict15. But as he writes of these civil wars, there is an absence of this feeling of perfect self-satisfaction, and at the same time he is much less cruel. Hecatombs of Gauls, whether men or women or children, he could see burned or drowned or starved, mutilated or tortured, without a shudder16. He could give the command for such operations with less remorse17 than we feel when we order the destruction of a litter of undesirable18 puppies. But he could not bring himself to slay19 Roman legionaries, even in fair fighting, with anything like self-satisfaction. In this he was either soft-hearted or had a more thorough feeling of country than generals or soldiers who have fought in civil contests since his time have shown. In the Wars of the Roses and in those of Cromwell we recognise no such feeling. The American generals were not so restrained. But C?sar seems to have valued a Roman legionary more than a tribe of Gauls.
Nevertheless he crossed the Rubicon. We have all heard of this crossing of the Rubicon, but C?sar says nothing about it. The Rubicon was a little{119} river, now almost if not altogether unknown, running into the Adriatic between Ravenna and Ariminum,—Rimini,—and dividing the provinces of so-called Cisalpine Gaul from the territory under the immediate20 rule of the magistracy of Rome. C?sar was, so to say, at home north of the Rubicon. He was in his own province, and had all things under his command. But he was forbidden by the laws even to enter the territory of Rome proper while in the command of a Roman province; and therefore, in crossing the Rubicon, he disobeyed the laws, and put himself in opposition21 to the constituted authorities of the city. It does not appear, however, that very much was thought of this, or that the passage of the river was in truth taken as the special sign of C?sar’s purpose, or as a deed that was irrevocable in its consequences. There are various pretty stories of C?sar’s hesitation22 as he stood on the brink23 of the river, doubting whether he would plunge24 the world into civil war. We are told how a spirit appeared to him and led him across the water with martial25 music, and how C?sar, declaring that the die was cast, went on and crossed the fatal stream. But all this was fable26, invented on C?sar’s behalf by Romans who came after C?sar. C?sar’s purpose was, no doubt, well understood when he brought one of his legions down into that corner of his province, but offers to treat with him on friendly terms were made by Pompey and his party after he had established himself on the Roman side of the river.
When the civil war began, C?sar had still, according to the assignment made to him, two years and a half left of his allotted27 period of government in the{120} three provinces; but his victories and his power had been watched with anxious eyes from Rome, and the Senate had attempted to decree that he should be recalled. Pompey was no longer C?sar’s friend, nor did C?sar expect his friendship. Pompey, who had lately played his cards but badly, and must have felt that he had played them badly, had been freed from his bondage28 to C?sar by the death of Crassus, the third triumvir, by the death of Julia, C?sar’s daughter, and by the course of things in Rome. It had been an unnatural29 alliance arranged by C?sar with the view of clipping his rival’s wings. The fortunes of Pompey had hitherto been so bright, that he also had seemed to be divine. While still a boy, he had commanded and conquered, women had adored him, the soldiers had worshipped him. Sulla had called him the Great; and, as we are told, had raised his hat to him in token of honour. He had been allowed the glory of a Triumph while yet a youth, and had triumphed a second time before he had reached middle life. He had triumphed again a third time, and the three Triumphs had been won in the three quarters of the globe. In all things he had been successful, and in all things happy. He had driven the swarming30 pirates from every harbour in the Mediterranean31, and had filled Rome with corn. He had returned a conqueror13 with his legions from the East, and had dared to disband them, that he might live again as a private citizen. And after that, when it was thought necessary that the city should be saved, in her need, from the factions32 of her own citizens, he had been made sole consul33. It is easier now to understand the character of Pompey{121} than the position which, by his unvaried successes, he had made for himself in the minds both of the nobles and of the people. Even up to this time, even after C?sar’s wars in Gaul, there was something of divinity hanging about Pompey, in which the Romans of the city trusted. He had been imperious, but calm in manner and self-possessed,—allowing no one to be his equal, but not impatient in making good his claims; grand, handsome, lavish34 when policy required it, rapacious35 when much was needed, never self-indulgent, heartless, false, cruel, politic36, ambitious, very brave, and a Roman to the backbone37. But he had this failing, this weakness;—when the time for the last struggle came, he did not quite know what it was that he desired to do; he did not clearly see his future. The things to be done were so great, that he had not ceased to doubt concerning them when the moment came in which doubt was fatal. C?sar saw it all, and never doubted. That little tale of C?sar standing38 on the bridge over the Rubicon pondering as to his future course,—divided between obedience39 and rebellion,—is very pretty. But there was no such pondering, and no such division. C?sar knew very well what he meant and what he wanted.
C?sar is full of his wrongs as he begins his second narrative40. He tells us how his own friends are silenced in the Senate and in the city; how his enemies, Scipio, Cato, and Lentulus the consul, prevail; how no one is allowed to say a word for him. “Pompey himself,” he says, “urged on by the enemies of C?sar, and because he was unwilling41 that any one should equal himself in honour, had turned himself{122} altogether from C?sar’s friendship, and had gone back to the fellowship of their common enemies,—enemies whom he himself had created for C?sar during the time of their alliance. At the same time, conscious of the scandal of those two legions which he had stopped on their destined42 road to Asia and Syria and taken into his own hand, he was anxious that the question should be referred to arms.” Those two legions are very grievous to C?sar. One was the legion, which, as we remember, Pompey had given up to friendship,—and the Republic. When, in the beginning of these contests between the two rivals, the Senate had decided43 on weakening each by demanding from each a legion, Pompey had asked C?sar for the restitution44 of that which he had so kindly45 lent. C?sar, too proud to refuse payment of the debt, had sent that to his former friend, and had also sent another legion, as demanded, to the Senate. They were required nominally46 for service in the East, and now were in the hands of him who had been C?sar’s friend but had become his enemy. It is no wonder that C?sar talks of the infamy47 or scandal of the two legions! He repeats his complaint as to the two legions again and again.
In the month of January C?sar was at Ravenna, just north of the Rubicon, and in his own province. Messages pass between him and the Senate, and he proposes his terms. The Senate also proposes its terms. He must lay down his arms, or he will be esteemed48 an enemy by the Republic. All Rome is disturbed. The account is C?sar’s account, but we imagine that Rome was disturbed. “Soldiers are recruited over all Italy; arms are demanded, taxes are levied49 on the municipalities,{123} and money is taken from the sacred shrines50; all laws divine and human are disregarded.” Then C?sar explains to his soldiers his wrongs, and the crimes of Pompey. He tells them how they, under his guidance, have been victorious51, how under him they have “pacified” all Gaul and Germany, and he calls upon them to defend him who has enabled them to do such great things. He has but one legion with him, but that legion declares that it will obey him,—him and the tribunes of the people, some of whom, acting52 on C?sar’s side, have come over from Rome to Ravenna. We can appreciate the spirit of this allusion53 to the tribunes, so that there may seem to be still some link between C?sar and the civic54 authorities. When the soldiers have expressed their goodwill55, he goes to Ariminum, and so the Rubicon is passed.
There are still more messages. C?sar expresses himself as greatly grieved that he should be subjected to so much suspense56, nevertheless he is willing to suffer anything for the Republic;—“omnia pati reipublic? causa.” Only let Pompey go to his province, let the legions in and about Rome be disbanded, let all the old forms of free government be restored, and panic be abolished, and then,—when that is done,—all difficulties may be settled in a few minutes’ talking. The consuls57 and Pompey send back word that if C?sar will go back into Gaul and dismiss his army, Pompey shall go at once to Spain. But Pompey and the consuls with their troops will not stir till C?sar shall have given security for his departure. Each demands that the other shall first abandon his position. Of course all these messages mean nothing.{124}
C?sar, complaining bitterly of injustice58, sends a portion of his small army still farther into the Roman territory. Marc Antony goes to Arezzo with five cohorts, and C?sar occupies three other cities with a cohort each. The marvel59 is that he was not attacked and driven back by Pompey. We may probably conclude that the soldiers, though under the command of Pompey, were not trustworthy as against C?sar. As C?sar regrets his two legions, so no doubt do the two legions regret their commander. At any rate, the consular60 forces with Pompey and the consuls and a host of senators retreat southwards to Brundusium,—Brindisi,—intending to leave Italy by the port which we shall all use before long when we go eastwards61. During this retreat, the first blood in the civil war is spilt at Corfinium, a town which, if it now stood at all, would stand in the Abruzzi. C?sar there is victor in a small engagement, and obtains possession of the town. The Pompeian officers whom he finds there he sends away, and allows them even to carry with them money which he believes to have been taken from the public treasury62. Throughout his route southward the soldiers of Pompey,—who had heretofore been his soldiers,—return to him. Pompey and the consuls still retreat, and still C?sar follows them, though Pompey had boasted, when first warned to beware of C?sar, that he had only to stamp upon Italian soil and legions would arise from the earth ready to obey him. He knows, however, that away from Rome, in her provinces, in Macedonia and Achaia, in Asia and Cilicia, in Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa, in Mauritania and the two Spains, there are Roman legions which as yet{125} know no C?sar. It may be better for Pompey that he should stamp his foot somewhere out of Italy. At any rate he sends the obedient consuls and his attendant senators over to Dyrrachium in Illyria with a part of his army, and follows with the remainder as soon as C?sar is at his heels. C?sar makes an effort to intercept63 him and his fleet, but in that he fails. Thus Pompey deserts Rome and Italy,—and never again sees the imperial city or the fair land.
C?sar explains to us why he does not follow his enemy and endeavour at once to put an end to the struggle. Pompey is provided with shipping64 and he is not; and he is aware that the force of Rome lies in her provinces. Moreover, Rome may be starved by Pompey, unless he, C?sar, can take care that the corn-growing countries, which are the granaries of Rome, are left free for the use of the city. He must make sure of the two Gauls, and of Sardinia, and of Sicily, of Africa too, if it may be possible. He must win to his cause the two Spains, of which at least the northern province was at present devoted65 to Pompey. He sends one lieutenant66 to Sardinia with a legion, another to Sicily with three legions,—and from Sicily over into Africa. These provinces had been allotted to partisans67 of Pompey; but C?sar is successful with them all. To Cato, the virtuous68 man, had been assigned the government of Sicily; but Cato finds no Pompeian army ready for his use, and, complaining bitterly that he has been deceived and betrayed by the head of his faction, runs away, and leaves his province to C?sar’s officers. C?sar determines that he himself will carry the war into Spain.{126}
But he found it necessary first to go to Rome, and C?sar, in his account of what he did there, hardly tells us the whole truth. We quite go along with him when he explains to us that, having collected what sort of a Senate he could,—for Pompey had taken away with him such senators as he could induce to follow him,—and having proposed to this meagre Senate that ambassadors should be sent to Pompey, the Senate accepted his suggestion; but that nobody could be induced to go on such an errand. Pompey had already declared that all who remained at Rome were his enemies. And it may probably be true that C?sar, as he says, found a certain tribune of the people at Rome who opposed him in all that he was doing, though we should imagine that the opposition was not violent. But his real object in going to Rome was to lay hand on the treasure of the Republic,—the sanctius ?rarium,—which was kept in the temple of Saturn69 for special emergencies of State. That he should have taken this we do not wonder;—but we do wonder that he should have taken the trouble to say that he did not do so. He professes70 that he was so hindered by that vexatious tribune, that he could not accomplish the purposes for which he had come. But he certainly did take the money, and we cannot doubt but that he went to Rome especially to get it.
C?sar, on his way to Spain, goes to Marseilles, which, under the name of Massilia, was at this time, as it is now, the most thriving mercantile port on the Mediterranean. It belonged to the province of Further Gaul, but it was in fact a colony of Greek traders. Its possession was now necessary to C?sar. The magistrates{127} of the town, when called upon for their adhesion, gave a most sensible answer. They protest that they are very fond of C?sar, and very fond of Pompey. They don’t understand all these affairs of Rome, and regret that two such excellent men should quarrel. In the mean time they prefer to hold their own town. C?sar speaks of this decision as an injury to himself, and is instigated71 by such wrongs against him to besiege72 the city, which he does both by land and sea, leaving officers there for the purpose, and going on himself to Spain.
At this time all Spain was held by three officers, devoted to the cause of Pompey, though, from what has gone before, it is clear that C?sar fears nothing from the south. Afranius commanded in the north and east, holding the southern spurs of the Pyrenees. Petreius, who was stationed in Lusitania, in the south-west, according to agreement, hurries up to the assistance of Afranius as soon as C?sar approaches. The Pompeian and C?sarian armies are brought into close quarters in the neighbourhood of Ilerda (Lerida), on the little river Sicoris, or Segre, which runs into the Ebro. They are near the mountains here, and the nature of the fighting is controlled by the rapidity and size of the rivers, and the inequality of the ground. C?sar describes the campaign with great minuteness, imparting to it a wonderful interest by the clearness of his narrative. Afranius and Petreius hold the town of Ilerda, which is full of provisions. C?sar is very much pressed by want, as the corn and grass have not yet grown, and the country supplies of the former year are almost exhausted73. So great are his difficulties, that tidings reach Rome that Afranius has conquered him. Hearing{128} this, many who were still clinging to the city, doubtful as to the side they would take, go away to Pompey. But C?sar at last manages to make Ilerda too hot for the Pompeian generals. He takes his army over one river in coracles, such as he had seen in Britain; he turns the course of another; fords a third, breaking the course of the stream by the bulk of his horses; and bridges a fourth. Afranius and Petreius find that they must leave Ilerda, and escape over the Ebro among the half-barbarous tribe further south, and make their way, if possible, among the Celtibri,—getting out of Aragon into Castile, as the division was made in after-ages. C?sar gives us as one reason for this intended march on the part of his enemies, that Pompey was well known by those tribes, but that the name of C?sar was a name as yet obscure to the barbarians74. It was not, however, easy for Afranius to pass over the Ebro without C?sar’s leave, and C?sar will by no means give him leave. He intercepts75 the Pompeians, and now turns upon them that terrible engine of want from which he had suffered so much. He continues so to drive them about, still north of the Ebro, that they can get at no water; and at last they are compelled to surrender.
During the latter days of this contest the Afranians, as they are called—Roman legionaries, as are the soldiers of C?sar—fraternise with their brethren in C?sar’s camp, and there is something of free intercourse76 between the two Roman armies. The upshot is that the soldiers of Afranius resolve to give themselves up to C?sar, bargaining, however, that their own generals shall be secure. Afranius is willing enough; but his{129} brother-general, Petreius, with more of the Roman at heart, will not hear of it. We shall hear hereafter the strange fate of this Petreius. He stops the conspiracy77 with energy, and forces from his own men, and even from Afranius, an oath against surrender. He orders that all C?sar’s soldiers found in their camp shall be killed, and, as C?sar tells us, brings back the affair to the old form of war. But it is all of no avail. The Afranians are so driven by the want of water, that the two generals are at last compelled to capitulate and lay down their arms.
Five words which are used by C?sar in the description of this affair give us a strong instance of his conciseness78 in the use of words, and of the capability79 for conciseness which the Latin language affords. “Premebantur Afraniani pabulatione, aquabantur ?gre.” “The soldiers of Afranius were much distressed80 in the matter of forage81, and could obtain water only with great difficulty.” These twenty words translate those five which C?sar uses, perhaps with fair accuracy; but many more than twenty would probably have been used by any English historian in dealing82 with the same facts.
C?sar treats his compatriots with the utmost generosity83. So many conquered Gauls he would have sold as slaves, slaughtering84 their leaders, or he would have cut off their hands, or have driven them down upon the river and have allowed them to perish in the waters. But his conquered foes85 are Roman soldiers, and he simply demands that the army of Afranius shall be disbanded, and that the leaders of it shall go,—whither they please. He makes them a speech in which he explains how badly they have treated him.{130} Nevertheless he will hurt no one. He has borne it all, and will bear it, patiently. Let the generals only leave the Province, and let the army which they have led be disbanded. He will not keep a soldier who does not wish to stay with him, and will even pay those whom Afranius has been unable to pay out of his own funds. Those who have houses and land in Spain may remain there. Those who have none he will first feed and afterwards take back, if not to Italy, at any rate to the borders of Italy. The property which his own soldiers have taken from them in the chances of war shall be restored, and he out of his own pocket will compensate86 his own men. He performs his promise, and takes all those who do not choose to remain, to the banks of the Var, which divides the Province from Italy, and there sets them down, full, no doubt, of gratitude87 to their conqueror. Never was there such clemency,—or, we may say, better policy! C?sar’s whole campaign in Spain had occupied him only forty days.
In the mean time Decimus Brutus, to whom we remember that C?sar had given the command of the ships which he prepared against the Veneti in the west of Gaul, and who was hereafter to be one of those who slew88 him in the Capitol, obtains a naval89 victory over the much more numerous fleet of the Massilians. They had prepared seventeen big ships,—“naves long?” they are called by C?sar,—and of these Brutus either destroys or takes nine. In his next book C?sar proceeds to tell us how things went on at Marseilles both by sea and land after this affair.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
potency
|
|
| n. 效力，潜能 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
purport
|
|
| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
accomplished
|
|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
corruption
|
|
| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
faction
|
|
| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
scruples
|
|
| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
wrested
|
|
| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
tyrants
|
|
| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
alluring
|
|
| adj.吸引人的，迷人的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
joyous
|
|
| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
thoroughly
|
|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
foul
|
|
| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
conqueror
|
|
| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
conquerors
|
|
| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
inflict
|
|
| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
shudder
|
|
| v.战粟，震动，剧烈地摇晃；n.战粟，抖动 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
remorse
|
|
| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
undesirable
|
|
| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
slay
|
|
| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
immediate
|
|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
hesitation
|
|
| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
brink
|
|
| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
plunge
|
|
| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
martial
|
|
| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
fable
|
|
| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
allotted
|
|
| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
bondage
|
|
| n.奴役，束缚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
unnatural
|
|
| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
swarming
|
|
| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
Mediterranean
|
|
| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
factions
|
|
| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
consul
|
|
| n.领事；执政官 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
lavish
|
|
| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
rapacious
|
|
| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
politic
|
|
| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
backbone
|
|
| n.脊骨，脊柱，骨干；刚毅，骨气 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
obedience
|
|
| n.服从，顺从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
narrative
|
|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
unwilling
|
|
| adj.不情愿的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
destined
|
|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
decided
|
|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
restitution
|
|
| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
kindly
|
|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
nominally
|
|
| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
infamy
|
|
| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
esteemed
|
|
| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
levied
|
|
| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
shrines
|
|
| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
victorious
|
|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
acting
|
|
| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
allusion
|
|
| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
civic
|
|
| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
goodwill
|
|
| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
suspense
|
|
| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
consuls
|
|
| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
injustice
|
|
| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
marvel
|
|
| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
consular
|
|
| a.领事的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
eastwards
|
|
| adj.向东方（的），朝东（的）；n.向东的方向 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
treasury
|
|
| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
intercept
|
|
| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
shipping
|
|
| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
devoted
|
|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
lieutenant
|
|
| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
partisans
|
|
| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
virtuous
|
|
| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
Saturn
|
|
| n.农神，土星 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
professes
|
|
| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
instigated
|
|
| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
besiege
|
|
| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
exhausted
|
|
| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
barbarians
|
|
| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
intercepts
|
|
| （数学）截距( intercept的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
intercourse
|
|
| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
conspiracy
|
|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
conciseness
|
|
| n.简洁，简短 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
capability
|
|
| n.能力；才能；(pl)可发展的能力或特性等 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
distressed
|
|
| 痛苦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
forage
|
|
| n.(牛马的)饲料，粮草；v.搜寻，翻寻 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
dealing
|
|
| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
generosity
|
|
| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
slaughtering
|
|
| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
foes
|
|
| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
compensate
|
|
| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
gratitude
|
|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
slew
|
|
| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
naval
|
|
| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |