In his chronicle of the Gallic war, C?sar in each book completed the narrative1 of a year’s campaign. In treating of the civil war he devotes the first and second books to the doings of one year. There are three distinct episodes of the year’s campaign narrated2 in the second;—the taking of Marseilles, the subjugation3 of the southern province of Spain,—if that can be said to be subjugated4 which gave itself up very readily,—and the destruction of a Roman army in Africa under the hands of a barbarian5 king. But of all C?sar’s writings it is perhaps the least interesting, as it tells us but little of what C?sar did himself,—and in fact contains chiefly C?sar’s records of the doings of his lieutenants6 by sea and land.
He begins by telling us of the enormous exertions8 made both by the besiegers and by the besieged10 at Massilia, which town was now held by Domitius on the part of Pompey,—to supplement whom at sea a certain Nasidius was sent with a large fleet. Young{132} Brutus, as will be remembered, was attacking the harbour on behalf of C?sar, and had already obtained a victory over the Massilians before Nasidius came up; and Trebonius, also on the part of C?sar, was besieging11 the town from the land. This Decimus Brutus was one of those conspirators12 who afterwards conspired13 against C?sar and slew14 him,—and Trebonius was another of the number. The wise Greeks of the city,—more wise than fortunate, however,—had explained to C?sar when he first expressed his wish to have the town on his side, that really to them there was no difference between Pompey and C?sar, both of whom they loved with all their hearts,—but they had been compelled to become partisans15 of Pompey, the Pompeian general Domitius being the first to enter their town; and now they find themselves obliged to fight as Pompeians in defence of their wealth and their homes. Thus driven by necessity, they fight well and do their very best to favour the side which we must henceforward call that of the Republic as against an autocrat;—for, during this siege of Marseilles, C?sar had been appointed Dictator, and a law to that effect had been passed at Rome, where the passing of such a law was no doubt easy enough in the absence of Pompey, of the consuls16, and of all the senators who were Pompey’s friends.
The Massilians had now chosen their side, and they do their very best. We are told that the C?sarean troops, from the high ground on which Trebonius had placed his camp, could look down into the town, and could see “how all the youth who had been left in the city, and all the elders with their children and wives,{133} and the sentinels of the city, either stretched their hands to heaven from the walls, or, entering the temples of the immortal17 gods, and throwing themselves before their sacred images, prayed that the heavenly powers would give them victory. Nor was there one among them who did not believe that on the result of that day depended all that they had,”—namely, liberty, property, and life; for the Massilians, doubtless, had heard of Avaricum, of Alesia, and of Uxellodunum. “When the battle was begun,” says C?sar, “the Massilians failed not at all in valour; but, mindful of the lessons they had just received from their townsmen, fought with the belief that the present was their only opportunity of doing aught for their own preservation18; and that to those who should fall in battle, loss of life would only come a little sooner than to the others, who would have to undergo the same fate, should the city be taken.” C?sar, as he wrote this, doubtless thought of what he had done in Gaul when policy demanded from him an extremity19 of cruelty; and, so writing, he enhanced the clemency20 with which, as he is about to tell us, he afterwards treated the Massilians. When the time came it did not suit him to depopulate a rich town, the trade of whose merchants was beneficial both to Rome and to the Province. He is about to tell us of his mercy, and therefore explains to us beforehand how little was mercy expected from him. We feel that every line he writes is weighed, though the time for such weighing must have been very short with one whose hands were so full as were always the hands of C?sar.{134}
Nasidius, whom we may call Pompey’s admiral, was of no use at all. The Massilians, tempted21 by his coming, attack bravely the ship which bears the flag of young Brutus; but young Brutus is too quick for them, and the unhappy Massilians run two of their biggest vessels22 against each other in their endeavour to pin that of the C?sarean admiral between them. The Massilian fleet is utterly23 dispersed24. Five are sunk, four are taken: one gets off with Nasidius, who runs away, making no effort to fight; who has been sent there,—so C?sar hints,—by Pompey, not to give assistance, but only to pretend to give assistance. One ship gets back into the harbour with the sad tidings; and the Massilians—despairing only for a moment at the first blush of the bad news—determine that their walls may still be defended.
The town was very well supplied with such things as were needed for defence, the people being a provident25 people, well instructed and civilised, with means at their command. We are told of great poles twelve feet long, with sharp iron heads to them, which the besiegers could throw with such force from the engines on their walls as to drive them through four tiers of the wicker crates26 or stationary27 shields which the C?sareans built up for their protection,—believing that no force could drive a weapon through them. As we read of this we cannot but think of Armstrong and Whitfield guns, and iron plates, and granite28 batteries, and earthworks. These terrible darts29, thrown from “balist?,” are very sore upon the C?sareans; they therefore contrive30 an immense tower, so high that it{135} cannot be reached by any weapon, so built that no wood or material subject to fire shall be on the outside,—which they erect31 story by story, of very great strength. And as they raise this step by step, each story is secured against fire and against the enemy. The reader,—probably not an engineer himself,—is disposed to think as he struggles through this minute description of the erection which C?sar gives, and endeavours to realise the way in which it is done, that C?sar must himself have served specially32 as an engineer. But in truth he was not at this siege himself, and had nothing to do with the planning of the tower, and must in this instance at least have got a written description from his officer,—as he probably did before when he built the memorable33 bridge over the Rhine. And when the tower is finished, they make a long covered way or shed,—musculum or muscle C?sar calls it; and with this they form for themselves a passage from the big tower to a special point in the walls of the town. This muscle is so strong with its sloping roof that nothing thrown upon it will break or burn it. The Massilians try tubs of flaming pitch, and great fragments of rock; but these simply slip to the ground, and are pulled away with long poles and forks. And the C?sareans, from the height of their great tower, have so terrible an advantage! The Massilians cannot defend their wall, and a breach34 is made, or almost made.
The Massilians can do no more. The very gods are against them. So they put on the habit of supplicants, and go forth35 to the conquerors36. They will give their city to C?sar. C?sar is expected. Will Trebonius{136} be so good as to wait till C?sar comes? If Trebonius should proceed with his work so that the soldiers should absolutely get into the town, then;—Trebonius knows very well what would happen then. A little delay cannot hurt. Nothing shall be done till C?sar comes. As it happens, C?sar has already especially ordered that the city shall be spared; and a kind of truce37 is made, to endure till C?sar shall come and take possession. Trebonius has a difficulty in keeping his soldiers from the plunder38; but he does restrain them, and besiegers and besieged are at rest, and wait for C?sar.
But these Massilians are a crafty39 people. The C?sarean soldiers, having agreed to wait, take it easily, and simply amuse themselves in these days of waiting. When they are quite off their guard, and a high wind favours the scheme, the Massilians rush out and succeed in burning the tower, and the muscle, and the rampart, and the sheds, and all the implements40. Even though the tower was built with brick, it burns freely,—so great is the wind. Then Trebonius goes to work, and does it all again. Because there is no more wood left round about the camp, he makes a rampart of a new kind,—hitherto unheard of,—with bricks. Doubtless the C?sarean soldiers had first to make the bricks, and we can imagine what were their feelings in reference to the Massilians. But however that may be, they work so well and so hard that the Massilians soon see that their late success is of no avail. Nothing is left to them. Neither perfidy41 nor valour can avail them, and now again they give themselves up. They{137} are starved and suffering from pestilence42, their fortifications are destroyed, they have no hope of aid from without,—and now they give themselves up,—intending no fraud. “Sese dedere sine fraude constituunt.” Domitius, the Pompeian general, manages to escape in a ship. He starts with three ships, but the one in which he himself sails alone escapes the hands of “young” Brutus. Surely now will Marseilles be treated with worse treatment than that which fell on the Gaulish cities. But such is by no means C?sar’s will. C?sar takes their public treasure and their ships, and reminding them that he spares them rather for their name and old character than for any merits of theirs shown towards him, leaves two legions among them, and goes to Rome. At Avaricum, when the Gauls had fought to defend their own liberties, he had destroyed everybody;—at Alesia he had decreed the death of every inhabitant when they had simply asked him leave to pass through his camp;—at Uxellodunum he had cut off the hands and poked43 out the eyes of Gauls who had dared to fight for their country. But the Gauls were barbarians44 whom it was necessary that C?sar should pacify45. The Massilians were Greeks, and a civilised people,—and might be useful.
Before coming on to Marseilles there had been a little more for C?sar to do in Spain, where, as was told in the last chapter, he had just compelled Afranius and Petreius to lay down their arms and disband their legions. Joined with them had been a third Pompeian general, one Varro,—a distinguished46 man, though not, perhaps, a great general,—of whom C?sar tells us that{138} with his Roman policy he veered47 between Pompeian and C?sarean tactics till, unfortunately for himself, he declared for Pompey and the wrong side, when he heard that Afranius was having his own way in the neighbourhood of Lerida. But Varro is in the south of Spain, in Andalusia,—or B?tica, as it was then called,—and in this southern province of Spain it seems that C?sar’s cause was more popular than that of Pompey. C?sar, at any rate, has but little difficulty with Varro. The Pompeian officer is deserted48 by his legions, and gives himself up very quickly. C?sar does not care to tell us what he did with Varro, but we know that he treated his brother Roman with the utmost courtesy. Varro was a very learned man, and a friend of Cicero’s, and one who wrote books, and was a credit to Rome as a man of letters if not as a general. We are told that he wrote 490 volumes, and that he lived to be eighty-eight,—a fate very uncommon49 with Romans who meddled50 with public affairs in these days. C?sar made everything smooth in the south of Spain, restoring the money and treasures which Varro had taken from the towns, and giving thanks to everybody. Then he went on over the Pyrenees to Marseilles, and made things smooth there.
But in the mean time things were not at all smooth in Africa. The name of Africa was at this time given to a small province belonging to the Republic, lying to the east of Numidia, in which Carthage had stood when Carthage was a city, containing that promontory51 which juts52 out towards Sicily, and having Utica as its Roman capital. It has been already said that{139} when C?sar determined53 to gain possession of certain provinces of the Republic before he followed Pompey across the Adriatic, he sent a lieutenant7 with three legions into Sicily, desiring him to go on to Africa as soon as things should have been arranged in the island after the C?sarean fashion. The Sicilian matter is not very troublesome, as Cato, the virtuous54 man, in whose hands the government of the island had been intrusted on behalf of the Republic, leaves it on the arrival of the C?sarean legions, complaining bitterly of Pompey’s conduct. Then C?sar’s lieutenant goes over to Africa with two legions, as commanded, proposing to his army the expulsion of one Attius Varus, who had, according to C?sar’s story, taken irregular possession of the province, keeping it on behalf of Pompey, but not allowing the governor appointed by the Republic so much as to put his foot on the shore. This lieutenant was a great favourite of C?sar, by name Curio, who had been elected tribune of the people just when the Senate was making its attempt to recall C?sar from his command in Gaul. In that emergency, Curio as tribune had been of service to C?sar, and C?sar loved the young man. He was one of those who, though noble by birth, had flung themselves among the people, as Catiline had done and Clodius,—unsteady, turbulent, unscrupulous, vicious, needy55, fond of pleasure, rapacious56, but well educated, brave, and clever. C?sar himself had been such a man in his youth, and could easily forgive such faults in the character of one who, in addition to such virtues58 as have been named, possessed59 that farther and greater{140} virtue57 of loving C?sar. C?sar expected great things from Curio, and trusted him thoroughly60. Curio, with many ships and his two legions, lands in Africa, and prepares to win the province for his great friend. He does obtain some little advantage, so that he is called “Imperator” by his soldiers,—a name not given to a general till he has been victorious61 in the field; but it seems clear, from C?sar’s telling of the story, that Curio’s own officers and own soldiers distrusted him, and were doubtful whether they would follow him, or would take possession of the ships and return to Sicily;—or would go over to Attius Varus, who had been their commander in Italy before they had deserted from Pompey to C?sar. A council of war is held, and there is much doubt. It is not only or chiefly of Attius Varus, their Roman enemy, that they are afraid; but there is Juba in their neighbourhood, the king of Numidia, who will certainly fight for Varus and against Curio. He is Pompey’s declared friend, and equally declared as C?sar’s foe62. He has, too, special grounds of quarrel against Curio himself; and if he comes in person with his army,—bringing such an army as he can bring if he pleases,—it will certainly go badly with Curio, should Curio be distant from his camp. Then Curio, not content with his council of war, and anxious that his soldiers should support him in his desire to fight, makes a speech to the legionaries. We must remember, of course, that C?sar gives us the words of this speech, and that C?sar must himself have put the words together.
It is begun in the third person. He,—that is Curio,{141}—tells the men how useful they were to C?sar at Corfinium, the town at which they went over from Pompey to C?sar. But in the second sentence he breaks into the first person and puts the very words into Curio’s mouth. “For you and your services,” he says, “were copied by all the towns; nor is it without cause that C?sar thinks kindly63 of you, and the Pompeians unkindly. For Pompey, having lost no battle, but driven by the result of your deed, fled from Italy. Me, whom C?sar holds most dear, and Sicily and Africa without which he cannot hold Rome and Italy, C?sar has intrusted to your honour. There are some who advise you to desert me,—for what can be more desirable to such men than that they at the same time should circumvent64 me, and fasten upon you a foul65 crime?... But you,—have you not heard of the things done by C?sar in Spain,—two armies beaten, two generals conquered, two provinces gained, and all this done in forty days from that on which C?sar first saw his enemy? Can those who, uninjured, were unable to stand against him, resist him now that they are conquered? And you, who followed C?sar when victory on his side was uncertain, now that fortune has declared herself, will you go over to the conquered side when you are about to realise the reward of your zeal66?... But perhaps, though you love C?sar, you distrust me. I will not say much of my own deserts towards you,—which are indeed less as yet than I had wished or you had expected.” Then, having thus declared that he will not speak of himself, he does venture to say a few words on the subject.{142} “But why should I pass over my own work, and the result that has been as yet achieved, and my own fortune in war? Is it displeasing67 to you that I brought over the whole army, safe, without losing a ship? That, as I came, at my first onslaught, I should have dispersed the fleet of the enemy? That, in two days, I should have been twice victorious with my cavalry68; that I should have cut out two hundred transports from the enemy’s harbour; that I should have so harassed69 the enemy that neither by land nor sea could they get food to supply their wants? Will it please you to repudiate70 such fortune and such guidance, and to connect yourself with the disgrace at Corfinium, the flight from Italy,”—namely, Pompey’s flight to Dyrrachium,—“the surrender of Spain, and the evils of this African war? I indeed have wished to be called C?sar’s soldier, and you have called me your Imperator. If it repents71 you of having done so, I give you back the compliment. Give me back my own name, lest it seem that in scorn you have called me by that title of honour.”
This is very spirited; and the merely rhetorical assertion by C?sar that Curio thus spoke72 to his soldiers is in itself interesting, as showing us the way in which the legionaries were treated by their commanders, and in which the greatest general, of that or of any age, thought it natural that a leader should address his troops. It is of value, also, as showing the difficulty of keeping any legion true to either side in a civil war, in which, on either side, the men must fight for a commander they had learned to respect,{143} and against a commander they respected,—the commander in each case being a Roman Imperator. Curio, too, as we know, was a man who on such an occasion could use words. But that he used the words here put into his mouth, or any words like them, is very improbable. C?sar was anxious to make the best apology he could for the gallant73 young friend who had perished in his cause, and has shown his love by making the man he loved memorable to all posterity74.
But before the dark hour comes upon him the young man has a gleam of success, which, had he really spoken the words put into his mouth by C?sar, would have seemed to justify75 them. He attacks the army of his fellow-Roman, Varus, and beats it, driving it back into Utica. He then resolves to besiege9 the town, and C?sar implies that he would have been successful through the C?sarean sympathies of the townsmen,—had it not been for the approach of the terrible Juba. Then comes a rumour76 which reaches Curio,—and which reaches Varus too inside the town,—that the Numidian king is hurrying to the scene with all his forces. He has finished another affair that he had on hand, and can now look to his Roman friends,—and to his Roman enemies. Juba craftily77 sends forward his pr?fect, or lieutenant, Sabura, with a small force of cavalry, and Curio is led to imagine that Juba has not come, and that Sabura has been sent with scanty78 aid to the relief of Varus. Surely he can give a good account of Sabura and that small body of Numidian horsemen. We see from the very first that Curio is{144} doomed79. C?sar, in a few touching80 words, makes his apology. “The young man’s youth had much to do with it, and his high spirit; his former success, too, and his own faith in his own good fortune.” There is no word of reproach. Curio makes another speech to his soldiers. “Hasten to your prey81,” he says, “hasten to your glory!” They do hasten,—after such a fashion that when the foremost of them reach Sabura’s troops, the hindermost of them are scattered82 far back on the road. They are cut to pieces by Juba. Curio is invited by one of his officers to escape back to his tent. But C?sar tells us that Curio in that last moment replied that having lost the army with which C?sar had trusted him, he would never again look C?sar in the face. That he did say some such words as these, and that they were repeated by that officer to C?sar, is probable enough. “So, fighting, he is slain;”—and there is an end of the man whom C?sar loved.
What then happened was very sad for a Roman army. Many hurry down to the ships at the sea; but there is so much terror, so much confusion, and things are so badly done, that but very few get over to Sicily. The remainder endeavour to give themselves up to Varus; after doing which, could they have done it, their position would not have been very bad. A Roman surrendering to a Roman would, at the worst, but find that he was compelled to change his party. But Juba comes up and claims them as his prey, and Varus does not dare to oppose the barbarian king. Juba kills the most of them, but sends a few, whom he thinks may serve his purpose and add to his glory, back to his own kingdom.{145} In doing which Juba behaved no worse than C?sar habitually83 behaved in Gaul; but C?sar always writes as though not only a Roman must regard a Roman as more than a man, but as though also all others must so regard Romans. And by making such assertions in their own behalf, Romans were so regarded. We are then told that the barbarian king of Numidia rode into Utica triumphant84, with Roman senators in his train; and the names of two special Roman senators C?sar sends down to posterity as having been among that base number. As far as we can spare them, they shall be spared.
Of Juba the king, and of his fate, we shall hear again.
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1
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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subjugated
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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besiege
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| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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provident
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| adj.为将来做准备的，有先见之明的 | |
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crates
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| n. 板条箱, 篓子, 旧汽车 vt. 装进纸条箱 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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granite
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| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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darts
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| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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contrive
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| vt.谋划，策划；设法做到；设计，想出 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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specially
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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43
poked
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| v.伸出( poke的过去式和过去分词 )；戳出；拨弄；与（某人）性交 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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veered
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| v.（尤指交通工具）改变方向或路线( veer的过去式和过去分词 )；（指谈话内容、人的行为或观点）突然改变；（指风） （在北半球按顺时针方向、在南半球按逆时针方向）逐渐转向；风向顺时针转 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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meddled
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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52
juts
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| v.（使）突出( jut的第三人称单数 )；伸出；（从…）突出；高出 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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58
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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circumvent
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| vt.环绕，包围；对…用计取胜，智胜 | |
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foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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displeasing
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| 不愉快的，令人发火的 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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repudiate
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| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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repents
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| 对（自己的所为）感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的第三人称单数 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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craftily
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| 狡猾地，狡诈地 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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81
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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84
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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