Of both these men all the doings with which history is greatly concerned were comprised within the early years of Cicero's life. Marius, indeed, was nearly fifty years of age when his fellow-townsman was born, and had become a distinguished15 soldier, and, though born of humble16 parents, had pushed himself to the Consulate17. His quarrel with Sulla had probably commenced, springing from jealousy18 as to deeds done in the Jugurthine war. But it is not matter of much moment, now that Marius had proved himself to be a good and hardy19 soldier, excepting in this, that, by making himself a soldier in early life, he enabled himself in his latter years to become the master of Rome.
Sulla, too, was born thirty-two years before Cicero—a patrician20 of the bluest blood—and having gone, as we say, into 64public life, and having been elected Qu?stor, became a soldier by dint21 of office, as a man with us may become head of the Admiralty. As Qu?stor he was sent to join Marius in Africa a few months before Cicero was born. Into his hands, as it happened, not into those of Marius, Jugurtha was surrendered by his father-in-law, Bocchus, who thought thus to curry22 favor with the Romans. Thence came those internecine23 feuds24, in which, some twenty-five years later, all Rome was lying butchered. The cause of quarrelling between these two men, the jealousies25 which grew in the heart of the elder, from the renewed successes of the younger, are not much to us now; but the condition to which Rome had been brought, when two such men could scramble26 for the city, and each cut the throats of the relatives, friends, and presumed allies of the other, has to be inquired into by those who would understand what Rome had been, what it was, and what it was necessarily to become.
When Cicero was of an age to begin to think of these things, and had put on the "toga virilis," and girt himself with a sword to fight under the father of Pompey for the power of Rome against the Italian allies who were demanding citizenship27, the quarrel was in truth rising to its bitterness. Marius and Sulla were on the same side in that war. But Marius had then not only been Consul7, but had been six times Consul; and he had beaten the Teutons and the Cimbrians, by whom Romans had feared that all Italy would be occupied. What was not within the power of such a leader of soldiers? and what else but a leader of soldiers could prevail when Italy and Rome, but for such a General, had been at the mercy of barbaric hordes28, and when they had been compelled to make that General six times Consul?
Marius seems to have been no politician. He became a soldier and then a General; and because he was great as a soldier and General, the affairs of the State fell into his hands with very little effort. In the old days of Rome military 65power had been needed for defence, and successful defence had of course produced aggressive masterhood and increased territory. When Hannibal, while he was still lingering in Italy, had been circumvented29 by the appearance of Scipio in Africa and the Romans had tasted the increased magnificence of external conquest, the desire for foreign domination became stronger than that of native rule. From that time arms were in the ascendant rather than policy. Up to that time a Consul had to become a General, because it was his business to look after the welfare of the State. After that time a man became a Consul in order that he might be a General. The toga was made to give way to the sword, and the noise of the Forum30 to the trumpets31. We, looking back now, can see that it must have been so, and we are prone32 to fancy that a wise man looking forward then might have read the future. In the days of Marius there was probably no man so wise. C?sar was the first to see it. Cicero would have seen it, but that the idea was so odious33 to him that he could not acknowledge to himself that it need be so. His life was one struggle against the coming evil—against the time in which brute34 force was to be made to dominate intellect and civilization. His "cedant arma tog?" was a scream, an impotent scream, against all that Sulla had done or C?sar was about to do. The mischief35 had been effected years before his time, and had gone too far ahead to be arrested even by his tongue. Only, in considering these things, let us confess that Cicero saw what was good and what was evil, though he was mistaken in believing that the good was still within reach.
Marius in his way was a C?sar—as a soldier, undoubtedly36 a very efficient C?sar—having that great gift of ruling his own appetites which enables those who possess it to conquer the appetites of others. It may be doubted whether his quickness in stopping and overcoming the two great hordes from the north, the Teutons and the Cimbrians, was not equal in strategy to anything that C?sar accomplished37 in Gaul. It is probable 66that C?sar learned much of his tactics from studying the man?uvres of Marius. But Marius was only a General. Though he became hot in Roman politics, audacious and confident, knowing how to use and how to disregard various weapons of political power as they had been handed down by tradition and law, the "vetoes" and the auguries38, and the official dignities, he used them, or disregarded them, in quest only of power for himself. He was able to perceive how vain was law in such a period as that in which he lived; and that, having risen by force of arms, he must by force of arms keep his place or lose his life. With him, at least, there was no idea of Roman liberty, little probably of Roman glory, except so far as military glory and military power go together.
Sulla was a man endowed with a much keener insight into the political condition of the world around him. To make a dash for power, as a dog might do, and keep it in his clutch as a dog would, was enough for Marius. Sulla could see something of future events. He could understand that, by reducing men around him to a low level, he could make fast his own power over them, and that he could best do this by cutting off the heads of all who stood a little higher than their neighbors. He might thus produce tranquillity39, and security to himself and others. Some glimmer40 of an idea of an Augustan rule was present to him; and with the view of producing it, he re-established many of the usages of the Republic, not reproducing the liberty but the forms of liberty. It seems to have been his idea that a Sullan party might rule the Empire by adherence41 to these forms. I doubt if Marius had any fixed42 idea of government. To get the better of his enemies, and then to grind them into powder under his feet, to seize rank and power and riches, and then to enjoy them, to sate43 his lust44 with blood and money and women, at last even with wine, and to feed his revenge by remembering the hard things which he was made to endure during the period of his overthrow—this 67seems to have been enough for Marius.53 With Sulla there was understanding that the Empire must be ruled, and that the old ways would be best if they could be made compatible with the newly-concentrated power.
The immediate46 effect upon Rome, either from one or from the other, was nearly the same. In the year 87 b.c. Marius occupied himself in slaughtering47 the Sullan party—during which, however, Sulla escaped from Rome to the army of which he was selected as General, and proceeded to Athens and the East with the object of conquering Mithridates; for, during these personal contests, the command of this expedition had been the chief bone of contention49 among them. Marius, who was by age unfitted, desired to obtain it in order that Sulla might not have it. In the next year, 86 b.c., Marius died, being then Consul for the seventh time. Sulla was away in the East, and did not return till 83 b.c. In the interval50 was that period of peace, fit for study, of which Cicero afterward51 spoke52. "Triennium fere fuit urbs sine armis."54 Cicero was then twenty-two or twenty-three years old, and must well have understood, from his remembrance of the Marian massacres54, what it was to have the city embroiled55 by arms. It was not that men were fighting, but that they were simply being killed at the pleasure of the slaughterer56. Then Sulla came 68back, 83 b.c., when Cicero was twenty-four; and if Marius had scourged57 the city with rods, he scourged it with scorpions58. It was the city, in truth, that was scourged, and not simply the hostile faction59. Sulla began by proscribing60 520 citizens declaring that he had included in his list all that he remembered, and that those forgotten should be added on another day. The numbers were gradually raised to 4,700! Nor did this merely mean that those named should be caught and killed by some miscalled officers of justice.55 All the public was armed against the wretched, and any who should protect them were also doomed62 to death. This, however, might have been comparatively inefficacious to inflict63 the amount of punishment intended by Sulla. Men generally do not specially64 desire to imbrue their hands in the blood of other men. Unless strong hatred65 be at work, the ordinary man, even the ordinary Roman, will hardly rise up and slaughter48 another for the sake of the employment. But if lucre66 be added to blood, then blood can be made to flow copiously67. This was what Sulla did. Not only was the victim's life proscribed68, but his property was proscribed also; and the man who busied himself in carrying out the great butcher's business assiduously, ardently69, and unintermittingly, was rewarded by the property so obtained. Two talents56 was to be the fee for mere61 assassination70; but the man who knew how to carry on well the work of an informer could earn many talents. It was thus that fortunes were made in the last days of Sulla. It was not only those 520 who were named for killing71. They were but the firstlings of the flock—the few victims selected before the real workmen understood how valuable a trade proscription72 69and confiscation73 might be made. Plutarch tells us how a quiet gentleman walking, as was his custom, in the Forum, one who took no part in politics, saw his own name one day on the list. He had an Alban villa74, and at once knew that his villa had been his ruin. He had hardly read the list, and had made his exclamation75, before he was slaughtered76. Such was the massacre53 of Sulla, coming with an interval of two or three years after those of Marius, between which was the blessed time in which Rome was without arms. In the time of Marius, Cicero was too young, and of no sufficient importance, on account of his birth or parentage, to fear anything. Nor is it probable that Marius would have turned against his townsmen. When Sulla's turn came, Cicero, though not absolutely connected with the Dictator, was, so to say, on his side in politics. In going back even to this period we may use the terms Liberals and Conservatives for describing the two parties. Marius was for the people; that is to say, he was opposed to the rule of the oligarchy77, dispersed78 the Senate, and loved to feel that his own feet were on the necks of the nobility. Of liberty, or rights, or popular institutions he recked nothing; but not the less was he supposed to be on the people's side. Sulla, on the other hand, had been born a patrician, and affected79 to preserve the old traditions of oligarchic80 rule; and, indeed, though he took all the power of the State into his own hands, he did restore, and for a time preserve, these old traditions. It must be presumed that there was at his heart something of love for old Rome. The proscriptions began toward the end of the year 82 b.c., and were continued through eight or nine fearful months—up to the beginning of June, 81 b.c. A day was fixed at which there should be no more slaughtering—no more slaughtering, that is, without special order in each case, and no more confiscation—except such as might be judged necessary by those who had not as yet collected their prey81 from past victims. Then Sulla, as Dictator, set himself to work to reorganize the old laws. There should still be Consuls82 and Pr?tors, 70but with restricted powers, lessened83 almost down to nothing. It seems hard to gather what was exactly the Dictator's scheme as the future depositary of power when he should himself have left the scene. He did increase the privileges of the Senate; but thinking of the Senate of Rome as he must have thought of it, esteeming84 those old men as lowly as he must have esteemed85 them, he could hardly have intended that imperial power should be maintained by dividing it among them. He certainly contemplated86 no follower87 to himself, no heir to his power, as C?sar did. When he had been practically Dictator about three years—though he did not continue the use of the objectionable name—he resigned his rule and walked down, as it were, from his throne into private life. I know nothing in history more remarkable88 than Sulla's resignation; and yet the writers who have dealt with his name give no explanation of it. Plutarch, his biographer, expresses wonder that he should have been willing to descend89 to private life, and that he who made so many enemies should have been able to do so with security. Cicero says nothing of it. He had probably left Rome before it occurred, and did not return till after Sulla's death. It seems to have been accepted as being in no especial way remarkable.57 At his own demand, the plenary power of Dictator had been given to him—power to do all as he liked, without reference either to the Senate or to the people, and with an added proviso that he should keep it as long as he thought fit, and lay it down when it pleased him. He did lay it down, flattering himself, probably, that, as he had done his work, he would walk out from his dictatorship like some Camillus of old. There had been no Dictator in Rome for more than a century and a quarter—not since the time of 71Hannibal's great victories; and the old dictatorships lasted but for a few months or weeks, after which the Dictator, having accomplished the special task, threw up his office. Sulla now affected to do the same; and Rome, after the interval of three years, accepted the resignation in the old spirit. It was natural to them, though only by tradition, that a Dictator should resign—so natural that it required no special wonder. The salt of the Roman Constitution was gone, but the remembrance of the savor90 of it was still sweet to the minds of the Romans.
It seems certain that no attempt was made to injure Sulla when he ceased to be nominally91 at the head of the army, but it is probable that he did not so completely divest92 himself of power as to be without protection. In the year after his abdication93 he died, at the age of sixty-one, apparently94 strong as regards general health, but, if Plutarch's story be true, affected with a terrible cutaneous disease. Modern writers have spoken of Sulla as though they would fain have praised him if they dared, because, in spite of his demoniac cruelty, he recognized the expediency95 of bringing the affairs of the Republic again into order. Middleton calls him the "only man in history in whom the odium of the most barbarous cruelties was extinguished by the glory of his great acts." Mommsen, laying the blame of the proscriptions on the head of the oligarchy, speaks of Sulla as being either a sword or a pen in the service of the State, as a sword or a pen would be required, and declares that, in regard to the total "absence of political selfishness—although it is true in this respect only—Sulla deserves to be named side by side with Washington."58 To us at present who are endeavoring to investigate the sources and the nature of Cicero's character, the attributes of this man would be but of little moment, were it 72not that Cicero was probably Cicero because Sulla had been Sulla. Horrid96 as the proscriptions and confiscations were to Cicero—and his opinion of them was expressed plainly enough when it was dangerous to express them59—still it was apparent to him that the cause of order (what we may call the best chance for the Republic) lay with the Senate and with the old traditions and laws of Rome, in the re-establishment of which Sulla had employed himself. Of these institutions Mommsen speaks with a disdain97 which we now cannot but feel to be justified98. "On the Roman oligarchy of this period," he says "no judgment99 can be passed save one of inexorable and remorseless condemnation100; and, like everything connected with it, the Sullan constitution is involved in that condemnation."60 We have to admit that the salt had gone out from it, and that there was no longer left any savor by which it could be preserved. But the German historian seems to err8 somewhat in this, as have also some modern English historians, that they have not sufficiently101 seen that the men of the day had not the means of knowing all that they, the historians, know. Sulla and his Senate thought that by massacring the Marian faction they had restored everything to an equilibrium102. Sulla himself seems to have believed that when the thing was accomplished Rome would go on, and grow in power and prosperity as she had grown, without other reforms than those which he had initiated103. There can be no doubt that many of the best in Rome—the best in morals, the best in patriotism104, and the best in erudition—did think that, with the old forms, the old virtue105 would come back. Pompey thought so, and Cicero. Cato thought so, and Brutus. C?sar, when he came to think about it, thought the reverse. But even now to us, looking back 73with so many things made clear to us, with all the convictions which prolonged success produces, it is doubtful whether some other milder change—some such change as Cicero would have advocated—might not have prevented the tyranny of Augustus, the mysteries of Tiberius, the freaks of Caligula, the folly106 of Claudius, and the madness of Nero.
It is an uphill task, that of advocating the cause of a man who has failed. The C?sars of the world are they who make interesting stories. That Cicero failed in the great purpose of his life has to be acknowledged. He had studied the history of his country, and was aware that hitherto the world had produced nothing so great as Roman power; and he knew that Rome had produced true patriotism. Her Consuls, her Censors107, her Tribunes, and her Generals had, as a rule, been true to Rome, serving their country, at any rate till of late years, rather than themselves. And he believed that liberty had existed in Rome, though nowhere else. It would be well if we could realize the idea of liberty which Cicero entertained. Liberty was very dear to him—dear to him not only as enjoying it himself, but as a privilege for the enjoyment108 of others. But it was only the liberty of a few. Half the population of the Roman cities were slaves, and in Cicero's time the freedom of the city, which he regarded as necessary to liberty, belonged only to a small proportion of the population of Italy. It was the liberty of a small privileged class for which he was anxious. That a Sicilian should be free under a Roman Proconsul, as a Roman citizen was entitled to be, was abhorrent109 to his doctrine110. The idea of cosmopolitan111 freedom—an idea which exists with us, but is not common to very many even now—had not as yet been born: that care for freedom which springs from a desire to do to others as we would that they should do to us. It required Christ to father that idea; and Cicero, though he was nearer to Christianity than any who had yet existed, had not reached it. But this liberty, though it was but of a few, was so dear to him that he spent his life in an 74endeavor to preserve it. The kings had been expelled from Rome because they had trampled112 on liberty. Then came the Republic, which we know to have been at its best no more than an oligarchy; but still it was founded on the idea that everything should be done by the votes of the free people. For many years everything was done by the votes of the free people. Under what inducements they had voted is another question. Clients were subject to their patrons, and voted as they were told. We have heard of that even in England, where many of us still think that such a way of voting is far from objectionable. Perhaps compulsion was sometimes used—a sort of "rattening" by which large bodies were driven to the poll to carry this or the other measure. Simple eloquence113 prevailed with some, and with others flattery. Then corruption114 became rampant115, as was natural, the rich buying the votes of the poor; and votes were bought in various ways—by cheap food as well as by money, by lavish116 expenditure117 in games, by promises of land, and other means of bribery118 more or less overt45. This was bad, of course. Every freeman should have given a vote according to his conscience. But in what country—the millennium119 not having arrived in any—has this been achieved? Though voting in England has not always been pure, we have not wished to do away with the votes of freemen and to submit everything to personal rule. Nor did Cicero.
He knew that much was bad, and had himself seen many things that were very evil. He had lived through the dominations of Marius and Sulla, and had seen the old practices of Roman government brought down to the pretence120 of traditional forms. But still, so he thought, there was life left in the old forms, if they could be revivified by patriotism, labor121, and intelligence. It was the best that he could imagine for the State—infinitely better than the chance of falling into the bloody122 hands of one Marius and one Sulla after another. Mommsen tells us that nothing could be more rotten than the 75condition of oligarchical123 government into which Rome had fallen; and we are inclined to agree with Mommsen, because we have seen what followed. But that Cicero, living and seeing it all as a present spectator, should have hoped better things, should not, I think, cause us to doubt either Cicero's wisdom or his patriotism. I cannot but think that, had I been a Roman of those days, I should have preferred Cicero, with his memories of the past, to C?sar, with his ambition for the future.
Looking back from our standing-point of to-day, we know how great Rome was—infinitely greater, as far as power is concerned, than anything else which the world has produced. It came to pass that "Urbis et orbis" was not a false boast. Gradually growing from the little nest of robbers established on the banks of the Tiber, the people of Rome learned how to spread their arms over all the known world, and to conquer and rule, while they drew to themselves all that the ingenuity124 and industry of other people had produced. To do this, there must have been not only courage and persistence125, but intelligence, patriotism, and superior excellence126 in that art of combination of which government consists. But yet, when we look back, it is hard to say when were the palmy days of Rome. When did those virtues127 shine by which her power was founded? When was that wisdom best exhibited from which came her capacity for ruling? Not in the time of her early kings, whose mythic virtues, if they existed, were concerned but in small matters; for the Rome of the kings claimed a jurisdiction128 extending as yet but a few miles from the city. And from the time of their expulsion, Rome, though she was rising in power, was rising slowly, and through such difficulties that the reader of history, did he not know the future, would think from time to time that the day of her destruction had come upon her. Not when Brennus was at Rome with his Gauls, a hundred and twenty-five years after the expulsion of the kings, could Rome be said to have been great; nor when, fifty or 76sixty years afterward, the Roman army—the only army which Rome then possessed—had to lay down its arms in the Caudine Forks and pass under the Samnite yoke129. Then, when the Samnite wars were ended, and Rome was mistress in Italy—mistress, after all, of no more than Southern Italy—the Punic wars began. It could hardly have been during that long contest with Carthage, which was carried on for nearly fifty years, that the palmy days of Rome were at their best. Hannibal seems always to be the master. Trebia, Thrasymene and Cann?, year after year, threaten complete destruction to the State. Then comes the great Scipio; and no doubt, if we must mark an era of Roman greatness, it would be that of the battle of Zama and the submission130 of Carthage, 201 years before Christ. But with Scipio there springs up the idea of personal ambition; and in the Macedonian and Greek wars that follow, though the arm of Rome is becoming stronger every day, and her shoulders broader, there is already the glamour131 of her decline in virtue. Her dealings with Antiochus, with Pyrrhus, and with the Ach?ans, though successful, were hardly glorious. Then came the two Gracchi, and the reader begins to doubt whether the glory of the Republic is not already over. They demanded impossible reforms, by means as illegal as they were impossible, and were both killed in popular riots. The war with Jugurtha followed, in which the Romans were for years unsuccessful, and during which German hordes from the north rushed into Gaul and destroyed an army of 80,000 Romans. This brings us to Marius and to Sulla, of whom we have already spoken, and to that period of Roman politics which the German historian describes as being open to no judgment "save one of inexorable and remorseless condemnation."
But, in truth, the history of every people and every nation will be subject to the same criticism, if it be regarded with the same severity. In all that man has done as yet in the way of government, the seeds of decay are apparent when looked back upon from an age in advance. The period of Queen Elizabeth 77was very great to us; yet by what dangers were we enveloped132 in her days! But for a storm at sea, we might have been subjected to Spain. By what a system of falsehood and petty tyrannies were we governed through the reigns133 of James I. and Charles I.! What periods of rottenness and danger there have been since! How little glorious was the reign4 of Charles II.! how full of danger that of William! how mean those of the four Georges, with the dishonesty of ministers such as Walpole and Newcastle! And to-day, are there not many who are telling us that we are losing the liberties which our forefathers134 got for us, and that no judgment can be passed on us "save one of inexorable and remorseless condemnation?" We are a great nation, and the present threatenings are probably vain. Nevertheless, the seeds of decay are no doubt inherent in our policies and our practices—so manifestly inherent that future historians will pronounce upon them with certainty.
But Cicero, not having the advantage of distance, having simply in his mind the knowledge of the greatness which had been achieved, and in his heart a true love for the country which had achieved it, and which was his own, encouraged himself to think that the good might be recovered and the bad eliminated. Marius and Sulla—Pompey also, toward the end of his career, if I can read his character rightly—C?sar, and of course Augustus, being all destitute135 of scruple136, strove to acquire, each for himself, the power which the weak hands of the Senate were unable to grasp. However much, or however little, the country of itself might have been to any of them, it seemed good to him, whether for the country's sake or for his own, that the rule should be in his own hands. Each had the opportunity, and each used it, or tried to use it. With Cicero there is always present the longing137 to restore the power to the old constitutional possessors of it. So much is admitted, even by his bitter enemies; and I am sometimes at a loss whether to wonder most that a man of letters, dead two thousand years ago, should have enemies so bitter or a friend so 78keenly in earnest about him as I am. Cicero was aware quite as well as any who lived then, if he did not see the matter clearer even than any others, that there was much that was rotten in the State. Men who had been murderers on behalf of Marius, and then others who had murdered on behalf of Sulla—among whom that Catiline, of whom we have to speak presently, had been one—were not apt to settle themselves down as quiet citizens. The laws had been set aside. Even the law courts had been closed. Sulla had been law, and the closets of his favorites had been the law courts. Senators had been cowed and obedient. The Tribunes had only been mock Tribunes. Rome, when Cicero began his public life, was still trembling. The Consuls of the day were men chosen at Sulla's command. The army was Sulla's army. The courts were now again opened by Sulla's permission. The day fixed by Sulla when murderers might no longer murder—or, at any rate, should not be paid for murdering—had arrived. There was not, one would say, much hope for good things. But Sulla had reproduced the signs of order, and the best hope lay in that direction. Consuls, Pr?tors, Qu?stors, ?diles, even Tribunes, were still there. Perhaps it might be given to him, to Cicero, to strengthen the hands of such officers. At any rate, there was no better course open to him by which he could serve his country.
The heaviest accusation138 brought against Cicero charges him with being insincere to the various men with whom he was brought in contact in carrying out the purpose of his life, and he has also been accused of having changed his purpose. It has been alleged139 that, having begun life as a democrat140, he went over to the aristocracy as soon as he had secured his high office of State. As we go on, it will be my object to show that he was altogether sincere in his purpose, that he never changed his political idea, and that, in these deviations141 as to men and as to means, whether, for instance, he was ready to serve C?sar or to oppose him, he was guided, even in the 79insincerity of his utterances, by the sincerity of his purpose. I think that I can remember, even in Great Britain, even in the days of Queen Victoria, men sitting check by jowl on the same Treasury142 bench who have been very bitter to each other with anything but friendly words. With us fidelity143 in friendship is, happily, a virtue. In Rome expediency governed everything. All I claim for Cicero is, that he was more sincere than others around him.
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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essentially
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reign
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allusion
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confided
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consul
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err
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narratives
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lauding
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utterances
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sincerity
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consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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momentous
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distinguished
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humble
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consulate
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jealousy
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19
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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20
patrician
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| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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21
dint
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| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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22
curry
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| n.咖哩粉，咖哩饭菜；v.用咖哩粉调味，用马栉梳，制革 | |
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23
internecine
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| adj.两败俱伤的 | |
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24
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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25
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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26
scramble
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| v.爬行，攀爬，杂乱蔓延，碎片，片段，废料 | |
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27
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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28
hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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29
circumvented
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| v.设法克服或避免（某事物），回避( circumvent的过去式和过去分词 )；绕过，绕行，绕道旅行 | |
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30
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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31
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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32
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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33
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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34
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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35
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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36
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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37
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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38
auguries
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| n.（古罗马）占卜术，占卜仪式( augury的名词复数 )；预兆 | |
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39
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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40
glimmer
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| v.发出闪烁的微光；n.微光，微弱的闪光 | |
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41
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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42
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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43
sate
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| v.使充分满足 | |
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44
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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45
overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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46
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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47
slaughtering
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的现在分词 ) | |
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48
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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49
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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50
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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51
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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52
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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53
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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54
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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55
embroiled
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| adj.卷入的；纠缠不清的 | |
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56
slaughterer
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| 屠夫，刽子手 | |
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57
scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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58
scorpions
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| n.蝎子( scorpion的名词复数 ) | |
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59
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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60
proscribing
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的现在分词 ) | |
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61
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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62
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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63
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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64
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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65
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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66
lucre
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| n.金钱，财富 | |
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67
copiously
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| adv.丰富地，充裕地 | |
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68
proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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70
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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71
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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72
proscription
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| n.禁止，剥夺权利 | |
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73
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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74
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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75
exclamation
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| n.感叹号，惊呼，惊叹词 | |
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76
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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78
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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79
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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80
oligarchic
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| adj.寡头政治的，主张寡头政治的 | |
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81
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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82
consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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83
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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84
esteeming
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| v.尊敬( esteem的现在分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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85
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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86
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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87
follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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88
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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89
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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90
savor
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| vt.品尝，欣赏；n.味道，风味；情趣，趣味 | |
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91
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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92
divest
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| v.脱去，剥除 | |
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93
abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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94
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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95
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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96
horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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97
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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98
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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99
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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100
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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101
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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102
equilibrium
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| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
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103
initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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104
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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105
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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106
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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107
censors
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| 删剪（书籍、电影等中被认为犯忌、违反道德或政治上危险的内容）( censor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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108
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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109
abhorrent
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| adj.可恶的，可恨的，讨厌的 | |
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110
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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111
cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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112
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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113
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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114
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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115
rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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116
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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117
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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118
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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119
millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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120
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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121
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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122
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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123
oligarchical
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| adj.寡头政治的，主张寡头政治的 | |
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124
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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125
persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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126
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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127
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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128
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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129
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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130
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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131
glamour
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| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
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132
enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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134
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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135
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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136
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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137
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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138
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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139
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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140
democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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141
deviations
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| 背离，偏离( deviation的名词复数 )； 离经叛道的行为 | |
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142
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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143
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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