It has been said of Antony that we hear of him only from his enemies. He left behind him no friend to speak for him, and we have heard of him certainly from one enemy; but the tidings are of a nature to force upon us belief in the evil which Cicero spoke4 of him. Had he been a man of decent habits of life, and of an honest purpose, would Cicero have dared to say to the Romans respecting him the words which he produced, not only in the second Philippic, which was unspoken, but also in the twelve which followed? The record of him, as far as it goes, is altogether bad. Plutarch tells us that he was handsome, and a good soldier, but altogether vicious. Plutarch is not a biographer whose word is to be taken as to details, but he is 197generally correct in his estimate of character. Tacitus tells us but little about him as direct history, but mentions him ever in the same tone. Tacitus knew the feeling of Rome regarding him. Paterculus speaks specially19 of his fraud, and breaks out into strong repudiation20 of the murder of Cicero.203 Valerius Maximus, in his anecdotes21, mentions him slightingly, as an evil man is spoken of who has forced himself into notice. Virgil has stamped his name with everlasting22 ignominy. "Sequiturque nefas Egyptia conjux." I can think of no Roman writer who has named him with honor. He was a Roman of the day—what Rome had made him—brave, greedy, treacherous24, and unpatriotic.
Cicero again was absent from the Senate, but was in Rome when Antony attacked him. We learn from a letter to Cornificius that Antony left the city shortly afterward26, and went down to Brundisium to look after the legions which had come across from Macedonia, with which Cicero asserts that he intends to tyrannize over them all in Rome.204 He then tells his correspondent that young Octavius has just been discovered in 198an attempt to have Antony murdered, but that Antony, having found the murderer in his house, had not dared to complain. He seems to think that Octavius had been right! The state of things was such that men were used to murder; but this story was probably not true. He passes on to declare in the next sentence that he receives such consolation27 from philosophy as to be able to bear all the ills of fortune. He himself goes to Puteoli, and there he writes the second Philippic. It is supposed to be the most violent piece of invective ever produced by human ingenuity28 and human anger. The readers of it must, however, remember that it was not made to be spoken—was not even written, as far as we are aware, to be shown to Antony, or to be published to the world. We do not even know that Antony ever saw it. There has been an idea prevalent that Antony's anger was caused by it, and that Cicero owed to it his death; but the surmise29 is based on probability—not at all on evidence. Cicero, when he heard what Antony had said of him, appears to have written all the evil he could say of his enemy, in order that he might send it to Atticus. It contained rather what he could have published than what he did intend to publish. He does, indeed, suggest, in the letter which accompanied the treatise30 when sent to Atticus, in some only half-intelligible words, that he hopes the time may come when the speech "shall find its way freely even into Sica's house;"205 but we gather even from that his intention that it should have no absolutely public circulation. He had struggled to be as severe as he knew how, but had done it, as it were, with a halter round his neck; and for Antony's anger—the anger which afterward produced the proscription—there came to be cause enough beyond this. Before that day he had endeavored to stir up the whole Empire against Antony, and had all but succeeded.
It has been alleged31 that Cicero again shows his cowardice32 199by writing and not speaking his oration, and also by writing it only for private distribution. If he were a coward, why did he write it at all? If he were a coward, why did he hurry into this contest with Antony? If he be blamed because his Philippic was anonymous33, how do the anonymous writers of to-day escape? If because he wrote it, and did not speak it, what shall be said of the party writers of to-day? He was a coward, say his accusers, because he avoided a danger. Have they thought of the danger which he did run when they bring those charges against him? of what was the nature of the fight? Do they remember how many Romans in public life had been murdered during the last dozen years? We are well aware how far custom goes, and that men became used to the fear of violent death. Cicero was now habituated to that fear, and was willing to face it. But not on that account are we to imagine that, with his eyes open, he was to be supposed always ready to rush into immediate34 destruction. To write a scurrilous35 attack, such as the second Philippic, is a bad exercise for the ingenuity of a great man; but so is any anonymous satire36. It is so in regard to our own times, which have received the benefit of all antecedent civilization. Cicero, being in the midst of those heartless Romans, is expected to have the polished manners and high feelings of a modern politician! I have hardly a right to be angry with his critics because by his life he went so near to justify37 the expectation.
He begins by asking his supposed hearers how it has come to pass that during the last twenty years the Republic had had no enemy who was not also his enemy. "And you, Antony, whom I have never injured by a word, why is it that, more brazen-faced than Catiline, more fierce than Clodius, you should attack me with your maledictions? Will your enmity against me be a recommendation for you to every evil citizen in Rome? * * * Why does not Antony come down among us to-day?" he says, as though he were in the Senate and Antony were away. "He gives a birthday fête in his garden: to whom, I wonder? 200 I will name no one. To Phormio, perhaps, or Gnatho, or Ballion? Oh, incredible baseness; lust38 and impudence39 not to be borne!" These were the vile40 knaves41 of the Roman comedy—the Nyms, Pistols, and Bobadils. "Your Consulship43 no doubt will be salutary; but mine did only evil! You talk of my verses," he says—Antony having twitted him with the "cedant arma tog?." "I will only say that you do not understand them or any other. Clodius was killed by my counsels—was he? What would men have said had they seen him running from you through the Forum44—you with your drawn45 sword, and him escaping up the stairs of the bookseller's shop?206 * * * It was by my advice that C?sar was killed! I fear, O conscript fathers, lest I should seem to have employed some false witness to flatter me with praises which do not belong to me. Who has ever heard me mentioned as having been conversant46 with that glorious affair? Among those who did do the deed, whose name has been hidden—or, indeed, is not most widely known? Some had been inclined to boast that they were there, though they were absent; but not one who was present has ever endeavored to conceal47 his name."
"You deny that I have had legacies48? I wish it were true, for then my friends might still be living. But where have you learned that, seeing that I have inherited twenty million sesterces?207 I am happier in this than you. No one but a friend has made me his heir. Lucius Rubrius Cassinas, whom you never even saw, has named you." He here refers to a man over whose property Antony was supposed to have obtained control fraudulently. "Did he know of you whether you were a white man or a negro? * * * Would you mind telling me what height Turselius stood?" Here he names another of whose 201property Antony is supposed to have obtained possession illegally. "I believe all you know of him is what farms he had. * * * Do you bear in mind," he says, "that you were a bankrupt as soon as you had become a man? Do you remember your early friendship with Curio, and the injuries you did his father?" Here it is impossible to translate literally49, but after speaking as he had done very openly, he goes on: "But I must omit the iniquities50 of your private life. There are things I cannot repeat here. You are safe, because the deeds you have done are too bad to be mentioned. But let us look at the affairs of your public life. I will just go through them;" which he does, laying bare as he well knew how to do, every past act. "When you had been made Qu?stor you flew at once to C?sar. You knew that he was the only refuge for poverty, debt, wickedness, and vice7. Then, when you had gorged51 upon his generosity52 and your plunderings—which indeed you spent faster than you got it—you betook yourself instantly to the Tribunate. * * * It is you, Antony, you who supplied C?sar with an excuse for invading his country." C?sar had declared at the Rubicon that the Tribunate had been violated in the person of Antony. "I will say nothing here against C?sar, though nothing can excuse a man for taking up arms against his country. But of you it has to be confessed that you were the cause. * * * He has been a very Helen to us Trojans. * * * He has brought back many a wretched exile, but has forgotten altogether his own uncle"—Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, who had been banished54 for plundering53 his province. "We have seen this Tribune of the people carried through the town on a British war-chariot. His lictors with their laurels55 went before him. In the midst, on an open litter, was carried an actress. When you come back from Thessaly with your legions to Brundisium you did not kill me! Oh, what a kindness! * * * You with those jaws of yours, with that huge chest, with that body like a gladiator, drank so much wine at Hippea's marriage that in the sight of all Rome you were forced 202 to vomit. * * * When he had seized Pompey's property he rejoiced like some stage-actor who in a play is as poor as Poverty, and then suddenly becomes rich. All his wine, the great weight of silver, the costly56 furniture and rich dresses, in a few days where were they all? A Charybdis do I call him? He swallowed them all like an entire ocean!" Then he accuses him of cowardice and cruelty in the Pharsalian wars, and compares him most injuriously with Dolabella. "Do you remember how Dolabella fought for you in Spain, when you were getting drunk at Narbo? And how did you get back from Narbo? He has asked as to my return to the city. I have explained to you, O conscript fathers, how I had intended to be here in January, so as to be of some service to the Republic. You inquire how I got back. In daylight—not in the dark, as you did; with Roman shoes on and a Roman toga—not in barbaric boots and an old cloak. * * * When C?sar returned from Spain you again pushed yourself into his intimacy—not a brave man, we should say, but still strong enough for his purposes. C?sar did always this—that if there were a man ruined, steeped in debt, up to his ears in poverty—a base, needy57, bold man—that was the man whom he could receive into his friendship." This as to C?sar was undoubtedly58 true. "Recommended in this way, you were told to declare yourself Consul17." Then he describes the way in which he endeavored to prevent the nomination59 of Dolabella to the same office. C?sar had said that Dolabella should be Consul, but when C?sar was dead this did not suit Antony. When the tribes had been called in their centuries to vote, Antony, not understanding what form of words he ought to have used as augur60 to stop the ceremony, had blundered. "Would you not call him a very L?lius?" says Cicero. L?lius had made for himself a name among augurs61 for excellence62.
"Miserable63 that you are, you throw yourself at C?sar's feet asking only permission to be his slave. You sought for yourself that state of slavery which it has ever been easy for you 203 to endure. Had you any command from the Roman people to ask the same for them? Oh, that eloquence of yours; when naked you stood up to harangue64 the people! Who ever saw a fouler65 deed than that, or one more worthy66 scourges67?" "Has Tarquin suffered for this; have Spurius Cassius, Melius, and Marcus Manlius suffered, that after many ages a king should be set up in Rome by Marc Antony?" With abuse of a similar kind he goes on to the end of his declamation68, when he again professes69 himself ready to die at his post in defence of the Republic. That he now made up his mind so to die, should it become necessary, we may take for granted, but we cannot bring ourselves to approve of the storm of abuse under which he attempted to drown the memory and name of his antagonist70. So virulent71 a torrent72 of words, all seeming, as we read them, to have been poured out in rapid utterances74 by the keen energy of the moment, astonish us, when we reflect that it was the work of his quiet moments. That he should have prepared such a task in the seclusion75 of his closet is marvellous. It has about it the very ring of sudden passion; but it must be acknowledged that it is not palatable77. It is more Roman and less English than anything we have from Cicero—except his abuse of Piso, with whom he was again now half reconciled.
But it was solely78 on behalf of his country that he did it. He had grieved when C?sar had usurped79 the functions of the government; but in his grief he had respected C?sar, and had felt that he might best carry on the contest by submission80. But, when C?sar was dead, and Antony was playing tyrant81, his very soul rebelled. Then he sat down to prepare his first instalment of keen personal abuse, adding word to word and phrase to phrase till he had built up this unsavory monument of vituperation. It is by this that Antony is now known to the world. Plutarch makes no special mention of the second Philippic. In his life of Antony he does not allude82 to these orations83 at all, but in that of Cicero he tells us how Antony204 had ordered that right hand to be brought to him with which Cicero had written his Philippics.
The "young Octavius" of Shakespeare had now taken the name of Octavianus—Caius Julius C?sar Octavianus—and had quarrelled to the knife with Antony. He had assumed that he had been adopted by C?sar, and now demanded all the treasures his uncle had collected as his own. Antony, who had already stolen them, declared that they belonged to the State. At any rate there was cause enough for quarrelling among them, and they were enemies. Each seems to have brought charges of murder against the other, and each was anxious to obtain possession of the soldiery. Seen as we see now the period in Rome of which we are writing—every safeguard of the Republic gone, all law trampled84 under foot, Consuls42, Pr?tors, and Tribunes not elected but forced upon the State, all things in disorder85, the provinces becoming the open prey86 of the greediest plunderer—it is apparent enough that there could be no longer any hope for a Cicero. The marvel76 is that the every-day affairs of life should have been carried on with any reference to the law. When we are told that Antony stole C?sar's treasures and paid his debts with them, we are inclined to ask why he had paid his debts at all. But Cicero did hope. In his whole life there is nothing more remarkable87 than the final vitality88 with which he endeavored to withstand the coming deluge89 of military despotism. Nor in all history is there anything more wonderful than the capacity of power to re-establish itself, as is shown by the orderly Empire of Augustus growing out of the disorder left by C?sar. One is reminded by it of the impotency of a reckless heir to bring to absolute ruin the princely property of a great nobleman brought together by the skill of many careful progenitors90. A thing will grow to be so big as to be all but indestructible. It is like that tower of C?cilia Metella against which the storms of twenty centuries have beaten in vain. Looking at the state of the Roman Empire when Cicero died, 205 who would not declare its doom91? But it did "retrick its beams," not so much by the hand of one man, Augustus, as by the force of the concrete power collected within it—"Quod non imber edax non aquilo impotens Possit diruere."208 Cicero with patriotic25 gallantry thought that even yet there might be a chance for the old Republic—thought that by his eloquence, by his vehemence93 of words, he could turn men from fraud to truth, and from the lust of plundering a province to a desire to preserve their country. Of Antony now he despaired, but he still hoped that his words might act upon this young C?sar's heart. The youth was as callous94 as though he had already ruled a province for three years. No Roman was ever more cautious, more wise, more heartless, more able to pick his way through blood to a throne, than the young Augustus. Cicero fears Octavian—as we must now call him—and knows that he can only be restrained by the keeping of power out of his hands. Writing to Atticus from Arpinum, he says, "I agree altogether with you. If Octavian gets power into his hands he will insist upon the tyrant's decrees much more thoroughly95 than he did when the Senate sat in the temple of Tellus. Everything then will be done in opposition96 to Brutus. But if he be conquered, then see how intolerable would be the dominion97 of Antony."209 In the same letter he speaks of the De Officiis, which he has just written. In his next and last epistle to his old friend he congratulates himself on having been able at last to quarrel with Dolabella. Dolabella had turned upon him in the end, bought by Antony's money. He then returns to the subject of Octavian, and his doubts as to his loyalty98. He has been asked to pledge himself to Octavian, but has declined till he shall see how the young man will behave when Casea becomes candidate for the Tribunate. If he show himself to be Casea's enemy, Casea having been one of the conspirators99, Cicero will know that he is not to be trusted. Then he falls 206into a despairing mood, and declares that there is no hope. "Even Hippocrates was unwilling100 to bestow101 medicine on those to whom it could avail nothing." But he will go to Rome, into the very jaws of the danger. "It is less base for such as I am to fall publicly than privately102." With these words, almost the last written by him to Atticus, this correspondence is brought to an end: the most affectionate, the most trusting, and the most open ever published to the world as having come from one man to another. No letters more useful to the elucidation103 of character were ever written; but when read for that purpose they should be read with care, and should hardly be quoted till they have been understood.
b.c. 44, aetat. 63.
The struggles for the provinces were open and acknowledged. Under C?sar, Decimus Brutus had been nominated for Cisalpine Gaul, Marcus Brutus for Macedonia, and Cassius for Syria. It will be observed that these three men were the most prominent among the conspirators. Since that time Antony and Dolabella had obtained votes of the people to alter the arrangement. Antony was to go to Macedonia, and Dolabella to Syria. This was again changed when Antony found that Decimus had left Rome to take up his command. He sent his brother Caius to Macedonia, and himself claimed to be Governor of Cisalpine Gaul. Hence there were two Roman governors for each province; and in each case each governor was determined104 to fight for the possession. Antony hurried out of Rome before the end of the year with the purpose of hindering Decimus from the occupation of the north of Italy, and Cicero went up to Rome, determined to take a part in the struggle which was imminent105. The Senate had been summoned for the 19th of December, and attended in great numbers. Then it was that he spoke the third Philippic, and in the evening of the same day he spoke the fourth to the people. It should be understood that none of these speeches were heard by Antony. Cicero had at this time become the acknowledged chief of the Republican207 party, having drifted into the position which Pompey had so long filled. Many of C?sar's friends, frightened by his death, or rather cowed by the absence of his genius, had found it safer to retreat from the C?sarean party, of which the Antonys, with Dolabella, the cutthroats and gladiators of the empire, had the command. Hirtius and Pansa, with Balbus and Oppius, were among them. They, at this moment, were powerful in Rome. The legions were divided—some with Antony, some with Octavian, and some with Decimus Brutus. The greater number were with Antony, whom they hated for his cruelty; but were with him because the mantle106 of C?sar's power had fallen on to his shoulders. It was felt by Cicero that if he could induce Octavian to act with him the Republic might be again established. He would surely have influence enough to keep the lad from hankering after his great uncle's pernicious power. He was aware that the dominion did in fact belong to the owner of the soldiers, but he thought that he could control this boy-officer, and thus have his legions at the command of the Republic.
The Senate had been called together, nominally107 for the purpose of desiring the Consuls of the year to provide a guard for its own safety. Cicero makes it an occasion for perpetuating108 the feeling against Antony, which had already become strong in Rome. He breaks out into praise of Octavian, whom he calls "this young C?sar—almost a boy;" tells them what divine things the boy had already done, and how he had drawn away from the rebels those two indomitable legions, the Martia and the Fourth. Then he proceeds to abuse Antony. Tarquinius, the man whose name was most odious109 to Romans, had been unendurable as a tyrant, though himself not a bad man; but Antony's only object is to sell the Empire, and to spend the price. Antony had convoked110 the Senate for November, threatening the Senators with awful punishments should they absent themselves; but, when the day came, Antony, the Consul, had himself fled. He not only pours out the vials of his208 wrath111 but of his ridicule112 upon Antony's head, and quotes his bungling113 words. He gives instances of his imprudence, and his impotence, and of his greed. Then he again praises the young C?sar, and the two Consuls for the next year, and the two legions, and Decimus Brutus, who is about to fight the battle of the Republic for them in the north of Italy, and votes that the necessary guard be supplied. In the same evening he addresses the people in his fourth Philippic. He again praises the lad and the two legions, and again abuses Antony. No one can say after this day that he hid his anger, or was silent from fear. He congratulates the Romans on their patriotism114—vain congratulations—and encourages them to make new efforts. He bids them rejoice that they have a hero such as Decimus Brutus to protect their liberties, and, almost, that they have such an enemy as Antony to conquer. It seems that his words, few as they were—perhaps because they were so few—took hold of the people's imaginations; so that they shouted to him that he had on that day a second time saved his country, as he reminds them afterward.210
From this time forward we are without those intimate and friendly letters which we have had with us as our guide through the last twenty-one years of Cicero's life. For though we have a large body of correspondence written during the last year of his life, which are genuine, they are written in altogether a different style from those which have gone before. They are for the most part urgent appeals to those of his political friends to whom he can look for support in his views—often to those to whom he looked in vain. They are passionate115 prayers for the performance of a public duty, and as such are altogether to the writer's credit. His letters to Plancus are beautiful in their patriotism, as are also those to Decimus Brutus. When we think of his age, of his zeal116, of his earnestness, and of the dangers which he ran, we hardly know how sufficiently117 to ad209mire the public spirit with which at such a crisis he had taken on himself to lead the party. But our guide to his inner feelings is gone. There are no further letters to tell us of every doubt at his heart. We think of him as of some stalwart commander left at home to arrange the affairs of the war, while the less experienced men were sent to the van.
There is also a book of letters published as having passed between Cicero and Junius Brutus. The critics have generally united in condemning118 them as spurious. They are at, any rate, if genuine, cold and formal in their language.
b.c. 43, ?tat. 64.
Antony had proceeded into Cisalpine Gaul to drive out of the province the Consul named by the people to govern it. The nomination of Decimus had in truth been C?sar's nomination; but the right of Decimus to rule was at any rate better than that of any other claimant. He had been appointed in accordance with the power then in existence, and his appointment had been confirmed by the decree of the Senate sanctioning all C?sar's acts. It was, after all, a question of simple power, for C?sar had overridden119 every legal form. It became necessary, however, that they who were in power in Rome should decide. The Consuls Hirtius and Pansa had been C?sar's friends, and had also been the friends of Antony. They had not the trust in Antony which C?sar had inspired; but they were anxious to befriend him—or rather not to break with him. When the Senate met, they called on one Fufius Calenus—who was Antony's friend and Pansa's father-in-law—first to offer his opinion. He had been one of C?sar's Consuls, appointed for a month or two, and was now chosen for the honorable part of first spokesman, as being a Consular Senator. He was for making terms with Antony, and suggested that a deputation of three Senators should be sent to him with a message calling upon him to retire. The object probably was to give Antony time, or rather to give Octavian time, to join with Antony if it suited him. Others spoke in the same sense, and then Cicero was desired to give210 his opinion. This was the fifth Philippic. He is all for war with Antony—or rather he will not call it war, but a public breach120 of the peace which Antony has made. He begins mildly enough, but warms with his subject as he goes on: "Should they send ambassadors to a traitor121 to his country? * * * Let him return from Mutina." I keep the old Latin name, which is preserved for us in that of Modena. "Let him cease to contend with Decimus. Let him depart out of Gaul. It is not fit that we should send to implore122 him to do so. We should by force compel him. * * * We are not sending messengers to Hannibal, who, if Hannibal would not obey, might be desired to go on to Carthage. Whither shall the men go if Antony refuses to obey them?" But it is of no use. With eloquent123 words he praises Octavian and the two legions and Decimus. He praises even the coward Lepidus, who was in command of legions, and was now Governor of Gaul beyond the Alps and of Northern Spain, and proposes that the people should put up to him a gilt124 statue on horseback—so important was it to obtain, if possible, his services. Alas125! it was impossible that such a man should be moved by patriotic motives126. Lepidus was soon to go with the winning side, and became one of the second triumvirate with Antony and Octavian.
Cicero's eloquence was on this occasion futile127. At this sitting the Senate came to no decision, but on the third day afterward they decreed that the Senators, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Piso, and Lucius Philippus, should be sent to Antony. The honors which he had demanded for Lepidus and the others were granted, but he was outvoted in regard to the ambassadors. On the 4th of January Cicero again addressed the people in the Forum. His task was very difficult. He wished to give no offence to the Senate, and yet was anxious to stir the citizens and to excite them to a desire for immediate war. The Senate, he told them, had not behaved disgracefully, but had—temporized. The war, unfortunately, must be delayed for those twenty days necessary for the going and coming of the211 ambassadors. The ambassadors could do nothing. But still they must wait. In the mean time he will not be idle. For them, the Roman people, he will work and watch with all his experience, with diligence almost above his strength, to repay them for their faith in him. When C?sar was with them they had had no choice but obedience128—so much the times were out of joint129. If they submit themselves to be slaves now, it will be their own fault. Then in general language he pronounces an opinion—which was the general Roman feeling of the day: "It is not permitted to the Roman people to become slaves—that people whom the immortal130 gods have willed to rule all nations of the earth."211 So he ended the sixth Philippic, which, like the fourth, was addressed to the people. All the others were spoken in the Senate.
He writes to Decimus at Mutina about this time a letter full of hope—of hope which we can see to be genuine. "Recruits are being raised in all Italy—if that can be called recruiting which is in truth a spontaneous rushing into arms of the entire population."212 He expects letters telling him what "our Hirtius" is doing, and what "my young C?sar." Hirtius and Pansa, the Consuls of the year, though they had been C?sar's party, and made Consuls by C?sar, were forced to fight for the Republic. They had been on friendly terms with Cicero, and they doubted Antony. Hirtius had now followed the army, and Pansa was about to do so. They both fell in the battle that was fought at Mutina, and no one can now accuse them of want of loyalty. But "my C?sar," on whose behalf Cicero made so many sweet speeches, for whose glory he was so careful, whose early republican principles he was so anxious to direct, made his terms with Antony on the first occasion. At that time Cicero wrote to Plancus, Consul elect for the next year, and places before his eyes a picture of all that he can do 212for the Republic. "Lay yourself out—yes, I pray you, by the immortal gods—for that which will bring you to the height of glory and renown131."213
At the end of January or beginning of February he again addressed the Senate on the subject of the embassy—a matter altogether foreign from that which it had been convoked to discuss. To Cicero's mind there was no other subject at the present moment fit to occupy the thoughts of a Roman Senator. "We have met together to settle something about the Appian Way, and something about the coinage. The mind revolts from such little cares, torn by greater matters." The ambassadors are expected back—two of them at least, for Sulpicius had died on his road. He cautions the Senate against receiving with quiet composure such an answer as Antony will probably send them. "Why do I—I who am a man of peace—refuse peace? Because it is base, because it is full of danger—because peace is impossible." Then he proceeds to explain that it is so. "What a disgrace would it be that Antony, after so many robberies, after bringing back banished comrades, after selling the taxes of the State, putting up kingdoms to auction132, shall rise up on the consular bench and address a free Senate! * * * Can you have an assured peace while there is an Antony in the State—or many Antonys? Or how can you be at peace with one who hates you as does he; or how can he be at peace with those who hate him as do you? * * * You have such an opportunity," he says at last, "as never fell to the lot of any. You are able, with all senatorial dignity, with all the zeal of the knights133, with all the favor of the Roman people, now to make the Republic free from fear and danger, once and forever." Then he thus ends his speech, "About those things which have been brought before us, I agree with Servilius." That is the seventh Philippic.
In February the ambassadors returned, but returned laden134 213with bad tidings. Servius Sulpicius, who was to have been their chief spokesman, died just as they reached Antony. The other two immediately began to treat with him, so as to become the bearers back to Rome of conditions proposed by him. This was exactly what they had been told not to do. They had carried the orders of the Senate to their rebellious135 officer, and then admitted the authority of that rebel by bringing back his propositions. They were not even allowed to go into Mutina so as to see Decimus; but they were, in truth, only too well in accord with the majority of the Senate, whose hearts were with Antony. Anything to those lovers of their fish-ponds was more desirable than a return to the loyalty of the Republic. The Deputies were received by the Senate, who discussed their embassy, and on the next day they met again, when Cicero pronounced his eighth Philippic. Why he did not speak on the previous day I do not know. Middleton is somewhat confused in his account. Morabin says that Cicero was not able to obtain a hearing when the Deputies were received. The Senate did on that occasion come to a decision; against which act of pusillanimity136 Cicero on the following day expressed himself very vehemently137. They had decided138 that this was not to be called a war, but rather a tumult139, and seem to have hesitated in denouncing Antony as a public enemy. The Senate was convoked on the next day to decide the terms of the amnesty to be accorded to the soldiers who had followed Antony, when Cicero, again throwing aside the minor140 matter, burst upon them in his wrath. He had hitherto inveighed141 against Antony; now his anger is addressed to the Senate. "Lucius C?sar," he said, "has told us that he is Antony's uncle, and must vote as such. Are you all uncles to Antony?" Then he goes on to show that war is the only name by which this rebellion can be described. "Has not Hirtius, who has gone away, sick as he is, called it a war? Has not young C?sar, young as he is, prompted to it by no one, undertaken it as a war?" He repeats the words of a letter from Hirtius which could only have been used214 in war: "I have taken Claterna. Their cavalry142 has been put to flight. A battle has been fought. So many men have been killed. This is what you call peace!" Then he speaks of other civil wars, which he says have grown from difference of opinion—"except that last between Pompey and C?sar, as to which I will not speak. I have been ignorant of its cause, and have hated its ending." But in this war all men are of one opinion who are worthy of the name of Romans. "We are fighting for the temples of our gods, for our walls, our homes, for the abode143 of the Roman people, for their Penates, their altars, their hearths144 for the graves of ancestors—and we are fighting only against Antony. * * * Fufius Calenus tells us of peace—as though I of all men did not know that peace was a blessing145. But tell me, Calenus, is slavery peace?" He is very angry with Calenus. Although he has called him his friend, he was in great wrath against him. "I am fighting for Decimus and you for Antony. I wish to preserve a Roman city; you wish to see it battered146 to the ground. Can you deny this, you who are creating all means of delays by which Decimus may be weakened and Antony made strong?"
"I had consoled myself with this," he says, "that when these ambassadors had been sent and had returned despised, and had told the Senate that not only had Antony refused to leave Gaul but was besieging147 Mutina, and would not let them even see Decimus—that then, in our passion and our rage, we should have gone forth with our arms, and our horses, and our men, and at once have rescued our General. But we—since we have seen the audacity148, the insolence149, and the pride of Antony—we have become only more cowardly than before." Then he gives his opinion about the amnesty: "Let any of those who are now with Antony, but shall leave him before the ides of March and pass to the armies of the Consuls, or of Decimus, or of young C?sar, be held to be free from reproach. If one should quit their ranks through their own will, let them be rewarded and honored as Hirtius and Pansa, our Consuls, may think proper."215 This was the eighth Philippic, and is perhaps the finest of them all. It does not contain the bitter invective of the second, but there is in it a true feeling of patriotic earnestness. The ninth also is very eloquent, though it is rather a p?an sung on behalf of his friend Sulpicius, who in bad health had encountered the danger of the journey, and had died in the effort, than one of these Philippics which are supposed to have been written and spoken with the view of demolishing150 Antony. It is a specimen151 of those funereal152 orations delivered on behalf of a citizen who had died in the service of his country which used to be common among the Romans.
The tenth is in praise of Marcus Junius Brutus. Were I to attempt to explain the situation of Brutus in Macedonia, and to say how he had come to fill it, I should be carried away from my purpose as to Cicero's life, and should be endeavoring to write the history of the time. My object is simply to illustrate153 the life of Cicero by such facts as we know. In the confusion which existed at the time, Brutus had obtained some advantages in Macedonia, and had recovered for himself the legions of which Caius Antonius had been in possession, and who was now a prisoner in his hands. At this time young Marcus Cicero was his lieutenant154, and it is told us how one of those legions had put themselves under his command. Brutus had at any rate written home letters to the Senate early in March, and Pansa had called the Senate together to receive them.
Again he attacks Fufius Calenus, Pansa's father-in-law, who was the only man in the Senate bold enough to stand up against him; though there were doubtless many of those foot Senators—men who traversed the house backward and forward to give their votes—who were anxious to oppose him. He thanks Pansa for calling them so quickly, seeing that when they had parted yesterday they had not expected to be again so soon convoked. We may gather from this the existence of a practice of sending messengers round to the Senators' houses216 to call them together. He praises Brutus for his courage and his patience. It is his object to convince his hearers, and through them the Romans of the day, that the cause of Antony is hopeless. Let us rise up and crush him. Let us all rise, and we shall certainly crush him. There is nothing so likely to attain155 success as a belief that the success has been already attained156. "From all sides men are running together to put out the flames which he has lighted. Our veterans, following the example of young C?sar, have repudiated157 Antony and his attempts. The 'Legio Martia' has blunted the edge of his rage, and the 'Legio Quarta' has attacked him. Deserted158 by his own troops, he has broken through into Gaul, which he has found to be hostile to him with its arms and opposed to him in spirit. The armies of Hirtius and of young C?sar are upon his trail; and now Pansa's levies159 have raised the heart of the city and of all Italy. He alone is our enemy, although he has along with him his brother Lucius, whom we all regret so dearly, whose loss we have hardly been able to endure! What wild beast do you know more abominable160 than that, or more monstrous—who seems to have been created lest Marc Antony himself should be of all things the most vile?" He concludes by proposing the thanks of the Senate to Brutus, and a resolution that Quintus Hortensius, who had held the province of Macedonia against Caius Antonius, should be left there in command. The two propositions were carried.
As we read this, all appears to be prospering161 on behalf of the Republic; but if we turn to the suspected correspondence between Brutus and Cicero, we find a different state of things. And these letters, though we altogether doubt their authenticity—for their language is cold, formal, and un-Ciceronian—still were probably written by one who had access to those which Cicero had himself penned: "As to what you write about wanting men and money, it is very difficult to give you advice. I do not see how you are to raise any except by borrowing it from the municipalities"—in Macedonia—217"according to the decree of the Senate. As to men, I do not know what to propose. Pansa is so far from sparing men from his army, that he begrudges162 those who go to you as volunteers. Some think that he wishes you to be less strong than you are—which, however, I do not suspect myself."214 A letter might fall into the hands of persons not intended to read it, and Cicero was forced to be on his guard in communicating his suspicions—Cicero or the pseudo-Cicero. In the next Brutus is rebuked163 for having left Antony live when C?sar was slain164. "Had not some god inspired Octavian," he says, "we should have been altogether in the power of Antony, that base and abominable man. And you see how terrible is our contest with him." And he tries to awaken165 him to the necessity of severity. "I see how much you delight in clemency166. That is very well. But there is another place, another time, for clemency. The question for us is whether we shall any longer exist or be put out of the world." These, which are intended to represent his private fears, deal with the affairs of the day in a tone altogether different from that of his public speeches. Doubt, anxiety, occasionally almost despair, are expressed in them. But not the less does he thunder on in the Senate, aware that to attain success he must appear to have obtained it.
The eleventh Philippic was occasioned by the news which had arrived in Rome of the death of Trebonius. Trebonius had been surprised in Smyrna by a stratagem167 as to which alone no disgrace would have fallen on Dolabella, had he not followed up his success by killing168 Trebonius. How far the bloody169 cruelty, of which we have the account in Cicero's words, was in truth executed, it is now impossible to say. The Greek historian Appian gives us none of these horrors, but simply intimates that Trebonius, having been taken in the snare170, had his head cut off.215 That Cicero believed the story 218is probable. It is told against his son-in-law, of whom he had hitherto spoken favorably. He would not have spoken against the man except on conviction. Dolabella was immediately declared an enemy to the Republic. Cicero inveighs171 against him with all his force, and says that such as Dolabella is, he had been made by the cruelty of Antony. But he goes on to philosophize, and declare how much more miserable than Trebonius was Dolabella himself, who is so base that from his childhood those things had been a delight to him which have been held as disgraceful by other children. Then he turns to the question which is in dispute, whether Brutus should be left in command of Macedonia, and Cassius of Syria—Cassius was now on his way to avenge172 the death of Trebonius—or whether other noble Romans, Publius Servilius, for instance, or that Hirtius and Pansa, the two Consuls, when they can be spared from Italy, shall be sent there. It is necessary here to read between the lines. The going of the Consuls would mean the withdrawing of the troops from Italy, and would leave Rome open to the C?sarean faction173. At present Decimus and Cicero, and whoever else there might be loyal to the Republic, had to fight by the assistance of other forces than their own. Hirtius and Pansa were constrained174 to take the part of the Republic by Cicero's eloquence, and by the action of those Senators who felt themselves compelled to obey Cicero. But they did not object to send the Consuls away, and the Consular legions, under the plea of saving the provinces. This they were willing enough to do—with the real object of delivering Italy over to those who were Cicero's enemies but were not theirs. All this Cicero understood, and, in conducting the contest, had to be on his guard, not only against the soldiers of Antony but against the Senators also, who were supposed to be his own friends, but whose hearts were intent on having back some C?sar to preserve for them their privileges.
Cicero in this matter talked some nonsense. "By what right, by what law," he asks, "shall Cassius go to Syria? By219 that law which Jupiter sanctioned when he ordained175 that all things good for the Republic should be just and legal." For neither had Brutus a right to establish himself in Macedonia as Proconsul nor Cassius in Syria. This reference to Jupiter was a begging of the question with a vengeance176. But it was perhaps necessary, in a time of such confusion, to assume some pretext177 of legality, let it be ever so poor. Nothing could now be done in true obedience to the laws. The Triumvirate, with C?sar at its head, had finally trodden down all law; and yet every one was clamoring for legal rights! Then he sings the praises of Cassius, but declares that he does not dare to give him credit in that place for the greatest deed he had done. He means, of course, the murder of C?sar.
Paterculus tells us that all these things were decreed by the Senate.216 But he is wrong. The decree of the Senate went against Cicero, and on the next day, amid much tumult, he addressed himself to the people on the subject. This he did in opposition to Pansa, who endeavored to hinder him from speaking in the Forum, and to Servilia, the mother-in-law of Cassius, who was afraid lest her son-in-law should encounter the anger of the Consuls. He went so far as to tell the people that Cassius would not obey the Senate, but would take upon himself, on such an emergency, to act as best he could for the Republic.217 There was no moment in this stirring year, none, I think, during Cicero's life, in which he behaved with greater courage than now in appealing from the Senate to the people, and in the hardihood with which he declared that the Senate's decree should be held as going for nothing. Before the time came in which it could be carried out both Hirtius and Pansa were dead. They had fallen in relieving Decimus at Mutina. 220His address on this occasion to the people was not made public, and has not been preserved.
Then there came up the question of a second embassy, to which Cicero at first acceded178. He was induced to do so, as he says, by news which had arrived of altered circumstances on Antony's part. Calenus and Piso had given the Senate to understand that Antony was desirous of peace. Cicero had therefore assented179, and had agreed to be one of the deputation. The twelfth Philippic was spoken with the object of showing that no such embassy should be sent. Cicero's condition at this period was most peculiar180 and most perilous182. The Senate would not altogether oppose his efforts, but they hated them. They feared that, if Antony should succeed, they who had opposed Antony would be ruined. Those among them who were the boldest openly reproached Cicero with the danger which they were made to incur183 in fighting his battles.218 To be rid of Cicero was their desire and their difficulty. He had agreed to go on this embassy—who can say for what motives? To him it would be a mission of especial peril181. It was one from which he could hardly hope ever to come back alive. It may be that he had agreed to go with his life in his hand, and to let them know that he at any rate had been willing to die for the Republic. It may be that he had heard of some altered circumstances. But he changed his mind and resolved that he would not go, unless driven forth by the Senate. There seems to have been a manifest attempt to get him out of Rome and send him where he might have his throat cut. But he declined; and this is the speech in which he did so. "It is impossible," says the French critic, speaking of the twelfth Philippic, "to surround the word 'I fear' with more imposing184 oratorical186 arguments." It has not occurred to him that Cicero 221may have thought that he might even yet do something better with the lees and dregs of his life than throw them away by thus falling into a trap. Nothing is so common to men as to fear to die—and nothing more necessary, or men would soon cease to live. To fear death more than ignominy is the disgrace—a truth which the French critic does not seem to have recognized when he twits the memory of Cicero with his scornful sneer187, "J'ai peur." Did it occur to the French critic to ask himself for what purpose should Cicero go to Antony's camp, where he would probably be murdered, and by so doing favor the views of his own enemies in Rome? The deputation was not sent; but in lieu of the deputation Pansa, the remaining Consul, led his legions out of Rome at the beginning of April.
b.c. 43, ?tat. 64.
Lepidus, who was Proconsul in Gaul and Northern Spain, wrote a letter at this time to the Senate recommending them to make peace with Antony. Cicero in his thirteenth Philippic shows how futile such a peace would be. That Lepidus was a vain, inconstant man, looking simply to his own advantage in the side which he might choose, is now understood; but when this letter was received he was supposed to have much weight in Rome. He had, however, given some offence to the Senate, not having acknowledged all the honors which had been paid to him. The advice had been rejected, and Cicero shows how unfit the man was to give it. This, however, he still does with complimentary188 phrases, though from a letter written by him to Lepidus about this time the nature of his feeling toward the man is declared: "You would have done better, in my judgment189, if you had left alone this attempt at making peace, which approves itself neither to the Senate nor to the people, not to any good man."219 When we remember the ordinary terms of Roman letter-writing, we must acknowledge that this was a plain and not very civil at222tempt to silence Lepidus. He then goes on in the Philippic to read a letter which Antony had sent to Hirtius and to young C?sar, and which they had sent on to the Senate. The letter is sufficiently bold and abusive—throwing it in their teeth that they would rather punish the murderer of Trebonius than those of C?sar. Cicero does this with some wit, but we feel compelled to observe that as much is to be said on the one side as on the other. Brutus, Cassius, with Trebonius and others, had killed C?sar. Dolabella, perhaps with circumstances of great cruelty, had killed Trebonius. Cicero had again and again expressed his sorrow that Antony had been spared when C?sar was killed. We have to go back before the first slaughter190 to resolve who was right and who was wrong, and even afterward can only take the doings of each in that direction as part of the internecine191 feud192. Experience has since explained to us the results of introducing bloodshed into such quarrels. The laws which recognize war are and were acknowledged. But when A kills B because he thinks B to have done evil, A can no longer complain of murder. And Cicero's criticism is somewhat puerile193. "And thou, boy," Antony had said in addressing Octavian—"Et te, puer!" "You shall find him to be a man by-and-by," says Cicero. Antony's Latin is not Ciceronian. "Utrum sit elegantius," he asks, putting some further question about C?sar and Trebonius. "As if there could be anything elegant in this war," demands Cicero. He goes through the letter in the same way, turning Antony into ridicule in a manner which must have riveted195 in the heart of Fulvia, Antony's wife, who was in Rome, her desire to have that bitter-speaking tongue torn out of his mouth. Such was the thirteenth Philippic.
On the 21st of April was spoken the fourteenth and the last. Pansa early in the month had left Rome, and marched toward Mutina with the intention of relieving Decimus. Antony, who was then besieging Mutina after such a fashion as to prevent all egress196 or ingress, and had all but brought Decimus223 to starvation, finding himself about to be besieged197, put his troops into motion, and attacked those who were attacking him. Then was fought the battle in which Antony was beaten, and Pansa, one of the Consuls, so wounded that he perished soon afterward. Antony retreated to his camp, but was again attacked by Hirtius and Octavian, and by Decimus, who sallied out of the town. He was routed, and fled, but Hirtius was killed in the battle. Suetonius tells us that in his time a rumor198 was abroad that Augustus, then Octavian, had himself killed Hirtius with his own hands in the fight—Hirtius having been his fellow-general, and fighting on the same side; and that he had paid Glyco, Pansa's doctor, to poison him while dressing194 his wounds.220 Tacitus had already made the story known.221 It is worth repeating here only as showing the sort of conduct which a grave historian and a worthy biographer were not ashamed to attribute to the favorite Emperor of Rome.
It was on the receipt of the news in Rome of the first battle, but before the second had been fought, that the last Philippic was spoken. Pansa was not known to have been mortally wounded, nor Hirtius killed, nor was it known that Decimus had been relieved; but it was understood that Antony had received a check. Servilius had proposed a supplication199, and had suggested that they should put away their saga200 and go back to their usual attire201. The "sagum" was a common military cloak, which the early Romans wore instead of the toga when they went out to war. In later days, when the definition between a soldier and a civilian202 became more complete, they who were left at home wore the sagum, in token of their military feelings, when the Republic was fighting its battles near Rome. I do not suppose that when Crassus was in Parthia, or C?sar in Gaul, the sagum was worn. It was not exactly known when 224the distant battles were being fought. But Cicero had taken care that the sagum should be properly worn, and had even put it on himself—to do which as a Consular was not required of him. Servilius now proposed that they should leave off their cloaks, having obtained a victory; but Cicero would not permit it. Decimus, he says, has not been relieved, and they had taken to their cloaks as showing their determination to succor203 their General in his distress204. And he is discontented with the language used: "You have not even yet called Antony a 'public enemy.'" Then he again lashes205 out against the horror of Antony's proceedings206: "He is waging war, a war too dreadful to be spoken of, against four Roman Consuls"—he means Hirtius and Pansa, who were already Consuls, and in truth already dead, and Decimus and Plancus, who were designated as Consuls for the next year. Plancus, however, joined his legions afterward with those of Antony, and insisted in establishing the Second Triumvirate. "Rushing from one scene of slaughter to another, he causes wherever he goes misery207, desolation, bloodshed, and agony." The language is so fine that it is worth our while to see the words.222 "Is he not responsible for the horrors of Dolabella? What he would do in Rome, were it not for the protection of Jupiter, may be seen from the miseries208 which his brother has inflicted209 on those poor men of Parma—that Lucius, whom all men hate, and the gods too would hate, if they hated as they ought. In what city was Hannibal as cruel as Antony at Parma; and shall we not call him an enemy?" Servilius had asked for a supplication, but had only asked for one of moderate length. And Servilius had not called the generals Imperatores. Who should be so called but they who have been valiant210, and lucky, and successful? Cicero forgets the meaning of the title, and that even Bibulus had been called Imperator in Syria. Here he runs off 225from his subject, and at some length praises himself. It seems that Rome was in a tumult at the time, and that Antony's enemies did all they could to support him, and also to turn his head. He had been carried into the Senate-house in triumph, and had been thanked by the whole city. After lauding211 the different generals, and calling them all Imperatores, he desires the Senate to decree them a supplication for fifty days. Fifty days are to be devoted to thanksgiving to the gods, though it had already been declared how very little they have done for which to be thankful, as Decimus had not yet been liberated212.
Fifty days are granted for the battle of Mutina, which as yet was supposed to have been but half fought. When we hear the term "supplicatio" first mentioned in Livy one day was granted. It had grown to twenty when the gods were thanked for the victory over Vercingetorix. Now for this half-finished affair fifty was hardly enough. When the time was over, Antony and Lepidus had joined their forces triumphantly213. Pansa and Hirtius were dead, and Decimus Brutus had fled, and had probably been murdered. Nothing increases so out of proportion to the occasion as the granting of honors. Stars, when they fall in showers, pale their brilliancy, and turn at last to no more than a cloud of dust. Honors are soon robbed of all their honor when once the first step downward has been taken. The decree was passed, and Cicero finished his last speech on so poor an occasion. But though the thing itself then done be small and trivial to us now, it was completed in magnificent language.223 The passage of which I give the first words below is very fine in the original, though it does not well bear translation. Thus he ended his fourteenth Philippic, and the silver tongue which had charmed Rome so often was silent forever.
We at least have no record of any further speech; nor, as 226I think, did he again take the labor214 of putting into words which should thrill through all who heard them, not the thoughts but the passionate feelings of the moment.
I will venture to quote from a contemporary his praise of the Philippics. Mr. Forsyth says: "Nothing can exceed the beauty of the language, the rhythmical215 flow of the periods, and the harmony of the style. The structure of the Latin language, which enables the speaker or writer to collocate his words, not, as in English, merely according to the order of thought, but in the manner best calculated to produce effect, too often baffles the powers of the translator who seeks to give the force of the passage without altering the arrangement. Often again, as is the case with all attempts to present the thoughts of the ancient in a modern dress, a periphrasis must be used to explain the meaning of an idea which was instantly caught by the Greek or Roman ear. Many allusions216 which flashed like lightning upon the minds of the Senators must be explained in a parenthesis217, and many a home-thrust and caustic218 sarcasm219 are now deprived of their sting, which pierced sharply at the moment of their utterance73 some twenty centuries ago.
"But with all such disadvantages I hope that even the English reader will be able to recognize in these speeches something of the grandeur220 of the old Roman eloquence. The noble passages in which Cicero strove to force his countrymen for very shame to emulate221 the heroic virtues223 of their forefathers224, and urged them to brave every danger and welcome death rather than slavery in the last struggle for freedom, are radiant with a glory which not even a translation can destroy. And it is impossible not to admire the genius of the orator185 whose words did more than armies toward recovering the lost liberty of Rome."
His words did more than armies, but neither could do anything lasting23 for the Republic. What was one honest man among so many? We remember Mommsen's verdict: "On the Roman oligarchy225 of this period no judgment can be pass227ed save one of inexorable and remorseless condemnation226." The farther we see into the facts of Roman history in our endeavors to read the life of Cicero, the more apparent becomes its truth. But Cicero, though he saw far toward it, never altogether acknowledged it. In this consists the charm of his character, though at the same time the weakness of his political aspirations227; his weakness—because he was vain enough to imagine that he could talk men back from their fish-ponds; its charm—because he was able through it all to believe in honesty. The more hopeless became the cause, the sweeter, the more impassioned, the more divine, became his language. He tuned228 his notes to still higher pitches of melody, and thought that thus he could bring back public virtue222. Often in these Philippics the matter is small enough. The men he has to praise are so little; and Antony does not loom229 large enough in history to have merited from Cicero so great a meed of vituperation! Nor is the abuse all true, in attributing to him motives so low. But Cicero was true through it all, anxious, all on fire with anxiety to induce those who heard him to send men to fight the battles to which he knew them, in their hearts, to be opposed.
The courage, the persistency230, and the skill shown, in the attempt were marvellous. They could not have succeeded, but they seem almost to have done so. I have said that he was one honest man among many. Brutus was honest in his patriotism, and Cassius, and all the conspirators. I do not doubt that C?sar was killed from a true desire to restore the Roman Republic. They desired to restore a thing that was in itself evil—the evils of which had induced C?sar to see that he might make himself its master. But Cicero had conceived a Republic in his own mind—not Utopian, altogether human and rational—a Republic which he believed to have been that of Scipio, of Marcellus, and L?lius: a Republic which should do nothing for him but require his assistance, in which the people should vote, and the oligarchs rule in accordance with the es 228tablished laws. Peace and ease, prosperity and protection, it would be for the Rome of his dream to bestow upon the provinces. Law and order, education and intelligence, it would be for her rulers to bestow upon Rome. In desiring this, he was the one honest man among many. In accordance with that theory he had lived, and I claim for him that he had never departed from it. In his latter days, when the final struggle came, when there had arisen for him the chance of C?sar's death, when Antony was his chief enemy, when he found himself in Rome with authority sufficient to control legions, when the young C?sar had not shown—probably had not made—his plans, when Lepidus and Plancus and Pollio might still prove themselves at last true men, he was once again alive with his dream. There might yet be again a Scipio, or a Cicero as good as Scipio, in the Republic; one who might have lived as gloriously, and die—not amid the jealousies231 but with the love of his countrymen.
It was not to be. Looking back at it now, we wonder that he should have dared to hope for it. But it is to the presence within gallant92 bosoms232 of hope still springing, though almost forlorn, of hope which has in its existence been marvellous, that the world is indebted for the most beneficial enterprises. It was not given to Cicero to stem the tide and to prevent the evil coming of the C?sars; but still the nature of the life he had led, the dreams of a pure Republic, those aspirations after liberty have not altogether perished. We have at any rate the record of the great endeavors which he made.
Nothing can have been worse managed than the victory at Mutina. The two Consuls were both killed; but that, it may be said, was the chance of war. Antony with all his cavalry was allowed to escape eastward233 toward the Cottian Alps. Decimus Brutus seems to have shown himself deficient234 in all the qualities of a General, except that power of endurance which can hold a town with little or no provision. He wrote to Cicero saying that he would follow Antony. He makes a promise229 that Antony shall not be allowed to remain in Italy. He beseeches235 Cicero to write to that "windy fellow Lepidus," to prevent him from joining the enemy. Lepidus will never do what is right unless made to do so by Cicero. As to Plancus, Decimus has his doubts, but he thinks that Plancus will be true to the Republic now that Antony is beaten.224 In his next letter he speaks of the great confusion which has come among them from the death of the two Consuls. He declares also how great has been Antony's energy in already recruiting his army. He has opened all the prisons and workhouses, and taken the men he found there. Ventidius has joined him with his army, and he still fears Lepidus. And young C?sar, who is supposed to be on their side, will obey no one, and can make none obey him. He, Decimus, cannot feed his men. He has spent all his own money and his friends'. How is he to support seven legions?225 On the next day he writes again, and is still afraid of Plancus and of Lepidus and of Pollio. And he bids Cicero look after his good name: "Stop the evil tongues of men if you can."226 A few days afterward Cicero writes him a letter which he can hardly have liked to receive. What business had Brutus to think the senate cowardly?227 Who can be afraid of Antony conquered who did not fear him in his strength? How should Lepidus doubt now when victory had declared for the Republic? Though Antony may have collected together the scrapings of the jails, Decimus is not to forget that he, Decimus, has the whole Roman people at his back.
Cicero was probably right to encourage the General, and to endeavor to fill him with hope. To make a man victorious236 you should teach him to believe in victory. But Decimus knew the nature of the troops around him, and was aware that every soldier was so imbued237 with an idea of the power of C?sar that, though C?sar was dead, they could fight with only 230half a heart against soldiers who had been in his armies. The name and authority and high office of the two Consuls had done something with them, and young C?sar had been with the Consuls. But both the Consuls had been killed—which was in itself ominous—and Antony was still full of hope, and young C?sar was not there, and Decimus was unpopular with the men. It was of no use that Cicero should write with lofty ideas and speak of the spirit of the Senate. Antony had received a severe check, but the feeling of military rule which C?sar had engendered238 was still there, and soldiers who would obey their officers were not going to submit themselves to "votes of the people." Cicero in the mean time had his letters passing daily between himself and the camps, thinking to make up by the energy of his pen for the weakness of his party. Lepidus sends him an account of his movements on the Rhone, declaring how he was anxious to surround Antony. Lepidus was already meditating239 his surrender. "I ask from you, my Cicero, that if you have seen with what zeal I have in former times served the Republic, you should look for conduct equal to it, or surpassing it for the future; and, that you should think me the more worthy of your protection, the higher are my deserts."228 He was already, when writing that letter, in treaty with Antony. Plancus writes to him at the same time apologizing for his conduct in joining Lepidus. It was a service of great danger for him, Plancus, but it was necessary for Lepidus that this should be done. We are inclined to doubt them all, knowing whither they were tending. Lepidus was false from the beginning. Plancus doubled for a while, and then yielded himself.
The reader, I think, will have had no hope for Cicero and the Republic since the two Consuls were killed; but as he comes upon the letters which passed between Cicero and the armies he will have been altogether disheartened.
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1
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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vanquish
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| v.征服，战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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tirade
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| n.冗长的攻击性演说 | |
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vomit
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| v.呕吐，作呕；n.呕吐物，吐出物 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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jaws
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| n.口部；嘴 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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repudiation
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| n.拒绝；否认；断绝关系；抛弃 | |
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anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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29
surmise
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| v./n.猜想，推测 | |
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30
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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31
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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33
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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scurrilous
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| adj.下流的，恶意诽谤的 | |
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satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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knaves
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| n.恶棍，无赖( knave的名词复数 )；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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42
consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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43
consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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45
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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47
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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48
legacies
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| n.遗产( legacy的名词复数 )；遗留之物；遗留问题；后遗症 | |
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49
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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50
iniquities
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| n.邪恶( iniquity的名词复数 )；极不公正 | |
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51
gorged
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| v.（用食物把自己）塞饱，填饱( gorge的过去式和过去分词 )；作呕 | |
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52
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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53
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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54
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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56
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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57
needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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58
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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59
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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60
augur
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| n.占卦师；v.占卦 | |
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61
augurs
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| n.（古罗马的）占兆官( augur的名词复数 )；占卜师，预言者v.预示，预兆，预言( augur的第三人称单数 )；成为预兆；占卜 | |
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62
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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64
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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fouler
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的比较级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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66
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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67
scourges
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| 带来灾难的人或东西，祸害( scourge的名词复数 )； 鞭子 | |
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declamation
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| n. 雄辩，高调 | |
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professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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70
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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71
virulent
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| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
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72
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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73
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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75
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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76
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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palatable
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| adj.可口的，美味的；惬意的 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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79
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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80
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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81
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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82
allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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orations
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| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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84
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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87
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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progenitors
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| n.祖先( progenitor的名词复数 )；先驱；前辈；原本 | |
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doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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92
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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elucidation
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| n.说明，阐明 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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107
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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108
perpetuating
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| perpetuate的现在进行式 | |
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109
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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110
convoked
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| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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112
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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113
bungling
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| adj.笨拙的，粗劣的v.搞糟，完不成( bungle的现在分词 )；笨手笨脚地做；失败；完不成 | |
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114
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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115
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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116
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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117
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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118
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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119
overridden
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| 越控( override的过去分词 )； （以权力）否决； 优先于； 比…更重要 | |
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120
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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121
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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122
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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123
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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124
gilt
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| adj.镀金的；n.金边证券 | |
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125
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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126
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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127
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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128
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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129
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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130
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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131
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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132
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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133
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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134
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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135
rebellious
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|
| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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136
pusillanimity
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| n.无气力，胆怯 | |
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137
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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138
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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139
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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140
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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141
inveighed
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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143
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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144
hearths
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| 壁炉前的地板，炉床，壁炉边( hearth的名词复数 ) | |
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145
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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146
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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147
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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148
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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149
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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150
demolishing
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| v.摧毁( demolish的现在分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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151
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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152
funereal
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| adj.悲哀的；送葬的 | |
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153
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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154
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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155
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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156
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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157
repudiated
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|
| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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158
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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159
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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160
abominable
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|
| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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161
prospering
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的现在分词 ) | |
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162
begrudges
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| 嫉妒( begrudge的第三人称单数 )； 勉强做； 不乐意地付出； 吝惜 | |
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163
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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165
awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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166
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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167
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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168
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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169
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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170
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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171
inveighs
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的第三人称单数 ) | |
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172
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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173
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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174
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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175
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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176
vengeance
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|
| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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177
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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178
acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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179
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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180
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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181
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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182
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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183
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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184
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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185
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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186
oratorical
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|
| adj.演说的，雄辩的 | |
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187
sneer
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|
| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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188
complimentary
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|
| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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189
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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190
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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191
internecine
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| adj.两败俱伤的 | |
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192
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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193
puerile
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| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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194
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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195
riveted
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| 铆接( rivet的过去式和过去分词 )； 把…固定住； 吸引； 引起某人的注意 | |
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196
egress
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| n.出去；出口 | |
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197
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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198
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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199
supplication
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| n.恳求，祈愿，哀求 | |
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200
saga
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| n.(尤指中世纪北欧海盗的)故事，英雄传奇 | |
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201
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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202
civilian
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| adj.平民的，民用的，民众的 | |
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203
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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204
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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205
lashes
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| n.鞭挞( lash的名词复数 )；鞭子；突然猛烈的一击；急速挥动v.鞭打( lash的第三人称单数 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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206
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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207
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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208
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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209
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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210
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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211
lauding
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| v.称赞，赞美( laud的现在分词 ) | |
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212
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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213
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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214
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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215
rhythmical
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|
| adj.有节奏的，有韵律的 | |
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216
allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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217
parenthesis
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| n.圆括号，插入语，插曲，间歇，停歇 | |
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218
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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219
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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220
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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221
emulate
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| v.努力赶上或超越，与…竞争；效仿 | |
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222
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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223
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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224
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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225
oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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226
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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227
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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228
tuned
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| adj.调谐的，已调谐的v.调音( tune的过去式和过去分词 )；调整；（给收音机、电视等）调谐；使协调 | |
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229
loom
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| n.织布机，织机；v.隐现，(危险、忧虑等)迫近 | |
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230
persistency
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| n. 坚持(余辉, 时间常数) | |
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231
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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232
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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233
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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234
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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235
beseeches
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的第三人称单数 ) | |
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236
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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237
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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238
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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239
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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