But who can be made Consuls6 in the place of Pansa and Hirtius? Octavian, who had not left Italy after the battle of Mutina, was determined7 to be one; but the Senate, probably under the guidance of Cicero, for a time would not have him. There was a rumor8 that Cicero had been elected—or is said to have been such a rumor. Our authority for it comes from232 that correspondence with Marcus Brutus on the authenticity9 of which we do not trust, and the date of which we do not know.229 "When I had already written my letter, I heard that you had been made Consul5. When that is done I shall believe that we shall have a true Republic, and one supported by its own strength." But probably neither was the rumor true, nor the fact that there was such a rumor. It was not thus that Octavian meant to play his part. He had been passed over by Cicero when a General against Antony was needed. Decimus had been used, and Hirtius and Pansa had been employed as though they had been themselves strong as were the Consuls of old. So they were to Cicero—in whose ears the very name of Consul had in it a resonance10 of the magnificence of Rome. Octavian thought that Pansa and Hirtius were but C?sar's creatures, who at C?sar's death had turned against him. But even they had been preferred to him. In those days he was very quick to learn. He had been with the army, and with C?sar's soldiers, and was soon instructed in the steps which it was wise that he should take. He put aside, as with a sweep of his hand, all the legal impediments to his holding the Consulship11. Talk to him of age! He had already heard that word "boy" too often. He would show them what a boy would do. He would let them understand that there need be no necessity for him to canvass12, to sue for the Consulship cap in hand, to have morning levees and to know men's names—as had been done by Cicero. His uncle had not gone through those forms when he had wanted the Consulship. Octavian sent a military order by a band of officers, who, marching into the Senate, demanded the office. When the old men hesitated, one Cornelius, a centurion13, showed them his sword, and declared that by means of that should his General be elected Consul. The Greek biographers and historians, Plutarch, Dio, and Appian, say that he was minded 233to make Cicero his fellow-Consul, promising14 to be guided by him in everything; but it could hardly have been so, with the feelings which were then hot against Cicero in Octavian's bosom15. Dio Cassius is worthy16 of little credit as to this period, and Appian less so, unless when supported by Latin authority. And we find that Plutarch inserts stories with that freedom which writers use who do not suppose that others coming after them will have wider sources of information than their own. Octavian marched into Rome with his legions, and had himself chosen Consul in conjunction with Quintius Pedius, who had also been one of the coheirs to C?sar's will. This happened in September. Previous to this Cicero had sent to Africa for troops; but the troops when they came all took part with the young C?sar.
A story is told which appears to have been true, and to have assisted in creating that enmity which at last induced Octavian to assent17 to Cicero's death. He was told that Cicero had said that "the young man was to be praised, and rewarded, and elevated!"230 The last word, "tollendum," has a double meaning; might be elevated to the skies—or to the "gallows18." In English, if meaning the latter, we should say that such a man must be "put out of the way." Decimus Brutus told this to Cicero as having been repeated by Sigulius, and Cicero answers him, heaping all maledictions upon Sigulius. But he does not deny the words, or their intention—and though he is angry, he is angry half in joke. He had probably allowed himself to use the witticism19, meaning little or nothing—choosing the phrase without a moment's thought, because it contained a double meaning. No one can conceive that he meant to imply that young C?sar should be murdered. "Let us reward him, but for the moment let us be rid of him." And then, too, he had in the same sentence called him a boy. As far as evidence 234goes, we know that the words were spoken. We can trust the letter from Decimus to Cicero, and the answer from Cicero to Decimus. And we know that, a short time afterward20, Octavian, sitting in the island near Bologna with Antony, consented that Cicero's name should be inserted in the fatal list as one of those doomed21 to be murdered.
In the mean time Lepidus had taken his troops over to Antony, and Pollio joined them soon afterward with his from Spain. After that it was hardly to be expected that Plancus should hesitate. There has always been a doubt whether Plancus should or should not be regarded as a traitor23. He held out longer than the others, and is supposed to have been true in those assurances which he made to Cicero of Republican fervor24. Why was he bound to obey Cicero, who was then at Rome, sending out his orders without official authority? While the Consuls had been alive he could obey the Consuls; and at the Consuls' death he could for a while follow the spirit of their instructions. But as that spirit died away he found himself without orders other than Cicero's. In this condition was it not better for him to go with the other Generals of the Empire rather than to perish with a falling party? In addition to this it will happen at such a time that the soldiers themselves have a will of their own. With them the name of C?sar was still powerful, and to their thinking Antony was fighting on dead C?sar's side. When we read the history of this year, the fact becomes clear that out of Rome C?sar's name was more powerful than Cicero's eloquence. Governed by such circumstances, driven by events which he could not control, Plancus has the merit of having been the last among the doubtful Generals to desert the cause which Cicero had at heart. Cassius and Brutus in the East were still collecting legions for the battle of Philippi. With that we shall have no trouble here. In the West, Plancus found himself bound to follow the others, and to join Antony and Lepidus in spite of the protestations he had made. To those who read Cicero's235 letters of this year the question must often arise whether Plancus was a true man. I have made his excuse to the reader with all that I can say in his favor. The memory of the man is, however, unpleasant to me.
Decimus, when he found himself thus alone, endeavored to force his way with his army along the northern shore of the Adriatic, so as to join Marcus Brutus in Macedonia. To him, as one of those who had slain25 C?sar, no power was left of deserting. He was doomed unless he was victorious26. He was deserted27 by his soldiers, who left him in batches28, and at last was taken alive, when wandering through the country, and sent (dead) to Antony. Marcus Brutus and Cassius seem to have turned a deaf ear to all Cicero's entreaties29 that they should come to his rescue. Cicero in his last known letter—which however was written as far back as in July—is very eager with Cassius: "Only attempts are heard of your army, very great in themselves, but we expect to hear of deeds. * * * Nothing can be grander or more noble than yourself, and therefore it is that we are longing30 for you here in Rome. * * * Believe me that everything depends on you and Brutus—that we are waiting for both of you. For Brutus we are waiting constantly."231 This was after Lepidus had gone, but while Plancus was supposed to be as yet true—or rather, not yet false. He did, no doubt, write letters to Brutus urging him in the same way. Alas31, alas! it was his final effort made for the Republic.
In September Octavian marched into Rome as a conqueror32, at the head of those troops from Africa which had been sent as a last resource to help the Republicans. Then we may imagine that Cicero recognized the fact that there was left nothing further for which to struggle. The Republic was done, his dream was over, and he could only die. Brutus and Cassius might still carry on the contest; but Rome had now fallen a second time, in spite of his efforts, and all hope must have 236fled from him. When C?sar had conquered at Pharsalia, and on his return from the East had graciously met him at Brundisium, and had generously accorded to him permission to live under the shadow of his throne, the time for him must have been full of bitterness. But he had not then quite realized the meaning of a tyrant33's throne. He had not seen how willingly the people would submit themselves, how little they cared about their liberty; nor had he as yet learned the nature of military despotism. Rome had lived through Sulla's time, and the Republic had been again established. It might live through C?sar's period of command. When C?sar had come to him and supped with him, as a prince with one of his subjects, his misery34 had been great. Still there was a hope, though he knew not from whence. Those other younger men had felt as he had felt—and C?sar had fallen. To his eyes it was as though some god had interfered35 to restore to him, a Roman, his ancient form of government. C?sar was now dead, and all would be right—only that Antony was left alive. There was need for another struggle before Consuls, Pr?tors, and ?diles could be elected in due order; and when he found that the struggle was to be made under his auspices36, he girded up his loins and was again happy. No man can be unhappy who is pouring out his indignation in torrents37, and is drinking in the applause of his audience. Every hard word hurled38 at Antony, and every note of praise heard in return, was evidence to him of his own power. He did believe, while the Philippics were going on, that he was stirring up a mighty39 power to arouse itself and claim its proper dominion40 over the world. There were moments between in which he may have been faint-hearted—in which he may have doubted as to young C?sar—in which he feared that Pansa might escape from him, or that Decimus would fall before relief could reach him; but action lent a pleasantness and a grace to it all. It is sweet to fight with the hope of victory. But now, when young C?sar had marched into Rome with his legions, and was doubtless 237 prepared to join himself to Antony, there was no longer anything for Cicero to do in this world.
It is said, but not as I think on good authority, that Cicero went out to meet C?sar—and if to meet him, then also to congratulate him. Appian tells us that in the Senate Cicero hastened to congratulate C?sar, assuring him how anxious he had been to secure the Consulship for him, and how active. C?sar smiled, and said that Cicero had perhaps been a little late in his friendship.232 Dio Cassius only remarks that C?sar was created Consul by the people in the regular way, two Consuls having been chosen; and adds that the matter was one of great glory to C?sar, seeing that he had obtained the Consulship at an unusually early age.233 But, as I have said above, their testimony41 for many reasons is to be doubted. Each wrote in the interest of the C?sars, and, in dealing42 with the period before the Empire, seems only to have been anxious to make out some connected story which should suit the Emperor's views. Young C?sar left Rome still with the avowed43 purpose of proceeding44 against Antony as against one declared by the Senate to be an enemy; but the purpose was only avowed. Messengers followed him on the road, informing him that the ban had been removed, and he was then at liberty to meet his friend on friendly terms. Antony had sent word to him that it was not so much his duty as young C?sar's to avenge45 the death of his uncle, and that unless he would assist him, he, Antony, would take his legions and join Brutus and Cassius.234 I prefer to believe with Mr. Forsyth that Cicero had retired46 with his brother Quintus to one of his villas47. Plutarch tells us that he went to his Tusculan retreat, and that on receiving news of the proscriptions he determined to remove to Astura, on the sea-side, in order that he might be ready to escape into Macedonia. Octavian, in the mean time, having caused a law to be passed 238by Pedius condemning50 all the conspirators52 to death, went northward53 to meet Antony and Lepidus at Bononia, the Bologna of to-day. Here it was necessary that the terms of the compact should be settled by which the spoils of the world should be divided among them; and here they met, these three men, on a small river island, remote from the world—where, as it is supposed, each might think himself secure from the other. Antony and Lepidus were men old in craft—Antony in middle life, and Lepidus somewhat older. C?sar was just twenty-one; but from all that we have been able to gather as to that meeting, he was fully54 able to hold his own with his elders. What each claimed as his share in the Empire is not so much matter of history as the blood which each demanded. Paterculus says that the death-warrants which were then signed were all arranged in opposition55 to C?sar.235 But Paterculus wrote as the servant of Tiberius, and had been the servant of Augustus. It was his object to tell the story as much in favor of Augustus as it could be told. It is said that, debating among themselves the murders which each desired for his own security, young C?sar, on the third day only, gave up Cicero to the vengeance56 of Antony. It may have been so. It is impossible that we should have a record of what took place from day to day on that island. But we do know that there Cicero's death was pronounced, and to that doom22 young C?sar assented57. It did not occur to them, as it would have done to Julius C?sar at such a time, that it would be better that they should show their mercy than their hatred58. This proscription49 was made by hatred and not by fear. It was not Brutus and Cassius against whom it was directed—the common enemies of the three Triumviri. Sulla had attempted to stamp out a whole faction59, and so far succeeded as to strike dumb with awe60 the remainder. But here the bargain of death 239was made by each against the other's friends. "Your brother shall go," said Antony to Lepidus. "If so, your uncle also," said Lepidus to Antony. So the one gave up his brother and the other his uncle, to indulge the private spleen of his partner; and Cicero must go to appease61 both. As it happened, though Cicero's fate was spoken, the two others escaped their doom. "Nothing so bad was done in those days," says Paterculus, "that C?sar should have been compelled to doom any one to death, or that such a one as Cicero should have been doomed by any."236 Middleton thinks, and perhaps with fair reason, that C?sar's objection was feigned62, and that his delay was made for show. A slight change in quoting the above passage, unintentionally made, favors his view; "Or that Cicero should have been proscribed63 by him," he says, turning "ullo" into "illo." The meaning of the passage seems to be, that it was sad that C?sar should have been forced to yield, or that any one should have been there to force him. As far as C?sar is concerned, it is palliative rather than condemnatory64. Suetonius, indeed, declares that though Augustus for a time resisted the proscription, having once taken it in hand he pursued it more bloodily65 than the others.237 It is said that the list when completed contained the names of three hundred Senators and two thousand Knights66; but their fate was for a time postponed67, and most of them ultimately escaped. We have no word of their deaths, as would have been the case had they all fallen. Seventeen were named for instant execution, and against these their doom went forth68. We can understand that Cicero's name should have been the first on the list.
We are told that when the news reached Rome the whole city was struck with horror. During the speaking of the Phil 240ippics the Republican party had been strong and Cicero had been held in favor. The soldiers had still clung to the memory of C?sar; but the men of mark in the city, those who were indolent and rich and luxurious69, the "fish-ponders" generally, had thought that, now C?sar was dead, and especially as Antony had left Rome, their safest course would be to join the Republic. They had done so, and had found their mistake. Young C?sar had first come to Rome and they had been willing enough to receive him, but now he had met Antony and Lepidus, and the bloody71 days of Sulla were to come back upon them. All Rome was in such a tumult72 of horror and dismay that Pedius, the new Consul, was frightened out of his life by the clamor. The story goes that he ran about the town trying to give comfort, assuring one and another that he had not been included in the lists, till, as the result of it all, he himself, when the morning came, died from the exertion73 and excitement.
There is extant a letter addressed to Octavian—supposed to have been written by Cicero, and sometimes printed among his works—which, if written by him, must have been composed about this time. It no doubt was a forgery74, and probably of a much later date; but it serves to show what were the feelings presumed to have been in Cicero's bosom at the time. It is full of abuse of Antony, and of young C?sar. I can well imagine that such might have been Cicero's thoughts as he remembered the praise with which he had laden75 the young man's name; how he had decreed to him most unusual honors and voted statues for him. It had all been done in order that the Republic might be preserved, but had all been done in vain. It must have distressed76 him sorely at this time as he reflected how much eulogy77 he had wasted. To be sneered78 at by the boy when he came back to Rome to assume the Consulship, and to be told, with a laugh, that he had been a little late in his welcome! And to hear that the boy had decreed his death in conjunction with Antony and Lepidus! This was all that Rome could do for him at the end—for him who had so loved her,241 suffered so much for her, and been so valiant79 on her behalf! Are you not a little late to welcome me as one of my friends? the boy had said when Cicero had bowed and smiled to him. Then the next tidings that reached him contained news that he was condemned80! Was this the youth of whom he had declared, since the year began, that "he knew well all the boy's sentiments; that nothing was dearer to the lad than the Republic, nothing more reverent81 than the dignity of the Senate?" Was it for this that he had bade the Senate "fear nothing" as to young Octavian, "but always still look for better and greater things?" Was it for this that he had pledged his faith for him with such confident words—"I promise for him, I become his surety, I engage myself, conscript fathers, that Caius C?sar will always be such a citizen as he has shown himself to-day?"238 And thus the young man had redeemed82 his tutor's pledges on his behalf! "A little late to welcome me, eh?" his pupil had said to him, and had agreed that he should be murdered. But, as I have said, the story of that speech rests on doubtful authority.
Had not Cicero too rejoiced at the uncle's murder? And having done so, was he not bound to endure the enmity he had provoked? He had not indeed killed C?sar, or been aware that he was to be killed; but still it must be said of him that, having expressed his satisfaction at what had been done, he had identified himself with those who had killed him, and must share their fate. The slaying83 of a tyrant was almost by law enjoined84 upon Romans—was at any rate regarded as a virtue85 rather than a crime. There of course arises the question, who is to decide whether a man be a tyrant? and the idea being radically86 wrong, becomes enveloped87 in difficulty out of which there is no escape. But there remains88 as a fact the existence of the feeling which was at the time held to have justified89 Brutus—and also Cicero. A man has to inquire of his own heart with what amount of criminality he can accuse the Cicero of the day, 242or the young Augustus. Can any one say that Cicero was base to have rejoiced that C?sar had been killed? Can any one not regard with horror the young Consul, as he sat there in the privacy of the island, with Antony on one side and Lepidus on the other, and then in the first days of his youth, with the down just coming on his cheeks, sending forth his edict for slaughtering90 the old friend of the Republic?
b.c. 43, ?tat. 64.
It is supposed that Cicero left Rome in company with his brother Quintus, and that at first they went to Tusculum. There was no bar to their escaping from Italy had they so chosen, and probably such was their intention as soon as tidings reached them of the proscription. It is pleasant to think that they should again have become friends before they died. In truth, Marcus the elder was responsible for his brother's fate. Quintus had foreseen the sun rising in the political horizon, and had made his adorations accordingly. He, with others of his class, had shown himself ready to bow down before C?sar. With his brother's assent he had become C?sar's lieutenant91 in Gaul, such employment being in conformity92 with the practice of the Republic. When C?sar had returned, and the question as to power arose at once between C?sar and Pompey, Quintus, who had then been with his brother in Cilicia, was restrained by the influence of Marcus; but after Pharsalia the influence of Marcus was on the wane93. We remember how young Quintus had broken away and had joined C?sar's party. He had sunk so low that he had become "Antony's right hand." In that direction lay money, luxury, and all those good things which the government of the day had to offer. Cicero was so much in C?sar's eyes, that C?sar despised the elder and the younger Quintus for deserting their great relative, and would hardly have them. The influence of the brother and the uncle sat heavily on them. The shame of being C?sarean while he was Pompeian, the shame of siding with Antony while he sided with the Republic, had been too great for them. While he was speaking his Philippics they could not but be243 enthusiastic on the same side. And now, when he was proscribed, they were both proscribed with him. As the story goes, Quintus returned from Tusculum to Rome to seek provision for their journey to Macedonia, there met his son, and they both died gallantly94. Antony's hirelings came upon the two together, or nearly together, and, finding the son first, put him to the torture, so to learn from him the place of his father's concealment95; then the father, hearing his son's screams, rushed out to his aid, and the two perished together. But this story also comes to us from Greek sources, and must be taken for what it is worth.
Marcus, alone in his litter, travelled through the country to his sea-side villa48 at Astura. Then he went on to Formi?, sick with doubt, not knowing whether to stay and die, or encounter the winter sea in such boat as was provided for him. Should he seek the uncomfortable refuge of Brutus's army? We can remember his bitter exclamations96 as to the miseries97 of camp life. He did go on board; but was brought back by the winds, and his servants could not persuade him to make another attempt. Plutarch tells us that he was minded to go to Rome, to force his way into young C?sar's house and there to stab himself, but that he was deterred98 from this melodramatic death by the fear of torture. The story only shows how great had been the attention given to every detail of his last moments, and what the people in Rome had learned to say of them. The same remark applies to Plutarch's tale as to the presuming crows who pecked at the cordage of his sails when his boat was turned to go back to the land, and afterward with their beaks99 strove to drag the bedclothes from off him when he lay waiting his fate the night before the murderers came to him.
He was being carried down from his villa at Formi? to the sea-side when Antony's emissaries came upon him in his litter. There seem to have been two of them—both soldiers and officers in the pay of Antony—Popilius L?nas and Herennius. They 244overtook him in the wood, through which paths ran from the villa down to the sea-shore. On arriving at the house they had not found Cicero, but were put upon his track by a freedman who had belonged to Quintus, named Philologus. He could hardly have done a kinder act than to show the men the way how they might quickly release Cicero from his agony. They went down to the end of the wood, and there met the slaves bearing the litter. The men were willing to fight for their master; but Cicero, bidding them put down the chair, stretched out his neck and received his death-blow. Antony had given special orders to his servants. They were to bring Cicero's head and his hands—the hands which had written the Philippics, and the tongue which had spoken them—and his order was obeyed to the letter. Cicero was nearly sixty-four when he died, his birthday being on the 3d of January following. It would be hardly worth our while to delay ourselves for a moment with the horrors of Antony's canduct, and those of his wife Fulvia—Fulvia the widow of Clodius and the wife of Antony—were it not that we may see what were the manners to which a great Roman lady had descended100 in those days in which the Republic was brought to an end. On the rostra was stuck up the head and the hands as a spectacle to the people, while Fulvia specially70 avenged101 herself by piercing the tongue with her bodkin. That is the story of Cicero's death as it has been generally told.
We are told also that Rome heard the news and saw the sight with ill-suppressed lamentation102. We can easily believe that it should have been so. I have endeavored, as I have gone on with my work, to compare him to an Englishman of the present day; but there is no comparing English eloquence to his, or the ravished ears of a Roman audience to the pleasure taken in listening to our great orators103. The world has become too impatient for oratory104, and then our Northern senses cannot appreciate the melody of sounds as did the finer 245organs of the Roman people. We require truth, and justice, and common-sense from those who address us, and get much more out of our public speeches than did the old Italians. We have taught ourselves to speak so that we may be believed—or have come near to it. A Roman audience did not much care, I fancy, whether the words spoken were true. But it was indispensable that they should be sweet—and sweet they always were. Sweet words were spoken to them, with their cadences105 all measured, with their rhythm all perfect; but no words had ever been so sweet as those of Cicero. I even, with my obtuse106 ears, can find myself sometimes lifted by them into a world of melody, little as I know of their pronunciation and their tone. And with the upper classes—those who read, his literature had become almost as divine as his speech. He had come to be the one man who could express himself in perfect language. As in the next age the Eclogues of Virgil and the Odes of Horace became dear to all the educated classes because of the charm of their expression, so in their time, I fancy, had become the language of Cicero. It is not surprising that men should have wept when they saw that ghaatly face staring at them from the rostra, and the protruding107 tongue and the outstretched hands. The marvel108 is that, seeing it, they should still have borne with Antony.
That which Cicero has produced in literature is, as a rule, admitted to be excellent; but his character as a man has been held to be tarnished109 by three faults—dishonesty, cowardice110, and insincerity. As to the first, I have denied it altogether, and my denial is now submitted to the reader for his judgment112 It seems to have been brought against him not in order to make him appear guilty, but because it bas appeared to be impossible that, when others were so deeply in fault, he should have been innocent. That he should have asked for nothing, that he should have taken no illicit113 rewards, that he should not have submitted to be feed, but that he should have kept his hands clean while all around him were grasping at everything—taking money, selling their aid for stipulated114 payments, 246grinding miserable115 creditors116 has been too much for believe. I will not take my readers back over the cases brought against him, but will ask them to ask themselves whether there is one supported by evidence fit to go before a jury. The accusations117 have been made by men clean-handed themselves; but to them it has appeared unreasonable119 to believe that a Roman oligarch of those days should be an honest gentleman.
As to his cowardice, I feel more doubt as to my power of carrying my readers with me, though no doubt as to Cicero's courage. Cowardice in a man is abominable120. But what is cowardice? and what courage? It is a matter in which so many errors are made! Tinsel is so apt to shine like gold and dazzle the sight! In one of the earlier chapters of this book, when speaking of Catiline, I have referred to the remarks of a contemporary writer: "The world has generally a generous word for the memory of a brave man dying for his cause!" "All wounded in front," is quoted by this author from Sallust. "Not a man taken alive! Catiline himself gasping122 out his life ringed around with corpses123 of his friends." That is given as a picture of a brave man dying for his cause, who should excite our admiration124 even though his cause were bad. In the previous lines we have an intended portrait of Cicero, who, "thinking, no doubt, that he had done a good day's work for his patrons, declined to run himself into more danger." Here is one story told of courage, and another of fear. Let us pause for a moment and regard the facts. Catiline, when hunted to the last gasp121, faced his enemy and died fighting like a man—or a bull. Who is there cannot do so much as that? For a shilling or eighteen-pence a day we can get an army of brave men who will face an enemy—and die, if death should come. It is not a great thing, nor a rare, for a man in battle not to run away. With regard to Cicero the allegation is that he would not be allowed to be bribed125 to accuse C?sar, and thus incur126 danger. The accusation118 which is thus brought against 247 him is borrowed from Sallust, and is no doubt false; but I take it in the spirit in which it is made. Cicero feared to accuse C?sar, lest he should find himself enveloped, through C?sar's means, in fresh danger. Grant that he did so. Was he wrong at such a moment to save his life for the Republic—and for himself? His object was to banish127 Catiline, and not to catch in his net every existing conspirator51. He could stop the conspiracy128 by securing a few, and might drive many into arms by endeavoring to encircle all. Was this cowardice? During all those days he had to live with his life in his hands, passing about among conspirators who he knew were sworn to kill him, and in the midst of his danger he could walk and talk and think like a man. It was the same when he went down into the court to plead for Milo, with the gladiators of Clodius and the soldiery of Pompey equally adverse129 to him. It was the same when he uttered Philippic after Philippic in the presence of Antony's friends. True courage, to my thinking, consists not in facing an unavoidable danger. Any man worthy of the name can do that. The felon130 that will be hung to-morrow shall walk up to the scaffold and seem ready to surrender the life he cannot save. But he who, with the blood running hot through his veins131, with a full desire of life at his heart, with high aspirations132 as to the future, with everything around him to make him happy—love and friendship and pleasant work—when he can willingly imperil all because duty requires it, he is brave. Of such a nature was Cicero's courage.
As to the third charge—that of insincerity—I would ask of my readers to bethink themselves how few men are sincere now? How near have we approached to the beauty of truth, with all Christ's teaching to guide us? Not by any means close, though we are nearer to it than the Romans were in Cicero's days. At any rate we have learned to love it dearly, though we may not practise it entirely133. He also had learned to love it, but not yet to practise it quite so well as we do. When it shall be said of men truly that they are thoroughly248 sincere, then the millennium134 will have come. We flatter, and love to be flattered. Cicero flattered men, and loved it better. We are fond of praise, and all but ask for it. Cicero was fond of it, and did ask for it. But when truth was demanded from him, truth was there.
Was Cicero sincere to his party, was he sincere to his friends, was he sincere to his family, was he sincere to his dependents? Did he offer to help and not help? Did he ever desert his ship, when he had engaged himself to serve? I think not. He would ask one man to praise him to another—and that is not sincere. He would apply for eulogy to the historian of his day—and that is not sincere. He would speak ill or well of a man before the judge, according as he was his client or his adversary—and that perhaps is not sincere. But I know few in history on whose positive sincerity111 in a cause his adherents135 could rest with greater security. Look at his whole life with Pompey—as to which we see his little insincerities of the moment because we have his letters to Atticus; but he was true to his political idea of a Pompey long after that Pompey had faded from his dreams. For twenty years we have every thought of his heart; and because the feelings of one moment vary from those of another, we call him insincere. What if we had Pompey's thoughts and C?sar's, would they be less so? Could C?sar have told us all his feelings? Cicero was insincere: I cannot say otherwise. But he was so much more sincere than other Romans as to make me feel that, when writing his life, I have been dealing with the character of one who might have been a modern gentleman.
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1 instigating | |
v.使(某事物)开始或发生,鼓动( instigate的现在分词 ) | |
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2 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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3 levies | |
(部队)征兵( levy的名词复数 ); 募捐; 被征募的军队 | |
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4 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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5 consul | |
n.领事;执政官 | |
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6 consuls | |
领事( consul的名词复数 ); (古罗马共和国时期)执政官 (古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长,同时共有两位,每年选举一次) | |
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7 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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8 rumor | |
n.谣言,谣传,传说 | |
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9 authenticity | |
n.真实性 | |
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10 resonance | |
n.洪亮;共鸣;共振 | |
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11 consulship | |
领事的职位或任期 | |
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12 canvass | |
v.招徕顾客,兜售;游说;详细检查,讨论 | |
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13 centurion | |
n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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14 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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15 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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16 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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17 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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18 gallows | |
n.绞刑架,绞台 | |
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19 witticism | |
n.谐语,妙语 | |
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20 afterward | |
adv.后来;以后 | |
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21 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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22 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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23 traitor | |
n.叛徒,卖国贼 | |
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24 fervor | |
n.热诚;热心;炽热 | |
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25 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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26 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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27 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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28 batches | |
一批( batch的名词复数 ); 一炉; (食物、药物等的)一批生产的量; 成批作业 | |
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29 entreaties | |
n.恳求,乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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30 longing | |
n.(for)渴望 | |
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31 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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32 conqueror | |
n.征服者,胜利者 | |
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33 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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34 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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35 interfered | |
v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 );调停;妨碍;干涉 | |
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36 auspices | |
n.资助,赞助 | |
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37 torrents | |
n.倾注;奔流( torrent的名词复数 );急流;爆发;连续不断 | |
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38 hurled | |
v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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39 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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40 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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41 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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42 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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43 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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44 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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45 avenge | |
v.为...复仇,为...报仇 | |
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46 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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47 villas | |
别墅,公馆( villa的名词复数 ); (城郊)住宅 | |
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48 villa | |
n.别墅,城郊小屋 | |
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49 proscription | |
n.禁止,剥夺权利 | |
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50 condemning | |
v.(通常因道义上的原因而)谴责( condemn的现在分词 );宣判;宣布…不能使用;迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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51 conspirator | |
n.阴谋者,谋叛者 | |
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52 conspirators | |
n.共谋者,阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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53 northward | |
adv.向北;n.北方的地区 | |
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54 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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55 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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56 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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57 assented | |
同意,赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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59 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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60 awe | |
n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
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61 appease | |
v.安抚,缓和,平息,满足 | |
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62 feigned | |
a.假装的,不真诚的 | |
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63 proscribed | |
v.正式宣布(某事物)有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64 condemnatory | |
adj. 非难的,处罚的 | |
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65 bloodily | |
adv.出血地;血淋淋地;残忍地;野蛮地 | |
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66 knights | |
骑士; (中古时代的)武士( knight的名词复数 ); 骑士; 爵士; (国际象棋中)马 | |
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67 postponed | |
vt.& vi.延期,缓办,(使)延迟vt.把…放在次要地位;[语]把…放在后面(或句尾)vi.(疟疾等)延缓发作(或复发) | |
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68 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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69 luxurious | |
adj.精美而昂贵的;豪华的 | |
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70 specially | |
adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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71 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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72 tumult | |
n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
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73 exertion | |
n.尽力,努力 | |
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74 forgery | |
n.伪造的文件等,赝品,伪造(行为) | |
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75 laden | |
adj.装满了的;充满了的;负了重担的;苦恼的 | |
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76 distressed | |
痛苦的 | |
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77 eulogy | |
n.颂词;颂扬 | |
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78 sneered | |
讥笑,冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79 valiant | |
adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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80 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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81 reverent | |
adj.恭敬的,虔诚的 | |
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82 redeemed | |
adj. 可赎回的,可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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83 slaying | |
杀戮。 | |
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84 enjoined | |
v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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86 radically | |
ad.根本地,本质地 | |
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87 enveloped | |
v.包围,笼罩,包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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89 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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90 slaughtering | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的现在分词 ) | |
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91 lieutenant | |
n.陆军中尉,海军上尉;代理官员,副职官员 | |
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92 conformity | |
n.一致,遵从,顺从 | |
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93 wane | |
n.衰微,亏缺,变弱;v.变小,亏缺,呈下弦 | |
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94 gallantly | |
adv. 漂亮地,勇敢地,献殷勤地 | |
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95 concealment | |
n.隐藏, 掩盖,隐瞒 | |
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96 exclamations | |
n.呼喊( exclamation的名词复数 );感叹;感叹语;感叹词 | |
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97 miseries | |
n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 );痛苦的事;穷困;常发牢骚的人 | |
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98 deterred | |
v.阻止,制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99 beaks | |
n.鸟嘴( beak的名词复数 );鹰钩嘴;尖鼻子;掌权者 | |
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100 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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101 avenged | |
v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 );为…报复 | |
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102 lamentation | |
n.悲叹,哀悼 | |
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103 orators | |
n.演说者,演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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104 oratory | |
n.演讲术;词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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105 cadences | |
n.(声音的)抑扬顿挫( cadence的名词复数 );节奏;韵律;调子 | |
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106 obtuse | |
adj.钝的;愚钝的 | |
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107 protruding | |
v.(使某物)伸出,(使某物)突出( protrude的现在分词 );凸 | |
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108 marvel | |
vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异;n.令人惊异的事 | |
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109 tarnished | |
(通常指金属)(使)失去光泽,(使)变灰暗( tarnish的过去式和过去分词 ); 玷污,败坏 | |
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110 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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111 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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112 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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113 illicit | |
adj.非法的,禁止的,不正当的 | |
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114 stipulated | |
vt.& vi.规定;约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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115 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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116 creditors | |
n.债权人,债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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117 accusations | |
n.指责( accusation的名词复数 );指控;控告;(被告发、控告的)罪名 | |
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118 accusation | |
n.控告,指责,谴责 | |
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119 unreasonable | |
adj.不讲道理的,不合情理的,过度的 | |
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120 abominable | |
adj.可厌的,令人憎恶的 | |
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121 gasp | |
n.喘息,气喘;v.喘息;气吁吁他说 | |
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122 gasping | |
adj. 气喘的, 痉挛的 动词gasp的现在分词 | |
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123 corpses | |
n.死尸,尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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124 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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125 bribed | |
v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 );向(某人)行贿,贿赂 | |
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126 incur | |
vt.招致,蒙受,遭遇 | |
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127 banish | |
vt.放逐,驱逐;消除,排除 | |
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128 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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129 adverse | |
adj.不利的;有害的;敌对的,不友好的 | |
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130 felon | |
n.重罪犯;adj.残忍的 | |
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131 veins | |
n.纹理;矿脉( vein的名词复数 );静脉;叶脉;纹理 | |
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132 aspirations | |
强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 ); 志向; 发送气音; 发 h 音 | |
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133 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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134 millennium | |
n.一千年,千禧年;太平盛世 | |
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135 adherents | |
n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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