305I can hardly content myself with classifying the De Republica and the De Legibus under the same name with these essays of Cicero, which are undoubtedly11 moral in their nature. But it may pass, perhaps, without that distinct contradiction which had to be made as to the enveloping12 the De Officiis in the garb13 of philosophy. It has been the combining of the true and false in one set, and handing them down to the world as Cicero's philosophy, which has done the mischief14. The works reviewed in the last chapter contained disputations on the Greek philosophy which Cicero thought might be well handled in the Latin language for the benefit of his countrymen. It would be well for them to know what Epicurus taught, or Zeno, and how they differed from Socrates and Plato, and this he told them. Now in these moral essays he gives them his own philosophy—if that may be called philosophy which is intended to teach men how to live well. There are six books on government, called the De Republica, and three on law; and there are the three treatises on old age and friendship, each in one book, and that on the duty of man to man, in three.
There is a common error in the world as to the meaning of the word republic. It has come to have a sweet savor15 in the nostrils16 of men, or a most evil scent17, according to their politics. But there is, in truth, the Republic of Russia, as there is that of the United States, and that of England. Cicero, in using it as the name of his work, simply means "the government;" and the treatise10 under that head contains an account of the Roman Empire, and is historical rather than argumentative and scientific. He himself was an oligarch, and had been brought up amid a condition of things in which that most deleterious form of government recommended itself to him as containing all that had been good and magnificent in the Roman Empire. The great men of Rome, whom the empire had 306demanded for its construction, had come up each for the work of a year; and, when succeeding, had perhaps been elected for a second. By the expulsion of their kings, the class from whom these men had been chosen showed their personal desire for honor, and the marvel18 is that through so many centuries those oligarchs should have flourished. The reader, unless he be strongly impregnated with democratic feelings, when he begins to read Roman history finds himself wedded19 to the cause of these oligarchs. They have done the big deeds, and the opposition20 comes to them from vulgar hands. Let me ask any man who remembers the reading of his Livy whether it was not so with him. But it was in truth the democratic element opposed to these leaders, and the battles they won from time to time within the walls of the city, which produced the safety of Rome and enabled the government to go on. Then by degrees the people became enervated21 and the leaders became corrupt22, and by masterhood over foreign people and external subjects slaves were multiplied, and the work appertaining to every man could be done by another man's hand. Then the evils of oligarchy23 began. Plunder24, rapine, and luxury took the place of duty performed. A Verres ruled where a Marcellus had conquered. Cicero, who saw the difference plainly enough in regard to the individuals, did not perceive that this evil had grown according to its nature. That state of affairs was produced which Mommsen has described to us as having been without remedy. But Cicero did not see it. He had his eyes on the greatness of the past—and on himself—and would not awake to the fact that the glory was gone from Rome. He was in this state of mind when he wrote his De Republica, nine years before the time in which he commenced his philosophical26 discussions. Then he still hoped. C?sar was away in Gaul, and Pompey maintained at Rome the ghost of the old Republic. He could still open his mouth and talk boldly of freedom. He had not been as yet driven to find consolation27 amid that play of words which constitutes the Greek philosophy.
307I must remind the readers again that the De Republica is a fragment: the first part is wanting. We find him telling us the story of the elder Cato, in order that we may understand how good it is that we should not relax in our public work as long as our health will sustain us. Then he gives instances to show that the truly good citizen will not be deterred28 by the example of men who have suffered for their country, and among the number he names himself. But he soon introduces the form of dialogue which he afterward continues, and brings especially the younger Scipio and L?lius upon the scene. The lessons which are given to us are supposed to come from the virtue29 of the titular30 grandson of the greater Scipio who out-man?vred Hannibal. He continues to tell story after story out of the Roman chronicles, and at last assures us that that form of government is the best in which the monarchical31 element is tempered by the authority of the leading citizens, and kept alive by the voices of the people. Is it only because I am an Englishman that he seems to me to describe that form of government which was to come in England?
The second book also begins with the praises of Cato. Scipio then commences with Romulus, and tells the history of Rome's kings. Tarquin is banished32, and the Consulate34 established. He tells us, by no means with approbation35, how the Tribunate was established, and then, alas36! there comes a break in the MS.
In the third we have, as a beginning, a fragment handed down to us by Augustine, in which Cicero complains of the injustice37 of Nature in having sent man into the world, as might a step-mother, naked, weak, infirm, with soul anxious, timid, and without force, but still having within it something of divine fire not wholly destroyed. Then, after a while, through many "lacun?," Scipio, L?lius, and one Philus fall into a discourse38 as to justice. There is a remarkable39 passage, from which we learn that the Romans practised protection with a rigor40 exceeding that of modern nations. They would not even308 permit their transalpine allies to plant their olives and vineyards, lest their produce should make their way across Italy—whereby they raised the prices against themselves terribly of oil and wine.307 "There is a kind of slavery which is unjust," says one, "when those men have to serve others who might 'properly belong to themselves.' But when they only are made to be slaves who—" We may perceive that the speaker went on to say that they who were born slaves might properly be kept in that position. But it is evidently intended to be understood that there exists a class who are slaves by right. Carneades, the later master of the new Academy, has now joined them, and teaches a doctrine41 which would not make him popular in this country. "If you should know," he says, "that an adder42 lay hid just where one were about to sit down whose death would be a benefit to you, you would do wrong unless you were to tell him of it. But you would do it with impunity43, as no one could prove that you knew it." From this may be seen the nature of the discourses44 on justice.
The next two books are but broken fragments, treating of morals and manners. In the sixth we come to that dream of Scipio which has become so famous in the world of literature that I do not know whether I can do better than translate it, and add it on as an appendix to the end of my volume. It is in itself so beautiful in parts that I think that all readers will thank me. (See appendix to this chapter). At the same time it has to be admitted that it is in parts fantastic, and might almost be called childish, were it not that we remember, when reading it, at what distance of time it was written, and with what difficulty Cicero strove to master subjects which science has made familiar to us. The music of the spheres must have been heard in his imagination before he could have told us of 309it, as he has done in language which seems to be poetic45 now as it was then—and because poetic, therefore not absurd. The length of the year's period is an extravagance. You may call your space of time by what name you will; it is long or short in proportion to man's life. He tells us that we may not hope that our fame shall be heard of on the other side of the Ganges, or that our voices shall come down through many years. I myself read this dream of Scipio in a volume found in Australia, and read it two thousand years after it was written. He could judge of this world's future only by the past. But when he tells us of the soul's immortality46, and of the heaven to be won by a life of virtue, of the duty upon us to remain here where God has placed us, and of the insufficiency of fame to fill the cravings of the human heart, then we have to own that we have come very near to that divine teaching which he was not permitted to hear.
Two years afterward, about the time that Milo was killing47 Clodius, he wrote his treatise in three books, De Legibus. It is, we are told, a copy from Plato. As is the Topica a copy from Aristotle, written on board ship from memory, so may this be called a copy. The idea was given to him, and many of the thoughts which he has worked up in his own manner. It is a dialogue between him and Atticus and his brother Quintus, and treats rather of the nature and origin of law, and how law should be made to prevail, than of laws as they had been as yet constructed for the governance of man. All that is said in the first book may be found scattered48 through his philosophic25 treatises. There are some pretty morsels50, as when Atticus tells us that he will for the nonce allow Cicero's arguments to pass, because the music of the birds and the waters will prevent his fellow-Epicureans from hearing and being led away by mistaken doctrine.308 Now and again he enunciates51 a great doctrine, as when he declares that "there is nothing bet310ter than that men should understand that they are born to be just, and that justice is not a matter of opinion, but is inherent in nature."309 He constantly opposes the idea of pleasure, recurring52 to the doctrine of his Greek philosophy. It was not by them, however, that he had learned to feel that a man's final duty here on earth is his duty to other men.
In the second book he inculcates the observance of religious ceremonies in direct opposition to that which he afterward tells us in his treatise De Divinatione. But in this, De Legibus, we may presume that he intends to give instructions for the guidance of the public, whereas in the other he is communicating to a few chosen friends those esoteric doctrines53 which it would be dangerous to give to the world at large. There is a charming passage, in which we are told not to devote the rich things of the earth to the gods. Gold and silver will create impure54 desire. Ivory, taken from the body of an animal, is a gift not simple enough for a god. Metals, such as iron, are for war rather than for worship. An image, if it is to be used, let it be made of one bit of wood, or one block of stone. If cloth is given, let it not be more than a woman can make in a month. Let there be no bright colors. White is best for the gods; and so on.310 Here we have the wisdom of Plato, or of those from whom Plato had borrowed it, teaching us a lesson against which subsequent ages have rebelled. It is not only that a god cannot want our gold and silver, but that a man does want them. That rule as to the woman's morsel49 of cloth was given in some old assembly, lest her husband or her brother should lose the advantage of her labor4. It was seen what superstition55 would do in collecting the wealth of the world round the shrines56 of the gods. How many a man has since learned to regret the lost labor of his household; and yet what god has been the better? There may be a question of ?sthetics, indeed, with which Cicero does not meddle57.
311In the third book he descends58 to practical and at the same time political questions. There had been no matter contested so vehemently59 among Romans as that of the establishment and maintenance of the Tribunate. Cicero defends its utility, giving, with considerable wit, the task of attacking it to his brother Quintus. Quintus, indeed, is very violent in his onslaught. What can be more "pestiferous," or more prone60 to sedition61? Then Cicero puts him down. "O Quintus," he says, "you see clearly the vices62 of the Tribunate! but can there be anything more unjust than, in discussing a matter, to remember all its evils and to forget all its merits? You might say the same of the Consuls63; for the very possession of power is an evil in itself. But without that evil you cannot have the good which the institution contains. The power of the Tribunes is too great, you say. Who denies it? But the violence of the people, always cruel and immodest, is less so under their own leader than if no leader had been given them. The leader will measure his danger; but the people itself know no such measurement."311 He afterward takes up the question of the ballot64, and is against it on principle. "Let the people vote as they will," he says, "but let their votes be known to their betters."312 It is, alas, useless now to discuss the matter here in England! We have been so impetuous in our wish to avoid the evil of bribery—which was quickly going—that we have rushed into that of dissimulation65, which can only be made to go by revolutionary changes. When men vote by tens of thousands the ballot will be safe, but no man will then care for the ballot. It is, however, strange to see how familiar men were under the Roman Empire with matters which are perplexing us to-day.
We now come to the three purely66 moral essays, the last written of his works, except the Philippics and certain of his letters, and the Topica. Indeed, when you reach the last year or two of his life, it becomes difficult to assign their exact 312places to each. He mentions one as written, and then another; but at last this latter appears before the former. They were all composed in the same year, the year before his death—the most active year of his life, as far as his written works are concerned—and I shall here treat De Senectute first, then De Amicitia, and the De Officiis last, believing them to have been published in that order.
The De Senectute is an essay written in defence of old age, generally called Cato Major. It is supposed to have been spoken by the old Censor67, 149 b.c., and to have been listened to by Scipio and L?lius. This was the same Scipio who had the dream—who, in truth, was not a Scipio at all, but a son of Paulus ?milius, whom we remember in history as the younger Africanus. Cato rushes at once into his subject, and proves to us his point by insisting on all those commonplace arguments which were probably as well known before his time as they have been since. All men wish for old age, but none rejoice when it has come. The answer is that no man really wishes for old age, but simply wishes for a long life, of which old age is the necessary ending. It creeps on us so quickly! But in truth it does not creep quicker on youth than does youth on infancy68; but the years seem to fly fast because not marked by distinct changes. It is the part of a wise man to see that each portion of his five-act poem shall be well performed. Cato goes on with his lesson, and tells us perhaps all that could be said on behalf of old age at that period of the world's history. It was written by an old man to an old man; for it is addressed to Atticus, who was now sixty-seven, and of course deals much in commonplaces. But it is full of noble thoughts, and is pleasant, and told in the easiest language; and it leaves upon the reader a sweet savor of the dignity of age. Let the old man feel that it is not for him to attempt the pranks69 of youth, and he will already have saved himself from much of the evil which Time can do to him. I am ready for you, and you cannot hurt me. "Let not the old man assume the strength of313 the young, as a young man does not that of the bull or the elephant. * * * But still there is something to be regretted by an orator70, for to talk well requires not only intellect but all the powers of the body. The melodious71 voice, however, remains73, which—and you see my years—I have not yet lost. The voice of an old man should always be tranquil74 and contained."313 He tells a story of Massinissa, who was then supposed to be ninety. He was stiff in his joints75, and therefore when he went a journey had himself put upon a horse, and never left it, or started on foot and never mounted.314 "We must resist old age, my L?lius. We must compensate76 our shortness by our diligence, my Scipio. As we fight against disease, so let us contend with old age.315 * * * Why age should be avaricious77 I could never tell. Can there be anything more absurd than to demand so great a preparation for so small a journey?"316 He tells them that he knew their fathers, and that "he believes they are still alive—that, though they have gone from this earth, they are still leading that life which can only be considered worthy78 of the name."317
The De Amicitia is called L?lius. It is put into the mouth of L?lius, and is supposed to be a discourse on friendship held by him in the presence of his two sons-in-law, Caius Fannius and Mucius Sc?vola, a few days after the death of Scipio his friend. Not Damon and Pythias were more renowned79 for their friendship than Scipio and L?lius. He discusses what is friendship, and why it is contracted; among whom friendship should exist; what should be its laws and duties; and, lastly, by what means it should be preserved.
Cicero begins by telling the story of his own youth; how he had been placed under the charge of Sc?vola the augur80, and how, having changed his toga, he never left the old man's side till he died; and he recalls how once, sitting with him in 314a circle with friends, Sc?vola fell into that mode of conversation which was usual with him, and told him how once L?lius had discoursed81 to them on friendship. It is from first to last fresh and green and cooling, as is the freshness of the early summer grass to men who live in cities. The reader feels, as he goes on with it, that he who had such thoughts and aspirations82 could never have been altogether unhappy. Coming at the end of his life, in the telling the stories of which we have had to depend so much on his letters to Atticus, it reminds me of the love that existed between them. He has sometimes been querulous with his Atticus. He has complained of bad advice, of deficient83 care, of halting friendship—in reading which accusations84 we have, all of us, declared him to be wrong. But Atticus understood him. He knew that the privileges and the burden must go together, and told himself how much more than sufficient were the privileges to compensate the burden. When we make our histories on the bases of such loving letters, we should surely open them with careful hands, and deal with them in sympathy with their spirit. In writing this treatise De Amicitia especially for the eyes of Atticus, how constantly the heart must have gone back to all that had passed between them—how confident he must have been of the truth of his friend! He who, after nearly half a century of friendship, could thus write to his friend on friendship cannot have been an unhappy man.
"Should a new friendship spring up," he tells us, "let it not be repressed. You shall still gather fruit from young trees; but do not let it take the place of the old. Age and custom will have given the old fruit a flavor of its own. Who is there that would ride a new horse in preference to one tried—one who knows your hand?"318
I regard the De Officiis as one of the most perfect treatises on morals which the world possesses, whether for the truth of 315the lessons given, for their universality, or for the beauty and lightness of the language. It is on a subject generally heavy, but is treated with so much art and grace as to make it a delight to have read it, and an important part of education to know it. It is addressed to his son, and is as good now as when it was written. There is not a precept85 taught in it which is not modern as well as ancient, and which is not fit alike for Christians86 and Pagans. A system of morality, we might have said, should be one which would suit all men alike. We are bound to acknowledge that this will suit only gentlemen, because he who shall live in accordance with it must be worthy of that name. The "honestum" means much more in Latin than it does in English. Neither "honor" nor "honesty" will give the rendering—not that honor or that honesty which we know. Modern honor flies so high that it leaves honesty sometimes too nearly out of sight; while honesty, though a sterling87 virtue, ignores those sentiments on which honor is based. "Honestum" includes it all; and Cicero has raised his lessons to such a standard as to comprise it all. But he so teaches that listeners delight to hear. He never preaches. He does not fulminate his doctrine at you, bidding you beware of backslidings and of punishments; but he leads you with him along the grassy88 path, till you seem to have found out for yourself what is good—you and he together, and together to have learned that which is manly89, graceful90, honest, and decorous.
In Cicero's essays is to be found always a perfect withdrawal91 of himself from the circumstances of the world around him; so that the reader shall be made to suppose that, in the evening of his life, having reached at last, by means of work done for the State, a time of blessed rest, he gives forth92 the wisdom of his age, surrounded by all that a tranquil world can bestow93 upon him. Look back through the treatises written during the last two years, and each shall appear to have been prepared in some quiet and undisturbed period of his life; but316 we know that the last polish given by his own hands to these three books De Officiis was added amid the heat and turmoils94 of the Philippics. It is so singular, this power of adapting his mind to whatever pursuit he will, that we are taught almost to think that there must have been two Ciceros, and that the one was eager in personal conflict with Antony, while the other was seated in the garden of some Italian villa95 meditating96 words by obeying which all men might be ennobled.
In the dialectical disputations of the Greek philosophers he had picked up a mode of dividing his subject into numbers which is hardly fitted for a discourse so free and open as is this. We are therefore somewhat offended when we are told that virtue is generally divided "into three headings."319 If it be so, and if it be necessary that we should know it, it should, I think, be conveyed to us without this attempt at logical completeness. It is impossible to call this a fault. Accuracy must, indeed, be in all writers a virtue. But feeling myself to be occasionally wounded by this numbering, I mention it. In the De Officiis he divides the entire matter into three parts, and to each part he devotes a book. In the first he considers whether a thing is fit to be done or left undone—that is, whether it be "honestum" or "turpe;" in the second, whether it be expedient97, that is "utile," or the reverse; and in the third he compares the "honestum" and the "utile," and tells us what to choose and what to avoid.
The duty due by a citizen to his country takes with him a place somewhat higher than we accord to it. "Parents are dear, children are dear to us, so are relations and friends; but our country embraces it all, for what good man would not die so that he might serve it? How detestable, then, is the barbarity of those who wound their country at every turn, and have been and are occupied in its destruction."320 He gives us some excellent advice as to our games, which might be read with 317advantage, perhaps, by those who row in our university races. But at the end of it he tells us that the hunting-field affords an honest and fitting recreation.321 I have said that he was modern in his views—but not altogether modern. He defends the suicide of Cato. "To them," he says, speaking of Cato's companions in Africa, "it might not have been forgiven. Their life was softer and their manners easier. But to Cato nature had given an invincible98 gravity of manners which he had strengthened with all the severity of his will. He had always remained steadfast99 in the purpose that he would never stand face to face with the tyrant100 of his country."322 There was something terribly grand in Cato's character, which loses nothing in coming to us from the lips of Cicero. So much Cicero allows to the stern nature of the man's character. Let us look back and we shall find that we make the same allowance. This is not, in truth, a lesson which he gives us, but an apology which he makes.
Read his advice given in the following line for the outward demeanor101 of a gentleman: "There are two kinds of beauty. The one is loveliness, which is a woman's gift. But dignity belongs to the man. Let all ornament102 be removed from the person not worthy of a man to wear—and all fault in gesture and in motion which is like to it. The manners of the wrestling-ground and of the stage are sometimes odious72; but let us see the actor or the wrestler103 walking simple and upright, and we praise him. Let him use a befitting neatness, not verging104 toward the effeminate, but just avoiding a rustic105 harshness. The same measure is to be taken with your clothes as with other matters in which a middle course is best."323
318Then he tells his son what pursuits are to be regarded as sordid106. "Those sources of gain are to be regarded as mean in the pursuit of which men are apt to be offended, as are the business of tax-gathers and usurers. All those are to be regarded as illiberal107 to which men bring their work but not their art." As for instance, the painter of a picture shall be held to follow a liberal occupation—but not so the picture dealer108. "They are sordid who buy from merchants that they may sell again: they have to lie like the mischief or they cannot make their living. All mere109 workmen are engaged in ignoble110 employment: what of grandeur111 can the mere workshop produce? Least of all can those trades be said to be good which administer only to our pleasures—such as fish-mongers, butchers, cooks, and poulterers."324 He adds at the end of his list that of all employment none is better than agriculture, or more worthy of the care of a freeman. In all of this it is necessary that we should receive what he says with some little allowance for the difference in time; but there is nothing, if we look closely into it, in which we cannot see the source of noble ideas, 319and the reason for many notions which are now departing from us—whether for good or evil who shall say?
In the beginning of the second book he apologizes for his love of philosophy, as he calls it, saying that he knew how it had been misliked among those round him. "But when the Republic," he says, "had ceased to be—that Republic which had been all my care—my employment ceased both in the Forum112 and the Senate. But when my mind absolutely refused to be inactive, I thought that I might best live down the misery113 of the time if I devoted114 myself to philosophy."325 From this we may see how his mind had worked when the old occupation of his life was gone. "Nihil agere autem quum animus115 non posset!" How piteous was his position, and yet how proud! There was nothing for him to do—but there was nothing because hitherto there had been so much that he had always done.
He tells his son plainly how an honest man must live. To be ashamed of nothing, he must do nothing of which he will be ashamed. But for him there is this difficulty: "If any one on his entrance into the world has had laid upon him the greatness of a name won by his father, let us say—as, my Cicero, has perhaps happened to you—the eyes of all men will be cast upon him, and inquiry116 will be made as to his mode of life. He will be so placed under the meridian117 sun that no word spoken or deed done by him shall be hidden.326 * * * He must live up to the glory to which he has been born." He gives to his son much advice about the bar. "But the greatest praise," he says, "comes from defending a man accused; and especially so when you shall assist one who is surrounded and ill-treated by the power of some great man. This happened to me more than once in my youth, when, for instance, I defended Roscius Amerinus against Sulla's power. The speech is with us extant still."327 He tells us much as to the possession of money, and the means of insuring it in a well- 320governed state. "Take care that you allow no debts to the injury of the Republic. You must guard against this at all hazards—but never by taking from the rich and giving it to the poor. Nothing is so requisite118 to the State as public credit—which cannot exist unless debtors119 be made to pay what they owe. There was nothing to which I looked more carefully than this when I was Consul33. Horse and foot, they tried their best; but I opposed them, and freed the Republic from the threatened evil. Never were debts more easily or more quickly collected. When men knew that they could not ignore their creditors120, then they paid. But he who was then the conquered is the conqueror121 now. He has effected what he contemplated—even though it be not now necessary for him."328 From this passage it seems that these books must have been first written before C?sar's death. C?sar, at the time of Catiline's conspiracy122, had endeavored to annul123 all debts—that is, to establish "new tables" according to the Roman idiom—but had failed by Cicero's efforts. He had since affected124 it, although he might have held his power without seeking for the assistance of such debtors. Who could that be but C?sar? In the beginning of the third book there is another passage declaring the same thing: "I have not strength enough for silent solitude125, and therefore give myself up to my pen. In the short time since the Republic has been overturned I have written more than in all my former years."329 That, again, he could not have written after C?sar had fallen. We are left, indeed, to judge, from the whole nature of the discourse, that it was written at the period in which the wrongs done by C?sar to Rome—wrongs at any rate as they appeared to Cicero—were just culminating in that regal pride of action which led to his slaughter126. It was written then, but was published a few months afterward.
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sedulous
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| adj.勤勉的，努力的 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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afterward
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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zeal
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treatises
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treatise
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undoubtedly
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enveloping
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garb
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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savor
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| vt.品尝，欣赏；n.味道，风味；情趣，趣味 | |
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nostrils
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scent
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| n.气味，香味，香水，线索，嗅觉；v.嗅，发觉 | |
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18
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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19
wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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21
enervated
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| adj.衰弱的，无力的v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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22
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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23
oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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24
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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25
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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27
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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28
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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30
titular
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| adj.名义上的，有名无实的；n.只有名义（或头衔）的人 | |
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31
monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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32
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33
consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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34
consulate
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| n.领事馆 | |
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35
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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36
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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37
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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38
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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39
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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40
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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41
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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42
adder
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| n.蝰蛇；小毒蛇 | |
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43
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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44
discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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45
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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46
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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47
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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49
morsel
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| n.一口，一点点 | |
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50
morsels
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| n.一口( morsel的名词复数 )；（尤指食物）小块，碎屑 | |
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51
enunciates
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| n.（清晰地）发音( enunciate的名词复数 )；确切地说明v.（清晰地）发音( enunciate的第三人称单数 )；确切地说明 | |
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52
recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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53
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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54
impure
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| adj.不纯净的，不洁的；不道德的，下流的 | |
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55
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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56
shrines
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| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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57
meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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58
descends
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| v.下来( descend的第三人称单数 )；下去；下降；下斜 | |
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vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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60
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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61
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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62
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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63
consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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64
ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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65
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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66
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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67
censor
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| n./vt.审查，审查员；删改 | |
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68
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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69
pranks
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| n.玩笑，恶作剧( prank的名词复数 ) | |
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70
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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71
melodious
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| adj.旋律美妙的，调子优美的，音乐性的 | |
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72
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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73
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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74
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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75
joints
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| 接头( joint的名词复数 )； 关节； 公共场所（尤指价格低廉的饮食和娱乐场所） （非正式）； 一块烤肉 （英式英语） | |
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76
compensate
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| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
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77
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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78
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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79
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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80
augur
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| n.占卦师；v.占卦 | |
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81
discoursed
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| 演说（discourse的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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82
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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83
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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84
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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85
precept
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| n.戒律；格言 | |
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86
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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87
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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88
grassy
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| adj.盖满草的；长满草的 | |
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89
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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90
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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91
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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92
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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93
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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94
turmoils
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| n.混乱( turmoil的名词复数 )；焦虑 | |
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95
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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96
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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97
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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98
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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99
steadfast
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| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
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100
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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101
demeanor
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| n.行为；风度 | |
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102
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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103
wrestler
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| n.摔角选手，扭 | |
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104
verging
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| 接近，逼近（verge的现在分词形式） | |
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105
rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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106
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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107
illiberal
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| adj.气量狭小的，吝啬的 | |
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108
dealer
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| n.商人，贩子 | |
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109
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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110
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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111
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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112
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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113
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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114
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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115
animus
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| n.恶意；意图 | |
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116
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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117
meridian
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| adj.子午线的；全盛期的 | |
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118
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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119
debtors
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| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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120
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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121
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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122
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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123
annul
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| v.宣告…无效，取消，废止 | |
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124
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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125
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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126
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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