The whole government was then vested in the Committee of Public Safety—a committee consisting of twelve persons, members of the Convention, all of course ultra-democrats, over the majority of whom Robespierre exercised a direct control. No despot ever endured ruled with so absolute and stringent6 a dominion7 as that under which this body of men held the French nation. The revolutionary tribunal was now established in all its horror and all its force. A law was passed by the Convention, in September, which decreed that all suspected people should be arrested and brought before this tribunal; that nobles, lawyers, bankers, priests, men of property, and strangers in the land, should be suspected unless known to be acting8 friends and adherents9 of the ultra-revolutionary party; that the punishment of such persons should be death; and that the members of any revolutionary tribunal which had omitted to condemn10 any suspected person, should themselves be tried, and punished by death. Such was the law by which the Reign11 of Terror was organized and rendered possible.
At this time the Girondists were lying in prison, awaiting their trial and their certain doom12. Marie Antoinette had been removed from the Temple to the Conciergerie, and her trial was in a day or two about to commence. Her fate was already fixed13, and had only to be pronounced. Danton had retired14 from Paris to his own province, sick with the shedding of so much blood, jealous of the pre-eminence which Robespierre had assumed; watching his opportunity to return, that he might sell the republic to the royalists; equally eager, let us believe, to save his country as to make his fortune, but destined15 to return, only that he also might bend his neck beneath the monster guillotine. Marat, the foulest16 birth of the revolution, whose licentious17 heat generated venom18 and rascality19, as a dunghill out of its own filth20 produces adders’ eggs—Marat was no more. Carnot, whose genius for war enabled the French nation, amidst all its poverty and intestine21 contests, even in the pangs22 and throes of that labour in which it strove to bring forth23 a constitution, to repulse24 the forces of the allied25 nations, and prepare the way for future conquests, was a member of the all-powerful Committee, and we cannot suppose that he acted under the dictation of Robespierre; but if he did not do so, at any rate he did not interfere26 with him. The operations of a campaign, in which the untaught and ill-fed army of republican France had to meet the troops of England, Flanders, Prussia, Austria, Sardinia, and Spain, besides those of royalist France, were sufficient to occupy even the energies of Carnot.
Robespierre, in the Convention and in the Committee, was omnipotent27; but he also had his master, and he knew it. He knew that he could only act, command, and be obeyed, in union with, and dependence28 on, the will of the populace of Paris; and the higher he rose in that path of life which he marked out for himself with so much precision, and followed with so much constancy, the more bitterly his spirit chafed29 at the dependence. He knew it was of no avail to complain of the people to the people, and he seldom ventured to risk his position by opposing the wishes of the fearful masters whom he served, but at length he was driven to do so, and at length he fell.
Half a century has passed since Robespierre died, and history has become peculiarly conversant30 with his name. Is there any one whose character suffers under a more wide-spread infamy31? The abomination of whose deeds has become more notorious? The tale of whose death has been oftener told; whose end, horrid32, fearful, agonized33, as was that of this man, has met with less sympathy? For fifty years the world has talked of, condemned34, and executed Robespierre. Men and women, who have barely heard the names of Pitt and Fox, who know not whether Metternich is a man or a river, or one of the United States, speak of Robespierre as of a thing accursed. They know, at any rate, what he was—the demon35 of the revolution; the source of the fountain of blood with which Paris was deluged36; the murderer of the thousands whose bodies choked the course of the Loire and the Rhone. Who knows not enough of Robespierre to condemn him? Who abstains37 from adding another malediction38 to those which already load the name of the King of the Reign of Terror.
Yet it is not impossible that some apologist may be found for the blood which this man shed; that some quaint39 historian, delighting to show the world how wrong has been its most assured opinions, may attempt to vindicate40 the fame of Robespierre, and strive to wash the blackamoor white. Are not our old historical assurances everywhere asserted? Has it not been proved to us that crooked-backed Richard was a good and politic41 King; and that the iniquities42 of Henry VIII are fabulous43? whereas the agreeable predilections44 of our early youth are disturbed by our hearing that glorious Queen Bess, and learned King James, were mean, bloodthirsty, and selfish.
I am not the bold man who will dare to face the opinion of the world, and attempt to prove that Robespierre has become infamous45 through prejudice. He must be held responsible for the effects of the words which he spoke4, and the things which he did, as other men are. He made himself a scourge46 and a pestilence47 to his country; therefore, beyond all other men, he has become odious48, and therefore, historian after historian, as they mention his name, hardly dare, in the service of truth, to say one word to lessen49 his infamy.
Yet Robespierre began his public life with aspirations50 of humanity, which never deserted52 him; and resolutions as to conduct, to which he adhered with a constancy never surpassed. What shall we say are the qualifications for a great and good man?—Honesty. In spite of his infamy, Robespierre’s honesty has become proverbial. Moral conduct—the life he led even during the zenith of his power, and at a time when licentiousness53 was general, and morality ridiculous, was characterized by the simplicity54 of the early Quakers. Industry—without payment from the State, beyond that which he received as a member of the Convention, and which was hardly sufficient for the wants of his simple existence, he worked nearly night and day in the service of the State. Constancy of purpose—from the commencement of his career, in opposition55 at first to ridicule56 and obscurity, then to public opinion, and lastly to the combined efforts of the greatest of his countrymen, he pursued one only idea; convinced of its truth, sure of its progress, and longing57 for its success. Temperance in power—though in reality governing all France, Robespierre assumed to himself none of the attributes or privileges of political power. He took to himself no high place, no public situation of profit or grandeur58. He was neither haughty59 in his language, nor imperious in his demeanour. Love of country—who ever showed a more devoted60 love? For his country he laboured, and suffered a life which surely in itself could have had nothing attractive; the hope of the future felicity of France alone fed his energies, and sustained his courage. His only selfish ambition was to be able to retire into private life and contemplate61 from thence the general happiness which he had given to his country. Courage—those who have carefully studied his private life, and have learnt what he endured, and dared to do in overcoming the enemies Of his system, can hardly doubt his courage. Calumny62 or error has thrown an unmerited disgrace over his last wretched days. He has been supposed to have wounded himself in an impotent attempt to put an end to his life. It has been ascertained63 that such was not the fact, the pistol by which he was wounded having been fired by one of the soldiers by whom he was arrested. He is stated also to have wanted that firmness in death which so many of his victims displayed. They triumphed even in their death. Louis and Vergniaud, Marie Antoinette, and Madame Roland, felt that they were stepping from life into glory, and their step was light and elastic64. Robespierre was sinking from existence into infamy. During those fearful hours, in which nothing in life was left him but to suffer, how wretched must have been the reminiscences of his career! He, who had so constantly pursued one idea, must then have felt that that idea had been an error; that he had all in all been wrong; that he had waded65 through the blood of his countrymen to reach a goal, which, bright and luminous66 as it had appeared, he now found to be an ignis fatuus. Nothing was then left to him. His life had been a failure, and for the future he had no hope. His body was wounded and in tortures; his spirit was dismayed by the insults of those around him, and his soul had owned no haven67 to which death would give it an escape. Could his eye have been lit with animation68 as he ascended69 the scaffold! Could his foot have then stepped with confidence! Could he have gloried in his death! Poor mutilated worm, agonised in body and in soul. Can it be ascribed to want of courage in him, that his last moments were passed in silent agony and despair?
Honesty, moral conduct, industry, constancy of purpose, temperance in power, courage, and love of country: these virtues70 all belonged to Robespierre; history confesses it, and to what favoured hero does history assign a fairer catalogue? Whose name does a brighter galaxy72 adorn73? With such qualities, such attributes, why was he not the Washington of France? Why, instead of the Messiah of freedom, which he believed himself to be, has his name become a bye-word, a reproach, and an enormity? Because he wanted faith! He believed in nothing but himself, and the reasoning faculty74 with which he felt himself to be endowed. He thought himself perfect in his own human nature, and wishing to make others perfect as he was, he fell into the lowest abyss of crime and misery75 in which a poor human creature ever wallowed. He seems almost to have been sent into the world to prove the inefficacy of human reason to effect human happiness. He was gifted with a power over common temptation, which belongs to but few. His blood was cool and temperate76, and yet his heart was open to all the softer emotions. He had no appetite for luxury; no desire for pomp; no craving77 for wealth. Among thousands who were revelling78 in sensuality, he kept himself pure and immaculate. If any man could have said, I will be virtuous79; I, of myself, unaided, trusting to my own power, guarding myself by the light of my own reason; I will walk uprightly through the world, and will shed light from my path upon my brethren, he might have said so. He attempted it, and history shows us the result. He attempted, unassisted, to be perfect among men, and his memory is regarded as that of a loathsome80 plague, defiling81 even the unclean age in which he lived.
At about five o’clock in the afternoon on an October day, in 1793, Robespierre was sitting alone in a small room in the house of his friend, Simon Duplay, the cabinet-maker. This room, which was the bed-chamber, reception-room, and study of the arbitrary Dictator, was a garret in the roof of Duplay’s humble82 dwelling83. One small window, opening upon the tiles, looked into the court-yard in which were stored the planks84 or blocks necessary to the cabinet-maker’s trade. A small wooden bedstead, a long deal table, and four or five rush-bottomed chairs, constituted the whole furniture of the apartment.
A deal shelf ran along the wail85 beneath the slanting86 roof, and held his small treasure of books; and more than half of this humble row were manuscripts of his own, which he had numbered, arranged, and bound with that methodical exactness, which was a part of his strange character. He was sitting at a table covered with papers, on which he had now been laboriously87 preparing instructions for those who, under him, carried on the rule of terror; and arranging the measured words with which, at the Jacobins, he was to encourage his allies to uphold him in the bloody88 despotism which he had seized.
The weight upon his mind must have been immense, for Robespierre was not a thoughtless, wild fanatic89, carried by the multitude whether they pleased: he led the people of Paris, and led them with a fixed object. He was progressing by one measure deeply calculated to the age of reason, which he was assured was coming; and that one measure was the extermination90 of all who would be likely to oppose him. The extent of his power, the multiplicity of his cares, the importance of his every word and act, and the personal danger in which he lived, might have ruffled91 the equanimity92 of a higher-spirited man than he is supposed to have been; but yet, to judge from his countenance93, his mind was calm; the traces of thought were plain on his brow, but there was none of the impatience94 of a tyrant95 about his mouth, nor of the cruelty of an habitual96 blood-shedder in his eyes. His forehead showed symptoms of deep thought, and partially97 redeemed98 the somewhat mean effect of his other features. The sharp nose, the thin lips, the cold grey eyes, the sallow sunken cheeks, were those of a precise, passionless, self-confident man, little likely to be led into any excess of love or hatred99, but little likely also to be shaken in his resolve either for good or evil. His face probably was a true index to his character. Robespierre was not a cruel man; but he had none of that humanity, which makes the shedding of blood abominable100 to mankind, and which, had he possessed101 it, would have made his career impossible.
His hair was close curled in rolls upon his temples, and elaborately powdered. The front and cuffs102 of his shirt were not only scrupulously103 clean, but starched104 and ironed with the most exact care. He wore a blue coat, a white waistcoat, and knee-breeches. His stockings, like his shirt, were snow-white, and the silver buckles105 shone brightly in his shoes. No one could have looked less like a French republican of 1793 than did Robespierre.
He had just completed a letter addressed jointly106 to Thurreau and Lechelle, the commissioners107 whom he had newly appointed to the horrid task of exterminating108 the royalists of La Vend茅e. Santerre had undertaken this work, and had failed in it, and it was now said that he was a friend and creature of Danton’s; that he was not to be trusted as a republican; that he had a royalist bias109; that it would be a good thing that his head should roll, as the heads of so many false men had rolled, under the avenging110 guillotine. Poor Santerre, who, in the service of the Republic, had not shunned111 the infamy of presiding at the death of Louis. He, however, contrived112 to keep his burly head on his strong shoulders, and to brew113 beer for the Directory, the Consulate114, and the Empire.
Thurreau and Lechelle, it was correctly thought, would be surer hands at performing the work to be done. They had accepted the commission with alacrity115, and were now on the road to commence their duties. That duty was to leave neither life nor property in the proscribed116 district. “Let La Vend茅e become a wilderness117, and we will re-populate it with patriots119, to whom the fertility of fields, rich with the blood of traitors120, shall be a deserved reward.” Thus had Robespierre now written; and as he calmly read over, and slowly copied, his own despatch122, he saw nothing in it of which he could disapprove123, as a reasoning being animated124 with a true love of his country. “Experience has too clearly proved to us that the offspring of slaves, who willingly kiss the rod of tyrants125, will have no higher aspiration51 than their parents. In allowing them to escape, we should only create difficulties for our own patriot118 children. Hitherto the servants of the Convention have scotched126 the snake, but have not killed it; and the wounded viper127 has thus become more furiously venomous than before. It is for you, citizens, to strike a death-blow to the infamy of La Vend茅e. It will be your glory to assure the Convention that no royalist remains128 in the western provinces to disturb the equanimity of the Republic.” Such were the sentiments he had just expressed, such the instructions he had given, calmly meditating129 on his duty as a ruler of his country; and when he had finished his task, and seen that no expression had escaped him of which reason or patriotism130 could disapprove, he again placed the paper before him, to write words of affection to the brother of his heart.
Robespierre’s brother was much younger than himself; but there was no one whom he more thoroughly131 trusted with State secrets, and State services of importance; and no one who regarded him with so entire a devotion. Robespierre the elder believed only in himself; Robespierre the younger believed in his brother, and his belief was fervid133 and assured, as is always that of an enthusiast134. To him, Maximilian appeared to be the personification of every virtue71 necessary to mankind. Could he have been made to understand the opinion which the world would form of his brother’s character, he would have thought that it was about to be smitten135 with a curse of general insanity136. Robespierre’s vanity was flattered by the adoration137 of his brother, and he loved his worshipper sincerely. The young man was now at Lyons, propagating the doctrines138 of his party; and in his letters to him, Robespierre mingled139 the confidential140 greetings of an affectionate brother with those furious demands for republican energy, which flooded the streets of the towns of France with blood, and choked the rivers of France with the bodies of the French.
“I still hope,” he wrote, slowly considering the words as they fell from his pen, “for the day when this work will have been done—for the happy day when we shall feel that we have prevailed not only against our enemies, but over our own vices132; but my heart nearly fails me, when I think how little we have yet effected. I feel that among the friends whom we most trust, those who are actuated by patriotism alone are lukewarm. Lust141, avarice142, plunder143, and personal revenge, are the motives144 of those who are really energetic . . . It is very difficult for me to know my friends; this also preys145 heavily on my spirits. The gold of the royalists is as plentiful146 as when the wretched woman, who is now about to die, was revelling in her voluptuous147 pride at Versailles. I know that the hands of many, who call themselves patriots, are even now grasping at the wages for which they are to betray the people. A day of reckoning shall come for all of them, though the list of their names is a long one. Were I to write the names of those whom I know to be true, I should be unable to insert in it above five or six. . . . I look for your return to Paris with more than my usual impatience. Eleanor’s quiet zeal148, and propriety149 of demeanour, is a great comfort to me; but even with her, I feel that I have some reserve. I blame myself that it is so, for she is most trustworthy; but, as yet, I cannot throw it off. With you alone I have none. Do not, however, leave the work undone150; remember that those who will not toil151 for us, will assuredly toil against us. There can be none neutral in the battle we are now waging. A man can have committed no greater crime against the Republic than having done nothing to add to its strength. I know your tender heart grieves at the death of every traitor121, though your patriotism owns the necessity of his fall. Remember that the prosperity of every aristocrat152 has been purchased by the infamy of above a hundred slaves! How much better is it that one man should die, than that a hundred men should suffer worse than death!”
When he had finished his letter, he read it accurately153 over, and then having carefully wiped his pen, and laid it near his inkstand, he leant back in his chair, and with his hand resting on the table, turned over in his mind the names and deeds of those who were accounted as his friends, but whom he suspected to be his enemies. He had close to his hand slips of paper, on which were written notes of the most trivial doings of those by whom he was generally surrounded; and the very spies who gave him the information were themselves the unfortunate subjects of similar notices from others. The wretched man was tortured by distrust; as he had told his brother, there were not among the whole body of those associates, by whose aid he had made himself the ruling power in France, half-a-dozen whom he did not believe to be eager for his downfall and his death. Thrice, whilst thus meditating, he stopped, and with his pencil put a dot against the name of a republican. Unfortunate men! their patriotism did not avail them; within a few weeks, the three had been added to the list of victims who perished under the judicial154 proceedings155 of Fouquier Tinville.
It had now become nearly dark, and Robespierre was unable longer to read the unfriendly notices which lay beneath his hand, and he therefore gave himself up entirely156 to reflection. He began to dream of nobler subjects—to look forward to happier days, when torrents157 of blood would be no longer necessary, when traitors should no longer find a market for their treason, when the age of reason should have prevailed, and France, happy, free, illustrious, and intellectual, should universally own how much she owed to her one incorruptible patriot. He thought to himself of living on his small paternal158 domain159 in Artois, receiving nothing from the country he had blessed but adoration; triumphant160 in the success of his theory; honoured as more than mortal; evincing the grandeur of his soul by rejecting those worldly rewards, which to his disposition161 offered no temptation. But before he had long indulged in this happy train of thought, he was called back to the realities of his troubled life by a low knock at his door, and on his answering it, a young woman, decently, but very plainly dressed, entered the garret with a candle in her hand; this was Eleanor Duplay; and when Robespierre allowed himself to dream of a future home, she was the wife of his bosom162, and the mother of his children.
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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venom
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| n.毒液，恶毒，痛恨 | |
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rascality
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| 流氓性，流氓集团 | |
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filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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pangs
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| 突然的剧痛( pang的名词复数 )； 悲痛 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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agonized
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| v.使（极度）痛苦，折磨( agonize的过去式和过去分词 )；苦斗；苦苦思索；感到极度痛苦 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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deluged
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| v.使淹没( deluge的过去式和过去分词 )；淹没；被洪水般涌来的事物所淹没；穷于应付 | |
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abstains
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| 戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的第三人称单数 )； 弃权（不投票） | |
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malediction
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| n.诅咒 | |
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quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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iniquities
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| n.邪恶( iniquity的名词复数 )；极不公正 | |
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fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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predilections
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| n.偏爱，偏好，嗜好( predilection的名词复数 ) | |
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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47
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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48
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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49
lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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50
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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51
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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52
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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53
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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54
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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55
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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56
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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57
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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58
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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59
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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60
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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61
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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62
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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63
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
elastic
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| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
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65
waded
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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66
luminous
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| adj.发光的，发亮的；光明的；明白易懂的；有启发的 | |
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67
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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68
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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69
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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71
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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72
galaxy
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| n.星系；银河系；一群(杰出或著名的人物) | |
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73
adorn
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| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
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74
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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75
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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76
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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77
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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78
revelling
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| v.作乐( revel的现在分词 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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79
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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80
loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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81
defiling
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| v.玷污( defile的现在分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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82
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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83
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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84
planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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85
wail
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| vt./vi.大声哀号，恸哭；呼啸，尖啸 | |
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86
slanting
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| 倾斜的，歪斜的 | |
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87
laboriously
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| adv.艰苦地；费力地；辛勤地；（文体等）佶屈聱牙地 | |
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88
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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89
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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90
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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91
ruffled
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| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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92
equanimity
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| n.沉着，镇定 | |
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93
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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94
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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95
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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96
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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97
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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98
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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99
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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100
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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101
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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102
cuffs
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| n.袖口( cuff的名词复数 )v.掌打，拳打( cuff的第三人称单数 ) | |
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103
scrupulously
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| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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104
starched
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| adj.浆硬的，硬挺的，拘泥刻板的v.把（衣服、床单等）浆一浆( starch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
buckles
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| 搭扣，扣环( buckle的名词复数 ) | |
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106
jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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107
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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108
exterminating
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的现在分词 ) | |
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109
bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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110
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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111
shunned
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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113
brew
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| v.酿造，调制 | |
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114
consulate
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| n.领事馆 | |
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115
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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116
proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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118
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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119
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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120
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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121
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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122
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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123
disapprove
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| v.不赞成，不同意，不批准 | |
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124
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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125
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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126
scotched
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| v.阻止( scotch的过去式和过去分词 )；制止（车轮）转动；弄伤；镇压 | |
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127
viper
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| n.毒蛇；危险的人 | |
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128
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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129
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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130
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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131
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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132
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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133
fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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134
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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135
smitten
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| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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136
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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137
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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138
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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139
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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140
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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141
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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142
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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143
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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144
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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145
preys
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| v.掠食( prey的第三人称单数 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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146
plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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147
voluptuous
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| adj.肉欲的，骄奢淫逸的 | |
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148
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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149
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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150
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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151
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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152
aristocrat
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| n.贵族，有贵族气派的人，上层人物 | |
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153
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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154
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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155
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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156
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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157
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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158
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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159
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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160
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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161
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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162
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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