The member from Mississippi—L. Q. C. Lamar (afterwards Supreme7 Court Justice of the United States)—threw an early firebrand by announcing on the floor of the House, "The Republicans are not guiltless of the blood of John Brown, his co-conspirators, 94 and the innocent victims of his ruthless vengeance8." Lawrence Keitt of South Carolina declared: "The South asks nothing but its rights. I would have no more, but as God is my judge, I would shatter this republic from turret9 to foundation-stone before I would take a tittle less." Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania retorted: "I do not blame gentlemen of the South for using this threat of rending10 God's creation from foundation to turret. They have tried it fifty times, and fifty times they have found weak and recreant11 tremblers in the North who have been affected12 by it, and who have acted from those intimidations." Such were a few, by comparison with those that rapidly followed, of the wild utterances14 of the hour. This occurred on the second day of the session. The House was in an uproar15! Members from their seats crowded down into the aisles16, and the clerk was powerless to preserve order. "A few more such scenes," said one, "and we shall hear the crack of the revolver and see the gleam of brandished17 blade."
In this spirit Congress proceeded to ballot18 for its Speaker, and balloted19 for two months (until February 1), before Mr. Sherman was abandoned (having withdrawn20 his name) and a compromise effected by the election of Mr. Pennington, who represented neither extreme of party.
During these two months everything was said that could be said to fan the flame. Hot disputes were accentuated22 by bitter personal remarks. One day a pistol accidentally fell from the pocket of a member from New York, and, thinking it had 95 been drawn21 with the intention of using it, some of the members were wild with passion, crying excitedly for the sergeant-at-arms, and turning the House into a pandemonium23. John Sherman, who had been the unlucky bone of contention24, made this remarkable25 statement: "When I came here I did not believe that the slavery question would come up; and but for the unfortunate affair of Brown at Harper's Ferry I do not believe that there would have been any feeling on the subject. Northern men came here with kindly26 feelings, no man approving the foray of John Brown, and every man willing to say so, every man willing to admit it as an act of lawless violence."
Four years before this stormy election, Banks had been chosen Speaker after a contest longer by a few days than this. Then, as now, slavery was the point at issue; but "good humor and courtesy had marked the previous contest where now were acrimony and defiance27.... Then threats of disunion were received with laughter; now they were too manifestly sincere to be treated lightly." In four years the breach28 between North and South, once only a rift29 in the rock, had become a yawning chasm30. What might it not become in four years more?
Not foreseeing the rapid change of public sentiment, the Democrats31 had, four years before, selected Charleston for the meeting of the convention to name their candidate for the presidency32. Accordingly, on April 23, the party was convened33 in the "hotbed of disunion."
The Northern Democrats had heard much of the 96 splendor34 and elegance35 in which Charlestonians lived, and of the Arabian hospitality of the South, which could ignore all animosities over the bread and salt. But Charleston turned a cold shoulder to its guests from the North. All hearts, however, and all homes were opened to the Southerners. They dined with the aristocrats36, drove with richly dressed ladies in gay equipages, and were entertained generally with lavish37 hospitality. All this tended to widen the breach between the sections.
When the delegates left their fair entertainers for the sessions of the convention, the ladies repaired to old St. Michael's Episcopal Church, where prayers, specially38 ordered for the success and prosperity of the South, were daily offered. "At the same time fervent39 abolition40 preachers at the North were praying for a disruption of the Charleston convention."
Judge Douglas had written a platform that was not acceptable to the South. After its adoption41 seven delegates from Southern states declared their purpose of secession. The convention, seeing that it was impossible to reach any result, adjourned42 May 3, to meet at Baltimore the 18th of June. The seceders resolved to meet at Richmond the second Monday of May. This initial movement awakened43 the alarm of at least one devoted44 son of the South. Alexander Stephens wrote to a friend: "The leaders intended from the beginning to rule or ruin.... Envy, hate, jealousy45, spite—these made war in heaven, which made devils of angels, and the same passions will make devils of men. The Secession movement was instigated46 by nothing but bad passions. 97 Patriotism47, in my opinion, had no more to do with it than love of God had with the other revolt."[6] In conversation with his friend Johnston, shortly after the adjournment48 of the Convention, Stephens said, "Men will be cutting one another's throats in a little while. In less than twelve months we shall be in a war, and that the bloodiest49 in history. Men seem to be utterly50 blinded to the future."[7]
The nomination51 of Lincoln and Hamlin on a purely52 sectional platform aroused such excitement all over the land, that the Senate and House of Representatives gave themselves entirely53 to speeches on the state of the country. Read at this late day, many of them appear to be the high utterances of patriots, pleading with each other for forbearance. Others exhausted54 the vocabulary of coarse vituperation. "Nigger thief," "slave driver," were not uncommon55 words. Others still, although less unrefined, were not less abusive. Newspapers no longer reported a speech as calm, convincing, logical, or eloquent56,—these were tame expressions. The terms now in use were: "a torrent57 of scathing58 denunciation," "withering59 sarcasm," "crushing invective," the orator's eyes, the while, "blazing with scorn and indignation." Young members ignored the salutation of old Senators. Mr. Seward's smile after such a rebuff was maddening! No opportunity for scornful allusion60 was lost. My husband was probably the first Congressman61 to wear "the gray," a suit of domestic cloth having been presented to him by his 98 constituents62. Immediately a Northern member said, in an address on the state of the country, "Virginia, instead of clothing herself in sheep's wool, had better don her appropriate garb63 of sackcloth and ashes." In pathetic contrast to these scenes were the rosy64, cherubic little pages, in white blouses and cambric collars, who flitted to and fro, bearing, with smiling faces, dynamic notes and messages from one Representative to another. They represented the future which these gentlemen were engaged in wrecking—for many of these boys were sons of Southern widows, who even now, under the most genial65 skies, led lives of anxiety and struggle. Thoroughly66 alarmed, the women of Washington thronged67 the galleries of the House and the Senate Chamber68. From morning until the hour of adjournment we would sit, spellbound, as one after another drew the lurid69 picture of disunion and war.
Our social lines were now strictly70 drawn between North and South. Names were dropped from visiting lists, occasions avoided on which we might expect to meet members of the party antagonistic71 to our own. My friend Mrs. Douglas espoused72 all her husband's quarrels and distinctly "cut" his opponents. There were very few boxes to be had at our little theatre—and the three best were usually secured by Mrs. Douglas, Miss Harriet Lane, and Mrs. John R. Thompson. The feud73 between the President and Judge Douglas was bitter, and Mrs. Douglas never appeared at Miss Lane's receptions in the winter of 1859-1860. One evening we were all in our theatre boxes, Miss Lane 99 next to us, and I the guest of Mrs. Douglas. Mr. Porcher Miles, member from South Carolina, who had opposed Judge Douglas's nomination, appeared at the door of our box. Instantly Mrs. Douglas turned and said, "Sir, you have made a mistake. Your visit is intended for next door!" "Madam," said Mr. Miles, "I presumed I might be permitted to make my respects to Mrs. Pryor, for whom my call was intended." I had the benefit, of course, of the private opinions of each, and was able to be the friend of each. "This, I suppose, is Southern chivalry," said my fair friend. "It savors74, I think, of ill-bred impertinence." "I had supposed her a lady," said Mr. Miles, "or at least a woman of the world. She behaved like a rustic—an ingénue."
I could but receive their confidences in silence, perfectly75 well knowing that both were in the wrong. Both were betrayed by the mad passions of the hour—passions which caused older heads to misunderstand, mislead, and misbehave! "I am the most unpopular man in the country," said Judge Douglas (one of the presidential candidates); "I could walk from Boston to Chicago by the light of my own burning effigies,—and I guess you all know how much Virginia loves me."
I had the good fortune to retain some of my Northern friends. The family of the Secretary of State was loyal to me to the end. When my husband was once embroiled76 in a violent quarrel, growing out of sectional feeling, General Cass sent his granddaughter, pretty Lizzie Ledyard (my prime favorite), with his love to bid me "take heart," that 100 "all would turn out right." Mrs. Douglas never abated77 one jot78 of her gentle kindness, although she knew we belonged to a party adverse79 to her husband. Mrs. Horace Clark's little brown ponies80 stopped as often as ever at my door to secure me for a drive down the avenue and a seat beside her in the House. She had been a Miss Vanderbilt and was now wife of a member from New York. All of them were prompt to congratulate me upon my husband's speech on "the state of the country," and to praise it with generous words as "calm, free from vituperation, eloquent in pleading for peace and forbearance."
The evening after this speech was delivered, we were sitting in the library on the first floor of our home, when there was a ring at the door-bell. The servants were in a distant part of the house, and such was our excited state that I ran to the door and answered the bell myself. It was snowing fast, a carriage stood at the door, and out of it bundled a mass of shawls and woollen scarfs. On entering, a manservant commenced unwinding the bundle, which proved to be the Secretary of State, General Cass! We knew not what to think. He was seventy-seven years old. Every night at nine o'clock it was the custom of his daughter, Mrs. Canfield, to wrap him in flannels81 and put him to bed. What had brought him out at midnight? As soon as he entered, before sitting down, he exclaimed: "Mr. Pryor, I have been hearing about secession for a long time—and I would not listen. But now I am frightened, sir, I am frightened! Your speech in the House to-day gives me some hope. Mr. Pryor! I crossed the Ohio 101 when I was sixteen years old with but a pittance82 in my pocket, and this glorious union has made me what I am. I have risen from my bed, sir, to implore83 you to do what you can to avert84 the disasters which threaten our country with ruin."
Never was a spring more delightful85 than that of 1860. The Marine86 Band played every Saturday in the President's grounds, and thither87 the whole world repaired, to walk, or to sit in open carriages, and talk of everything except politics. Easy compliments to the ladies fell from the lips of the men who could apply to each other in debate abuse too painful to remember. Sometimes we would be invited for the afternoon to sit on the veranda88 of the White House—and who could fail to mark the ravages89 of anxiety and care upon the face of the President! All the more because he insistently90 repeated that he was never better—that he slept finely and enjoyed the best health. Nevertheless, if one chanced to stand silently near him in a quiet corner, he might be heard to mutter, "Not in my time—not in my time." Not in his time let this dear union be severed91, this dear country be drowned in blood.
On other afternoons we visited Mr. and Mrs. Robert E. Lee at Arlington, or drove out to Georgetown through the fragrant92 avenue of blossoming crab-apples, or to Mrs. Gales's delightful house for tea, returning in the soft moonlight. Everybody in Washington dined early. Congress usually adjourned at four o'clock, and my little boys were wont93 to be on the roof of our house, to watch for 102 the falling of the flag over the House of Representatives, the signal that we might soon have dinner. The evening meal was late, usually handed. It was considered not "stylish94" to serve it at a table. A servant would enter the drawing-room about eight o'clock, with a tray holding plates and little doilies. Another would bring in buttered biscuits and chipped beef or ham, and a third tray held cups of tea and coffee. Some delicate sweet would follow. Little tables of Chinese lacquer were placed between two or more ladies, and lucky was the man who would be invited to share one of them. Otherwise he must improvise95 a rest for his plate on his trembling knees. "Take care! Your plate will fall," I said to one. "Fall! I wish it would—and break! The only thing that worries me is when the blamed thing takes to rolling. Why, I have chased plates all around the room until I thought they were bewitched or held the secret of perpetual motion!" These suppers were very conversational96, and one did not mind their being so light. There would be punch and sandwiches at eleven.
Such were the pleasant happenings that filled our days—clouded now by the perils97 which we could not ignore after the warnings to which we listened at the Capitol. We were conscious of this always in our round of visits, receptions, dinners, and balls, with the light persiflage98 and compliments still in our ears.
But when late evening came, the golden hour of reunion in the library on the first floor of our home was marked by graver talk. There would assemble 103 R. M. T. Hunter, Muscoe Garnett, Porcher Miles, L. Q. C. Lamar, Boyce, Barksdale of Mississippi, Keitt of South Carolina, with perhaps some visitors from the South. Then Susan would light her fires and show us the kind of oysters99 that could please her "own white folks," and James would bring in lemons and hot water with some choice brand of old Kentucky.
These were not convivial100 gatherings101. These men held troubled consultations102 on the state of the country—the real meaning and intent of the North, the half-trusted scheme of Judge Douglas to allow the territories to settle for themselves the vexed103 question of slavery within their borders, the right of peaceable secession. The dawn would find them again and again with but one conclusion—they would stand together: "Unum et commune periclum una salus!"
But Holbein's spectre was already behind the door, and had marked his men! In a few months the swift bullet for one enthusiast104, for another (the least considered of them all), a glorious death on the walls of a hard-won rampart—he the first to raise his colors and the shout of victory; for only one, or two, or three, the doubtful boon105 of existence after the struggle was all over; for all survivors106, memories that made the next four years seem to be the sum of life—the only real life—beside which the coming years would be but a troubled dream.
The long session did not close until June, and in the preceding month Abraham Lincoln was chosen candidate by the Republican party for the presidency, 104 and Stephen A. Douglas by the Democrats. The South had also a candidate, and hoping to make things better, the ruffled-shirt gentry—the Old-Line Whigs—had also named their man.
My little boys and I were glad to go home to Virginia. A season of perfect happiness awaited them, with their sisters and the dear old people whom they called grandfather and grandmother. Under the shade of the trees, and in the veranda covered with Lamarque roses, who could dream of war?
In the hot and bitter campaign that ensued we are told that "Douglas took the unusual course for a presidential candidate of visiting different parts of the country and discussing the political issues and their personal bearings. Speaking on all occasions, from the platform of the railroad car, the balcony of the hotel, at monster mass-meetings, he said much that was trivial and undignified, but he also said much that was patriotic107, unselfish, and pregnant with constitutional wisdom. Coldly received at the South, where he was looked upon as a renegade, he aroused great enthusiasm at the North, and his personal presence was the only feature that gave any life to the struggle against the Republicans."[8]
The words "irrepressible conflict" were much in evidence during this campaign. Seward adopted them, and made speeches characterized as his "Irrepressible Conflict Speeches."[9] Seward reaffirmed almost everywhere the declaration of the "irrepressible conflict," and when challenged because of the 105 term, he "maintained that the Republicans simply reverted108 to the theory and practice of their fathers," giving no hint of a quotation109.
The authorship of these words has always been credited to Mr. Seward. Their true origin may be found in the address of Mr. Lincoln, delivered at Cincinnati, Ohio, in September, 1859. On page 262 of the volume published by Follett, Foster, & Co. in 1860, entitled "Political Debates between Hon. Abraham Lincoln and Hon. Stephen A. Douglas," may be found the following extract from Mr. Lincoln's speech:—
"I have alluded110 in the beginning of these remarks to the fact that Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed the opinion that this Government 'cannot endure permanently111 half slave and half free.' He has complained of Seward for using different language, and declaring that there is an 'irrepressible conflict' between the principles of free and slave labor112. [A voice: 'He says it is not original with Seward. That is original with Lincoln.'] I will attend to that immediately, sir. Since that time, Hickman of Pennsylvania expressed the same sentiment. He has never denounced Mr. Hickman; why? There is a little chance, notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of Hickman, that he may yet be a Douglas man. That is the difference! It is not unpatriotic to hold that opinion, if a man is a Douglas man.
"But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea. That same idea was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer113 in Virginia, in 1856, quite two years before it was expressed by the first of us. And while Douglas was pluming114 himself that in his conflict with my humble115 self, last 106 year, he had 'squelched117 out' that fatal heresy118, as he delighted to call it, and had suggested that if he only had had a chance to be in New York and meet Seward he would have 'squelched' it there also, it never occurred to him to breathe a word against Pryor. I don't think that you can discover that Douglas ever talked of going to Virginia to 'squelch116' out that idea there. No. More than that. That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to Washington City and made the editor of the par13 excellence119 Douglas paper, after making use of that expression, which in us is so unpatriotic and heretical."
Before we returned to Washington Mr. Lincoln was elected President of the United States.
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1
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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turret
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| n.塔楼，角塔 | |
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rending
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| v.撕碎( rend的现在分词 )；分裂；（因愤怒、痛苦等而）揪扯（衣服或头发等）；（声音等）刺破 | |
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recreant
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| n.懦夫；adj.胆怯的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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aisles
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| n. (席位间的)通道, 侧廊 | |
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brandished
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| v.挥舞( brandish的过去式和过去分词 )；炫耀 | |
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ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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balloted
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| v.（使）投票表决( ballot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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accentuated
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| v.重读( accentuate的过去式和过去分词 )；使突出；使恶化；加重音符号于 | |
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pandemonium
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| n.喧嚣，大混乱 | |
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contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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rift
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| n.裂口，隙缝，切口；v.裂开，割开，渗入 | |
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chasm
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| n.深坑，断层，裂口，大分岐，利害冲突 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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46
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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bloodiest
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| adj.血污的( bloody的最高级 )；流血的；屠杀的；残忍的 | |
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50
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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51
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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52
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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53
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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54
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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55
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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56
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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scathing
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| adj.（言词、文章）严厉的，尖刻的；不留情的adv.严厉地，尖刻地v.伤害，损害（尤指使之枯萎）( scathe的现在分词) | |
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59
withering
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| 使人畏缩的，使人害羞的，使人难堪的 | |
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60
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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61
Congressman
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| n.（美）国会议员 | |
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62
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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69
lurid
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| adj.可怕的；血红的；苍白的 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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savors
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| v.意味，带有…的性质( savor的第三人称单数 )；给…加调味品；使有风味；品尝 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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embroiled
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| adj.卷入的；纠缠不清的 | |
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abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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78
jot
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| n.少量；vi.草草记下；vt.匆匆写下 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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ponies
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| 矮种马，小型马( pony的名词复数 )； ￡25 25 英镑 | |
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flannels
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| 法兰绒男裤； 法兰绒( flannel的名词复数 ) | |
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82
pittance
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| n.微薄的薪水，少量 | |
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implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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86
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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veranda
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| n.走廊；阳台 | |
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89
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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insistently
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| ad.坚持地 | |
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severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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fragrant
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| adj.芬香的，馥郁的，愉快的 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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stylish
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| adj.流行的，时髦的；漂亮的，气派的 | |
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improvise
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| v.即兴创作；临时准备，临时凑成 | |
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conversational
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| adj.对话的，会话的 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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persiflage
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| n.戏弄；挖苦 | |
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oysters
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| 牡蛎( oyster的名词复数 ) | |
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100
convivial
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| adj.狂欢的，欢乐的 | |
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101
gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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102
consultations
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| n.磋商（会议）( consultation的名词复数 )；商讨会；协商会；查找 | |
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103
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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104
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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105
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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106
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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107
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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108
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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109
quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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110
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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112
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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113
enquirer
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| 寻问者，追究者 | |
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114
pluming
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| 用羽毛装饰（plume的现在分词形式） | |
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115
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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116
squelch
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| v.压制，镇压；发吧唧声 | |
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117
squelched
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| v.发吧唧声，发扑哧声( squelch的过去式和过去分词 )；制止；压制；遏制 | |
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118
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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119
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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