Tierra Firme Thrown open to Colonization2—Rival Applications—Alonso de Ojeda Appointed Governor of Nueva Andalucía, and Diego de Nicuesa of Castilla del Oro—Hostile Attitudes of the Rivals at Santo Domingo—Ojeda Embarks4 for Cartagena—Builds the Fortress5 of San Sebastian—Failure and Death—Nicuesa Sails for Veragua—Parts Company with his Fleet—His Vessel7 is Wrecked—Passes Veragua—Confined with his Starving Crew on an Island—Succor9—Failure at Veragua—Attempts Settlement at Nombre de Dios—Loss of Ship Sent to Espa?ola for Relief—Horrible Sufferings—Bibliographical10 Notices of Las Casas, Oviedo, Peter Martyr12, Gomara, and Herrera—Character of the Early Chroniclers for Veracity13.
The voyages of Bastidas and Columbus completed the discovery of a continuous coast line from the gulf14 of Paria to Cape15 Honduras. In 1506 Juan Diaz de Solis, a native of Lebrija, and Vicente Ya?ez Pinzon took up the line of discovery at the island of Guanaja, where the admiral had first touched, and proceeding16 in the opposite direction sailed along the coast of Honduras to the westward18, surveyed the gulf of Honduras and discovered Amatique Bay, but passed by without perceiving the Golfo Dulce which lies hidden from the sea. The object still was to find the much-desired passage by water to the westward. Continuing northerly along Yucatan, and finding the coast trending east rather than west, they abandoned the undertaking19 and returned to Spain. Meanwhile Juan Ponce de Leon was enriching himself by the pacification20 290 of Puerto Rico, preparatory to invading the mainland to the northward21 in search of the fountain of youth; in which sapient22 attempt he lost his money, and not long afterward23 his life, unfortunately never finding the liquid immortality24 that bubbled somewhere in the jungles of Florida.
And now ten years had elapsed since Cabot and Columbus first saw the western continent, the former in 1497, the latter in 1498, and although several attempts had been made, as yet there was no European settlement on any part of it. It was not that the thirst for western spoils was by any means assuaged25; but Ferdinand was busy, and the experiences of Ojeda and Columbus on the mainland were not encouraging to the most chivalrous26 cupidity27. Returned, however, from his Neapolitan wars in 1507, his disaffected28 nobles somewhat quieted, and the disputes attending Isabella's succession allayed30, the king began to look about him. By the queen's testament31 he inherited one half the revenues of the Castilian colonies. And the king wanted money. It is a royal weakness. Then he remembered what Columbus had reported of the rich coast of Veragua; and although the licenses32 hitherto granted for private voyages had not proved very lucrative33, and expenditures34 at Santo Domingo were too near receipts to be satisfactory, no better way seemed feasible than to throw open to colonization the mainland, or tierra firme, as the discovered portion of the continent now began to be called.[VI-1] 291 Further than this, Ferdinand was well aware that if he would retain his western possessions he must occupy them; for stimulated35 by the success of Portugal and 292 Spain, France, England, Holland, and Sweden had all awakened36 to oceanic enterprise. He had before this commissioned Ojeda to watch the inroads of the English at the north, and directed Pinzon to have an eye on the Portuguese37 and the pope's partition line at the south; now he was resolved to break the territory into kingdoms and provinces, and apportion38 them for government to such of his subjects as were able and willing to colonize39 at their own cost.
OJEDA AND NICUESA.
When the intention of the king was known, two dashing cavaliers appeared and asked for the government of the rich coast of the Tierra Firme. One was Diego de Nicuesa, a native of Baeza, well-born and an accomplished40 courtier, having been reared by Enrique Enriquez, chief steward41 and uncle of the king. He came to the Indies first with Ovando. The other was Alonso de Ojeda, then in Santo Domingo, and already famous in New World annals, making his first appearance there with Columbus in his second voyage, and having already achieved two notable voyages to Paria, or the Pearl Coast, one in 1499 with Juan de la Cosa and Amerigo Vespucci, and one in 1502, with García de Ocampo and Juan de Vergara. The last had been made in four ships, and for the purpose of colonizing42; instead of which disputes arose, and the fiery43 commander was seized and carried in shackles44 to Espa?ola. There he was tried, 293 and a decision rendered against him, which however was overruled on appeal to the Council of the Indies; but he came out of his difficulties stripped of all his possessions.
The candidates were much alike, each being a fair type of the Spanish cavalier. Both were small in stature45, though none the less men of prowess. Symmetrical in form, muscular, active, and skilful46 in the use of weapons, they delighted in tilting47 matches, feats48 of horsemanship, and in all those pastimes which characterized Spanish chivalry49 at the close of the Mahometan wars. The school in which Ojeda had studied experience, as page to the duke of Medina Celi, who appeared in the Moorish50 wars at the head of a brilliant retinue51, was in no wise inferior to that of his rival. Their accomplishments52 were varied53, though not specially54 in the direction of colonizing new countries. Not only was Nicuesa a fine musician, playing well the guitar, and having some knowledge of ballad55 literature, but he could make his horse prance56 in perfect time to a musical instrument. As for Ojeda, there was little, in his own opinion, he could not do. The more of recklessness and folly57 in the exploit the better he could perform it. Once at Seville, while Isabella was in the cathedral tower, out from which ran a beam, at a height so great that from it men on the ground looked like pygmies, to show the queen of what metal he was made, he mounted this beam, balanced himself, then tripped lightly as a rope-dancer to the end of it, wheeled, and lifting one foot poised58 himself on the other at this fearfully dizzy height, where almost a breath would dash him to destruction; then, returning, he stopped at the wall and placing one foot against it threw an orange to the top of the tower.
With such distinguished60 ability on either side, it was difficult to determine between them. Who so suitable to baffle miasma61, poisonous reptiles62, and wild beasts while dressing63 the institutions of Spain 294 for the wilderness64 of America, as the graceful65 and witty66 Nicuesa! What a glorious missionary67 Ojeda would make! So moderate, so wise, so gentle, so just, both! Nicuesa had money, a necessary commodity to him who would colonize at his own cost. But then Ojeda had influence; for Fonseca was his friend, and an inquisitor his cousin. Yet Nicuesa was not without advocates at court; money alone was a powerful argument. When, finally, the veteran pilot, Juan de la Cosa, threw his experience and earnings68 upon the side of Ojeda, to whom he was devotedly70 attached, and offered himself to embark3 in the adventure, the king concluded to let them both go; and then it was that he divided Tierra Firme between them, making the gulf of Urabá[VI-2] the dividing point. The eastern or South American portion was called Nueva Andalucía, and of this Alonso de Ojeda was appointed governor; the western division, extending from the gulf of Urabá, or Darien, to Cape Gracias á Dios, was named by the king Castilla del Oro,[VI-3] or Golden Castile, and the command given to 295 Diego de Nicuesa. The island of Jamaica, whence they expected to draw their supplies, was to be held in common by the two governors. Were it not so much more delightful71 to bargain with new suitors who have money, than to reward old servants who have none, a fine sense of decency72 might have prompted the monarch73 to give Castilla del Oro to the adelantado, Bartolomé Colon1, who had assisted in discovering, and in an attempt to colonize the country, and who had little to show for his many and valuable services to Spain. But Diego Colon was determined74 they should not have Jamaica, and so sent thither75 Juan de Esquivel, as we have seen, to hold it for the governor of Santo Domingo.
MAINLAND DIVISIONS.
The mainland governors were each appointed for four years, during which time supplies were free from duties. Their outfit76, with four hundred settlers and two hundred miners each, might be obtained from Santo Domingo. They were given the exclusive right to work for ten years all mines discovered by them on paying into the royal treasury77 for the first year one tenth of the proceeds, the second year one 296 ninth, the third one eighth, the fourth one seventh, the fifth one sixth, and for the remaining five years one fifth. The king conditioned, moreover, that each governor should build two forts for the protection of the colonists78, to whom the lands in the vicinity of which were to belong.
It so happened that the doughty79 little governors met at Santo Domingo, while making their final preparations. Swelling80 with new dignities, active and mettlesome81, each desirous of obtaining as many recruits as possible, it was not long before they came into collision. First they quarrelled about Jamaica; as a supplement to which Ojeda stoutly82 swore that should he there encounter Juan de Esquivel, his head should pay the penalty. Then their partition line became a bone of contention84, both claiming the Indian province of Darien.[VI-4] The geography of the coast was at that time but little known; their dominions85 toward the south were limitless, and for aught they knew larger than Spain. Although both the commanders were small corporally, in feeling they were large, and required much room. The breach86 thus opened was in no wise lessened87 by the superior success of Nicuesa, who with a deeper purse, and a government famous for its wealth, drew off recruits from his less fortunate rival. Five large caravels and two brigantines, flying the flag of Castilla del Oro, rode in the harbor. All were well equipped and liberally provisioned; and already Nicuesa mustered89 nearly eight hundred men and six horses, while Ojeda at his best could muster88 but three hundred men in two small ships and two brigantines.[VI-5]
297THE RIVAL GOVERNORS.
Nettled90 at every turn he made about the little town, Ojeda, who was a better swordsman than logician91, at length proposed to settle all scores by single combat. "Agreed," replied Nicuesa, who was equally brave yet less passionate92, "but for what shall we fight? Match me with five thousand castellanos, and I am your man." Finally old Juan de la Cosa interfered93 to prevent bloodshed; the river Darien, or Atrato, was made the dividing line, and measures were taken to hasten departure before the fire of hot Ojeda should blaze out again.
But Ojeda was not without his little triumphs. There dwelt at this time at the capital of the Indies a lawyer, known as the Bachiller[VI-6] Martin Fernandez de Enciso, who during a successful practice of many years had accumulated some two thousand castellanos. Tempted95 by the offer of being made alcalde mayor[VI-7] 298 of the new government, he was induced by the impetuous Ojeda to embark his entire fortune in the adventure. It was arranged that the bachiller should remain at Santo Domingo for some time after the departure of Ojeda, in order to obtain further recruits and fit out another ship, and then follow the governor to Nueva Andalucía.
Of Ojeda's party was Francisco Pizarro; and flitting restlessly from one heterogeneous96 group to another, enviously97 watching preparations in which circumstances prevented their participating, were other dominant98 spirits waiting opportunity, notably99 Vasco Nu?ez de Balboa, tied by debt to distasteful agriculture, and Hernan Cortés, fortunately forbidden to embark by illness.
Ojeda was the first to sail, embarking100 November 10, 1509. Nicuesa would have weighed anchor at the same time, but was prevented by his creditors101; for his success in securing followers102 was attended by so copious103 a drain of purse that not only his money but his credit was gone.
Favorable winds wafted104 Ojeda quickly to Cartagena, where he landed and proclaimed in loud and vaunting tones his manifesto105.[VI-8] A shower of poisoned darts106 was the reply; a mark of disrespect from his new subjects which set the governor's blood boiling. Breathing a short prayer to the virgin107, Ojeda seized a lance, and charging the natives at the head of his followers scattered108 them in the forest, and rashly pursued 299 them. These were no effeminate islanders; the women fought side by side with the men, who were equal to those of Veragua, with the additional advantage of envenomed arrow-points, which, with the occasional shelter their forests afforded, made them more than a match for the Spaniards.[VI-9] This Ojeda had all to learn, and to pay dearly for the knowledge. Of seventy of his best and bravest who followed him four leagues inland but one returned. Even his staunch and veteran friend, Juan de la Cosa, after vainly attempting to dissuade109 his self-willed colleague from his purpose, placed himself by his side and died there. Ojeda fought like a tiger until his men were scattered and killed, and he was left wounded and alone in a marshy110 thicket111, where several days after a fresh party from the ships found him half-dead. When warmed into life and returned to the harbor he saw entering it Nicuesa's fleet he hid himself, afraid to meet his rival in that plight112. Told of this by Ojeda's men, as supplemental to their dismal113 tale, Nicuesa's anger was aroused at the unjust suspicion. "Tell your commander," he exclaimed, "that Diego de Nicuesa is a Christian114 cavalier who makes no war on a prostrate115 foe116; that not only shall past feuds117 be buried, but he promises never to leave this spot until the deaths of Juan de la Cosa and his comrades are avenged118." He was as good as his word. Landing four hundred men, he surprised an Indian village, put men, women, and children to the sword, and secured large booty.
NUEVA ANDALUCíA.
After Nicuesa had departed on his way, Ojeda cast off from that ill-fated shore his ships, and brought them to the gulf of Urabá, where on its eastern side, near the entrance, he built a fortress, the beginning of his capital city, and called it San Sebastian[VI-10] 300 in honor of the arrow-martyred saint, whose protection he craved120 from the venomous darts of his subjects. From San Sebastian, Ojeda despatched to Santo Domingo one of his vessels121 with the gold and captives he had taken, at the same time urging Enciso to hasten his departure, and send supplies. Meanwhile Ojeda's temper, which was as sharp and fiery as Damascus steel, made little head-way against tangled122 marshes123 and poisoned arrows. Persisting in his high-handed policy, he could do nothing with the natives, food being as difficult to obtain as gold, and his ranks rapidly thinned.
While harassed124 by hunger and watching anxiously the coming of Enciso and the return of their ships, the colonists descried125 one day a strange sail. On reaching San Sebastian it proved to be a Genoese vessel which, while loading with bacon and cassava bread at Cape Tiburon, had been piratically seized by one Bernardo de Talavera and a gang of vagabonds from Santo Domingo, who escaped with their prize and had come to Nueva Andalucía to seek fortune under the wise and happy rule of Governor Ojeda. To buy the cargo126 was the work of a moment, for the pirates were very ready to sell; and, indeed, had they not been, the governor would have compelled them. The poison was in his blood, which was now hot with fever, and he was in no mood for ceremony. But the relief thus obtained was only 301 temporary. Day by day the food supply diminished. The colonists were reduced in number from three hundred to three score. And with bodily ailment127 came as usual mind-distempers, wranglings, ruin, and despair. Where now was the valiant128 Ojeda? Humiliated129 to the dust, as well before the savages130 as before the Spaniards.
DEATH OF OJEDA.
Yet he would not yield to fate without another effort, wasted and weak as he was. Giving Pijano command of the fortress, Ojeda took passage in the freebooter's ship and sailed for Santo Domingo. But his patroness, the virgin, had indeed deserted131 him. Shipwreck132 met him at Cuba, whence he crossed to Jamaica. Talavera and his gang, after the most extraordinary exertions133, likewise reached Jamaica, but only to be seized by order of Diego Colon and hanged. Ojeda said nothing to Esquivel about striking off his head, but humbly134 took the kindly135 extended aid. Proceeding to Espa?ola in a caravel he found Enciso gone, and himself a bankrupt invalid136. Pride, which seldom deserts a Spanish cavalier, gave way. Reduced to penury137, broken-hearted, he died, begging as proof of his humility138 to be buried under the monastery139 portal, that all who entered should tread upon his grave. Farewell, daring, dashing, irrational140 Ojeda!
Let us now look after Nicuesa. When from the discomfited141 Ojeda the gallant142 governor of Castilla del Oro last parted, he coasted westward toward Veragua, where he purposed to plant his colony. The better to survey the seaboard, he took a small caravel, and ordered Lope de Olano, his lieutenant143, to attend him with two brigantines, while the larger vessels kept farther from the shore. Thus they proceeded until reaching the Indian province of Cueba, where a port was discovered into which flowed a small stream called Pito. There they landed and said mass,[VI-11] and therefore named the place Misas. 302
Leaving there the largest ships in charge of a relative named Cueto, who was to receive word when to follow, Nicuesa pressed forward toward Veragua with a caravel carrying sixty men, Lope de Olano still attending in a brigantine with thirty men. A storm arising not long after, the latter took advantage of this and the darkness of the night to separate from him, impelled144 partly by a conviction that they were on the wrong course, partly by ambitious projects. After waiting two days in vain for his companion Nicuesa continued westward. In the search for Veragua he attempted to follow a chart drawn145 by Bartolomé Colon, though his pilots Diego de Ribero and Diego Martin, both of whom had been with Columbus, assured him that he had passed the place. The storm increasing, Nicuesa ran his vessel into the mouth of a large river; but when attempting to proceed after the storm he found himself caught in a trap, and his vessel on the bar amidst the breakers, the water having subsided146. Unable to move the ship in either direction, its destruction was inevitable147, and the men set about saving themselves. A rope was stretched to the shore at the cost of a life; and scarcely had the last person reached land when the vessel went to pieces.
CASTILLA DEL ORO.
Behold148, then, the courtly Nicuesa, so lately the proud commander of a fleet, by this sudden freak of fortune cast upon an inhospitable shore, his whereabouts unknown to himself or to those in the ships, and his almost naked followers destitute149 of food, save one barrel of flour and a cask of oil flung them by the surly breakers! His mind was moreover ill at ease concerning Olano, whose reputation was none of the best, and who Nicuesa thought might have joined him had he been disposed. The ship's boat fortunately drifted ashore150, and in it Nicuesa placed Diego de Ribero and three seamen151, ordering them to keep him company along the shore, and render assistance in crossing streams and inlets. Already faint with 303 hunger, they began their march. But whither? Still westward, but not toward Veragua. Each weary footstep carried them farther and farther from their destination. It was not a pleasant journey feeling their way through tropical forests, with such impediments as tangled jungles, hot malarious152 mudbeds, craggy hills and treacherous153 streams to block their way. Some of the party had no shoes, some no hat; sharp stones cut their feet, thorny154 brambles tore their flesh, and their half-clad bodies were exposed alternately to burning sun and drenching155 rain. They were soon glad to get shell-fish and roots to eat with their leaves. One day an arrow from an overhanging height struck dead Nicuesa's page, but fortunately the savages retired156 without pressing their advantage. Nicuesa's dog, seeing murder in his hungry master's eye, took to his heels and was never afterward seen. Yet greater misfortunes awaited the Spaniards. After crossing an inlet in the boat one evening, they rested for the night, and in attempting to resume their march next morning found themselves upon an island. Calling for Ribero, he was missing. Nor was the boat anywhere to be seen. It could not be possible that he had left them to die on that circumscribed157 and barren spot. Loudly they called, searching every inlet, and sweeping158 the horizon with terror-lighted eyes. It was true; they were abandoned!
It is curious to witness the effect of despair on different minds, of the near approach of that hateful means for our final suppression. Some will fight the monster; others succumb159, sinking into drivelling imbecility; others calmly abandon themselves to the inevitable, even the ludicrous aspect of the case coming home to some of them, looking grimly cheerful. As elsewhere, both fools and philosophers were found among Nicuesa's crew. Some prayed and confessed, with divers160 degrees of accompaniment, from low lamentation161 to frantic162 raving163; some cursed; some nursed their horror in sullen164 silence. 304
I shall not attempt to describe Nicuesa's sufferings while on this island. Suffice it to say that on a scanty165 diet of roots and shell-fish with brackish166 water many died, while others wished themselves dead; for the former might rot in peace, but the latter yet living swarmed167 with impatient vermin. And there was little satisfaction in effort, when drinking only increased thirst, and eating but kept alive despondency. Truly it was a good thing, a grand thing to adventure life to capture wild lands and rule one's fellows!
Thus weeks passed. Then like a ray shot from the Redeemer's throne a sail was seen. Men wasted to the last extremity168 shook off death's grip and roused themselves, stretching their long lank169 necks, their bony chins and glazed170 eyes toward the approaching vessel, which soon came to anchor before the island. Ribero was not a villain171 after all. Satisfied that Veragua was behind them, but unable to convince Nicuesa, Ribero won over to his views the three boatmen, left the island during the night, retraced172 their course and reached Veragua. There they found the colonists, with Olano bearing rule, who on the information of Ribero could scarcely do less than send his governor succor.[VI-12]
Leaving here Nicuesa, let us inquire concerning the other portions of his scattered colony. Two months having elapsed since the departure of the governor from the port of Misas, and hearing nothing from any one, Cueto, in whose charge the fleet was left, became uneasy, and taking a small vessel, set out in search of his commander. The only tidings he could gain were from a letter found on an island, wrapped in a leaf and fastened to a stick, which informed 305 him that Nicuesa was well and still journeying westward. Returning to Misas, Cueto with the entire fleet sailed for Veragua; but so badly worm-eaten were the ships that he was obliged to come to anchor at the mouth of the River Chagre,[VI-13] which from the ravenous173 alligators174 that swarmed there was called by the Spaniards Lagartos. There portions of the cargoes175 were landed; and while attempts were made to repair the ships, one of the pilots, Pedro de Umbría, was sent in quest of the lost governor. Meanwhile Lope de Olano arrived.
Evidently the lieutenant did not in his heart desire his captain's return. For although in reciting to his comrades the circumstances of the storm, and the disappearance177 of the governor, with such variations as suited his purpose, with tears which would have done honor to the crocodiles thereabout, he made no effort to find Nicuesa. He affected29 to believe him dead. "And now, gentlemen," he said, "let no more mention be made of him if you would not kill me."
The fleet now proceeded to Belen, where the usual catalogue of disasters attends the disembarkation. Four men are drowned. The worm-eaten ships are dismantled178, broken in pieces, and of the fragments huts are made on the site formerly179 occupied by Bartolomé Colon. Olano, after some opposition180, is formally proclaimed lieutenant-governor. Raids follow; 306 but the quibian, grown wise by experience, retires with his people, and leaves the Spaniards to shift for themselves. There being nothing to steal, they starve. Disease and disaffection follow; Olano is not happy.
Wrathful, indeed, was Nicuesa on reaching Belen. Against Olano his indignation was extreme. He charged him with wilful181 desertion, with felonious destruction of the ships, and with gross mismanagement. He had ruined all. Branding him as a traitor182 he ordered his arrest; and when some feeble attempts were made by the others to mitigate183 the governor's displeasure, he broke forth184 on them. "It well becomes you," he exclaimed, "to ask pardon for him, when you should be begging mercy for yourselves!"
But of what use were oaths and bickerings? Of his gallant company half were dead, and the less fortunate remainder lived only to suffer yet awhile before following. Of all the men who came from Spain, proud Nicuesa lost the most, having most to lose. Of all New World woes, Nicuesa's woes were greatest; the half of what thus far has been words cannot tell, and the worst part is yet to come.
NOMBRE DE DIOS.
Now that the rich Veragua was reached, the Golden Castile of greedy anticipations185, what then? The gold with which to load the ships was wanting; the ships with which to bear away that gold were almost all destroyed. The fertile soil was marshy, the spicy186 air malarious, the redundant187 vegetation yielded little food for man. Sallow-faced skeletons of men clamored their distress188. Death was busy enough, so Olano's life was spared, though his badge of office was exchanged for fetters189. Even foragers perished for want of food; every member of one band died from eating of a putrescent Indian. The governor grew peevish190; his generous temper was soured by misfortune. The colonists complained of his harsh treatment and indifference191 to their sufferings. And they said to him: "The fates are against us here; let us abandon this 307 place." "Oh, very well!" snarled192 Nicuesa. Leaving Alonso Nu?ez, with the dignified193 title of alcalde mayor, and a few men to harvest some grain planted by Olano, the colonists embarked194 in two brigantines and a caravel, built of fragments of the broken ships, to seek some healthier spot. After sailing eastward195 some twenty leagues, a Genoese sailor named Gregorio addressed the governor: "I well remember, when with the admiral in this vicinity we entered a fine port where we found food and water." After some search the place was found, the Portobello of Columbus, and an anchor dropped there by the admiral was seen protruding196 from the sand. Landing for food, the Spaniards were attacked and twenty killed; indeed, they could scarcely wield197 their weapons so weak were they. Faint and disheartened they continued their way about seven leagues farther, when approaching the shore Nicuesa cried out: "Paremos aquí en el nombre de Dios!" Here let us stop in God's name! They found anchorage, the place being the Puerto de Bastimentos of Columbus. The companions of Nicuesa, however, ready in their distress to seize on any auspice, took up the cry of their commander and applied198 the words Nombre de Dios[VI-14] to the harbor which they then entered, and which name to this day it bears.
Here another attempt was made to locate the government of Castilla del Oro. Disembarking, Nicuesa 308 took formal possession, erected199 a fortress, and began again his necessary though suicidal policy of foraging200. The natives retired. The malarious atmosphere wrapped the strangers in disease and death. The caravel was sent back to Veragua, and Alonso Nu?ez and the remnant of the colony brought away. The vessel was then sent to Espa?ola for supplies, but neither ship nor crew were ever afterward heard from. Meanwhile Nicuesa and the remnant of his luckless company made a brave stand, but all of no avail. Long since fate had decreed their destruction. It was not possible in their present condition to live. Reptiles as food became a luxury to them; the infected sunlight dried up their blood; despair paralyzed heart and brain; and to so dire17 extremity were they finally reduced that they were scarcely able to mount guard or bury their dead.[VI-15]
In my bibliographical notices thus far I have had occasion to make mention more particularly of original documents referring to individual episodes. I will now say a few words concerning the early chroniclers, Las Casas, Oviedo, Peter Martyr, and Gomara, and of the later and more general writer, Herrera. On these, the corner-stones of early Spanish American annals, the fabrics201 of all who follow them must forever rest. 309
THE WRITINGS OF LAS CASAS.
The lives of Las Casas and Oviedo constitute in themselves no small portions of their respective histories. Both came to the New World, and each took an active and prominent part in many of the matters of which he wrote. They were nearly of an age; the former being born at Seville in 1474, and the latter at Madrid in 1478; but Oviedo did not come to America until 1514, being with Pedrarias Dávila when he went to govern Darien, while Las Casas took up his residence under Ovando at Espa?ola in 1502. Las Casas was an ecclesiastic202 whose life was devoted69 to befriending the Indians, and he did not leave America for the last time until 1547, after half a century of most humane203 service; Oviedo was a cavalier who sought to better his broken fortunes by obtaining through his influence at court the office of veedor de las fundiciones del oro de la Tierra Firme, supervisor204 of gold-melting for Tierra Firme, which office he held throughout his connection with the affairs of the continental205 Indies, until 1532. Both were influential206 men at court, Las Casas being quite intimate with young Charles, while Oviedo had been mozo de cámara, or page to Prince Juan. Both made frequent trips between Spain and America; Oviedo crossed the Atlantic twelve times, Las Casas even more.
Las Casas was as able an annalist as he was reformer. His greatest work, Historia de las Indias, was begun in his fifty-third year, and completed in 1561, five years before his death. It was extensively copied and used in manuscript, but was not printed until 1875-76. Though consisting of five volumes, it comprises but three decades, or books, and brings the history of the New World down only to 1520. It was the author's original intention to have continued his work through six decades, which would have brought it down to 1550, and hence have included his important experiences in Guatemala, Chiapas, and Mexico. Next to the general history of the Indies stands the Apologética Historia, comprising a description of the country and the customs of the people, and written to defend the natives against the accusation207 that they lacked system in their societies, not having reason to govern themselves. His first printed work was issued in Mexico in 1546; it was entitled Cancionero Spiritual, and was dedicated208 to Bishop209 Zumárraga. At Seville, in 1552, was published, in one volume 4to, Breve relacion de la destruccion de las Indias Occidentales, and other tracts210 of a similar nature; such as his Controversy211 with Sepúlveda; his Thirty Propositions; Remedies for the Reformation of Indies; Rules for Confessors; a treatise212 proving the sovereign empire and universal authority which the kings of Castile and Leon have over the Indies, etc. This collection was put in print in Latin, French, Italian, German, and Dutch, some of the translations appearing in several editions. The Controversy with Sepúlveda was issued separately. Juan Antonio Llorente printed at Paris in 1822 a Coleccion de las Obras del Obispo de Chiapa, 2 vols. 8vo, which was published the same year in French, under title of ?uvres de Don Barthélemi de las Casas. The collection comprises several of his less important works; the French translation is remarkably214 free, the author being at times quite lost sight of, and several new pieces of doubtful origin are added. As a writer, Las Casas is honest, earnest, and reliable, except where his enthusiasm gets the better of him. His learned opponent and arch-enemy, Sepúlveda, pronounces him most subtle, most vigilant215, and most fluent, compared with whom the Ulysses of Homer was inert216 and stuttering. 310 He was not only a thorn in the flesh of evil-doers, but by his persistent217 and stinging effrontery218 he often exasperated219 mild and benevolent220 men. But whatever his enemies may say of him, and they are neither few nor silent, true it is that of all the men who came to the Indies he almost alone leaves the furnace with no smell of fire upon him.
GONZALO FERNANDEZ DE OVIEDO Y VALDéS.
Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés was of the noble family of Oviedo in Asturias. In early childhood, before entering the service of Prince Juan, he was with the duke of Villa119 Hermosa. While watching the fall of Granada he met Columbus, and afterward witnessed his triumph at Barcelona. After the death of his young master in 1497, who in fact was of his own age, Oviedo went to Italy, where art and science were enlivened by war, serving under Frederico of Naples, and sometimes jewel-keeper to Queen Juana. Married at Madrid, in 1502, to the beautiful Margarita de Vergara, whom he lost in childbirth ten months after, he plunged221 into the excitement of war, serving as secretary to Córdoba in the French campaign. Marrying again, he hovered222 about the court until, in his thirty-sixth year, his dwindling223 fortunes sent him with Pedrarias to Darien, in the capacity before mentioned. His doings there will be told in the text of this history; suffice it to say here that most of his time there was spent in broils224 with the governor, beside which he had to endure the loss of his wife and child, imprisonment225, and the dangerous wound of an assassin's knife. But, obtaining at last the appointment of Pedro de los Rios in place of Pedrarias, and for himself the governorship of Cartagena, which office, however, he never exercised, after three years' further residence in Tierra Firme, this time in Nicaragua, he returned to Spain in 1530, spent two years in arranging his notes, resigned his veeduría, and received the appointment of Cronista general de Indias. In the autumn of 1532 he went to Santo Domingo, and although appointed the following year alcalde of the fortress of Santo Domingo, the remainder of his life was passed chiefly in literary work. After an eventful life of seventy-nine years he died at Valladolid in 1557, while engaged in the preparation for the press of the unpublished portion of his history. Throughout the whole of his career Oviedo seems to have devoted every spare moment to writing. Even before he was appointed royal chronicler he was an indefatigable226 collector of material. He was well acquainted with the prominent persons of his time, and few expeditions were made without adding to his store. Want of discrimination in the use of authorities is more prominent in his writings than want of authorities. Of twelve literary efforts but one, beside those relating to America, found its way into print. He formed the plan of writing about the New World long before he first crossed the ocean, and actually began his history, according to José Amador de los Rios, before 1519, keeping open the general divisions for additions to the day of his death. After his return from the second voyage to Darien he wrote at the request of the king, and chiefly from memory, as his notes were at Santo Domingo, De la Natural Hystoria de las Indias, printed at Toledo in 1526. This work was republished by Barcia, Historiadores Primitivos, i., translated into Italian by Ramusio, Viaggi, iii., and garbled228 by Purchas in His Pilgrimes, iv. 5. This, it must be borne in mind, is totally distinct from the Historia General y Natural de las Indias, Islas y Tierra-Firme del Mar11 Océano, por el Capitan Gonzalo 311 Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, primer cronista del Nuevo Mundo, and which alone admits the author to the first rank as a historian. The General History was originally divided into three parts, containing in all fifty books. The first part, comprising nineteen books, with the preface and ten chapters of the fiftieth book—not 20, 21, or 22 books as different bibliographers state—was published during the author's life at Seville in 1535, under the title Historia General, etc., and republished at Salamanca in 1547 as Hystoria General. This rare issue contains in several places a few columns of additional matter which have not escaped my attention. An Italian version of the same parts was published by Ramusio in his Viaggi, iii.; the first ten books were translated into French and published as Histoire Naturelle, etc., Paris, 1556; the twentieth book, or the first of the second part, was published separately at Valladolid in 1557 as Libro XX., etc. Thirteen chapters of Book XLII., relating to Nicaragua, were published in French by Ternaux-Compans, Histoire du Nicaragua, in his second series of Voyages, iii., Paris, 1840. Finally, the fifty books complete were beautifully and accurately229 printed at Madrid in four folio volumes, with plates, by the Real Academia de la Historia in 1851-55. The editor, José Amador de los Rios, gives in an introduction the best notice of the life and writings of the author extant. Oviedo was not a learned man like Peter Martyr, and it is doubtful if a further insight into the books of the day would have made him any wiser; yet a man who could dictate230 the natural history of a new country without his notes cannot be called illiterate231. He knew Latin and the modern languages; but his familiarity with Latin was not sufficient to prevent an unpleasant parade of it. Nor did he possess the genius or practical sagacity of Las Casas; yet his extraordinary opportunities were not wholly wasted, nor did life at court, political quarrels, or gold-gathering232 at any time wholly stifle233 his ambition to achieve the useful in letters. Oviedo was a fair example of the higher type of Spaniard of that day; he was intelligent, energetic, brave; but cold, unscrupulous, and cruel. And this is true, without going full length with Las Casas in his fiery fanaticism234 when he says:—"Oviedo should regret what he has written of the Indians; he has borne false witness against them; and has calumniated235 them in every way.... He should have inscribed236 on his title-page, 'This book was written by a conqueror237, robber, and murderer of the Indians, whole populations of whom he consigned238 to the mines, where they perished'.... His work is as full of lies as of pages." To which sentiment I by no means subscribe239. Probably no kind of work, however thoroughly240 and conscientiously242 done, is more open to criticism, is more certain to be criticised on every side, than contemporaneous history from facts for the first time gathered, and from many and conflicting witnesses. Ternaux-Compans says well:—"Oviedo n'est pas exempt243 des préjugés de son temps contre les Indiens, mais après tout83, ce qu'il dit se rapproche plus de la vérité que les peintures fantastiques de l'évêque de Chiapa, qui veut retrouver l'age d'or même chez les nations les plus féroces." Both of these authors, Las Casas and Oviedo, wrote in the heat of the engagement of the abnormal and ill-understood scenes passing under their immediate244 notice. What they wrote was certainly true to them; it is our business to analyze245 and sift246, and make their records true to us. In the showy criticisms of these and a kindred class of authors we see generally something 312 brought in about style and arrangement. The latter is always bad, and the index worse than none; but critics should find something better to do than find fault with the words and their arrangement of these old fighting chroniclers. Of course their style is bad, abominable247; but who cares for style in them? One wants only the facts. Their books are not made to be read, but to be used. Rios seems to entertain a proper appreciation248 of the matter when he writes:—"Mas ya fuera porque procurase dar á su lectura aquella diversidad, tantas veces por él apetecida, ya porque la misma fatiga é irregularidad con8 que recibia los datos, le impidiese someterlos á un plan maduro é inalterable; es lo cierto que la crítica de nuestros dias, al par6 que aprecia y agradece tan interesantes inquisiciones, echa de menos cierta cohesion249 y armonia en la exposicion de las costumbres de los indios, no hallando mayor enlace en la narracion de los descubrimientos y conquistas, que ni se refieren siempre en órden cronológico, ni guardan entre sí la conveniente relacion para que pueda comprenderse sin dificultad su influencia recíproca."
PETER MARTYR'S WORKS.
While the Protector of the Indians and the First Chronicler of the New World were thus gathering and recording250 historical data in the several parts of America, one of the most learned men of Europe, Pietro Martire d'Anghiera, or latinized Anglerius, commonly called Peter Martyr, was collecting similar facts in Spain, and recording them, copiously251 diluted252 with the philosophy of the day, in the form of ten-year epochs, constituting in the end a series of decades. The duchy of Milan was the early home of this chronicler, and 1457 the year of his birth. His family was of noble descent, and originally of Anghiera. Going to Rome in 1477 to finish his education, he became so conspicuous253 for learning and eloquence254 that ten years later the Spanish ambassador invited him to try his fortune at the court of the Spanish sovereigns. By them he was graciously received, especially by Isabella, who wished to occupy him in the instruction of the young nobles of Castile. The ardent256 Italian must have a taste of war, however, before settling into permanent sagedom; so he fought before Baza, and laid not down the sword till the city of the Alhambra fell. Then he became a priest, and turned toward pursuits more in keeping with his natural bent257 and erudition. He opened various schools of learning, which youth of quality made it the fashion to attend. Having risen into high consideration at court, in 1501 he was sent by the crown on missions to Venice and Cairo, in which he acquitted258 himself creditably, and wrote on his return the De Legatione Babylonica, an account of Lower Egypt in three books. On Ferdinand's death he was appointed by Jimenez ambassador to the Sultan Selim, but refused the honor on account of his age; and afterward he did not find Charles less inclined to acknowledge his merits. During the three years following his return from Egypt he was appointed prior of the cathedral of Granada, and by the pope apostolic prothonotary, and in 1518 he took his seat in the Council of the Indies. His life was one of rare industry, in which he gathered and disseminated259 much knowledge, and which gained him the respect of princes; his death occurred in 1526, in the 69th year of his age, and he was buried in his cathedral at Granada. Peter Martyr is the author of at least two great works, viewed historically. They are written in Latin, of anything but Ciceronian ring, for patristic is to the patrician260 Latin as the 'Frenche of Stratford atte 313 Bowe' is to the French of Paris. Of these his two notable works the chief is De Orbe Novo, an account of the New World and its wonders, in eight decades, or books. The first, and the first three, of these decades were published at different times during the author's life, but the eight decades complete did not appear before 1530, when they were printed at Alcalá under the title De Orbe Novo Petri Martyris ab Angleria Mediolanensis Protonotarii C?saris senatoris decades. Three of the decades translated into English by R. Eden were printed in 1555, and reprinted in 1577, with another decade added by R. Willes. The best complete edition of the eight decades, in their original Latin, next appeared in Paris, published by R. Hakluyt, 1587. Indeed, beside the edition of 1530, this is the only complete original edition of the De Orbe Novo. In 1612 appeared the work entire in English, the result of the 'Industrie and painefull Trauaile of M. Lok Gent.' This has been included in a supplement to Hakluyt's Voyages, London, 1812. Beside these important editions, partial translations, extracts, and compilations261 have appeared at various times and in various languages. In 1534, at Venice, in Italian, were published, in three several parts, summaries of the history of the Indies taken from Peter Martyr, Oviedo, and others. The other of the two works alluded262 to is a collection of Peter Martyr's letters, in Latin, which brim with notices of contemporary events, and run from 1488 to his death. Two editions of these collected letters were published, the first at Alcalá in 1530, the second at Amsterdam, by the Elzevirs, in 1670. The title runs thus—Opus Epistolarum Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanensis, etc.; a translation of the letters has never been published. So confused, misdated, and interposed are the epistles that Hallam expressed his disbelief in any connection whatever between actual and ostensible263 dates and service. But the De Orbe Novo may be regarded equal in authority to the relations of the eye-witnesses Las Casas and Oviedo. Peter Martyr was the first of the chroniclers to write and to publish on the New World, his decades beginning to appear about the time Oviedo first went to the Indies. Immediately Columbus set foot on shore, on his return from the first voyage, the eloquent264 and philosophic265 scholar began to question him and those who came with him, and to write, and he never ceased writing until death stopped him. There was so much for a man of his mind to think and talk about. For a time after this marvellous discovery the learned and intelligently curious lived in a ferment267 concerning it. It was to some extent the revolutionizing of science and philosophy. The lines of tradition were snapped; the cosmos268 had lost its continuity. Peter Martyr, a grave man of broad and deep capabilities269; well situated270 for procuring271 information, meeting daily, many of them at his own table, those who had returned from the Indies—discoverers, conquerors272, explorers, sailors, priests, and cavaliers—having access to the official letters, diaries, charts, and relations of these men, his account, I say, should be as reliable and as valuable as that of one who had actually mingled273 in the scenes described. In some respects it should be more so, able as he was to see with a hundred eyes instead of two, and to determine disputes more coolly and equitably274. It is true his, records are marred275 by the haste with which they were written, and by the admitted lack of correction or revision by the author; order and method are nowhere present; mistakes and contradictions are frequent. But 314 we have the raw material, which is far better than any elaboration. Las Casas was the first of the chroniclers to visit the Indies, and the last of the three thus far named to begin to write and publish history, which was in 1552. Oviedo began to write at about the date the history of Las Casas terminates. It was four years after the death of Peter Martyr that Oviedo was appointed official chronicler of the New World. The general relations of the three historians were antagonistic276; from which their writings may all the better be brought to harmonize with truth. Of the hundreds who have made their criticisms on the writings of Peter Martyr I will mention but two. Says Las Casas, Hist. Ind., i. 32: "De los cuales cerca destas primeras cosas á ninguno se debe dar más fe que á Pedro Martir;" and Mu?oz remarks, Hist. Nuevo Mundo, xiii.: "Merece indulgencia por el candor277 con que lo confiesa todo, por su ningun afan en publicar sus borrones, y principalmente porque tal qual es la obra de las décadas contiene muchísimas especies que no se hallan en otra parte alguna, y estas escritas con la conveniente libertad por un autor coetáneo, grave, culto, bien instruido de los hechos, y de probidad conocida."
GOMARA AND HERRERA.
Of much less importance than the preceding are the writings of Francisco Lopez Gomara, particularly his history of the Indies, which is an imitation rather than a genuine original, and of which too much has been made, notwithstanding Mu?oz pronounces it the first history worthy279 the name. Although Icazbalceta, a high authority on the subject, gives the name Gómara, or Gómora, with the accent on the first syllable280 as the Peninsular pronunciation, with the remark that it is commonly called Gomára in Mexico, I have not thought best to depart from an almost universal usage. Bustamante goes out of his way to signify an accent where it would naturally fall, writing Gomára. Born in Seville in 1510, of an illustrious family—it seems exceptional to find any man of note in Spain whose family was not illustrious—and educated at the university of Alcalá, he became a doctor of both civil and canonical281 law, and filled for a time the chair of rhetoric282. From the military life designed for him by his parents he was driven by literary tastes into the priesthood; and in 1540, upon the return of Cortés from his last visit to Mexico, he became chaplain and secretary to the marquis. From this some have inferred and erroneously stated that he spent four years in America prior to publishing his history. At Saragossa in 1552-3 appeared his La Historia General de las Indias, in two folio parts, the first general, and dealing283 chiefly with Peru, the other devoted to Mexico. The book was popular; and in 1553 from Medina del Campo issued another folio edition; and another from Saragossa the year following, with this difference as to the last, however, that its second part was treated as a separate work and entitled Cronica de la nueua Espa?a con la conquista de Mexico, y otras cosas notables: hechas por el Valoroso Hernando Cortes, while the first part appropriated the original title of Historia General, etc. Then appeared an edition at Antwerp, 1554, and one in which the date, 1552, is evidently spurious. The author seems to have handled government affairs too roughly; for in 1553 we find the book suppressed by royal decree, which, however, was not fully59 enforced, and was revoked284 in 1729. Barcia printed a mutilation of the two works in his Hist. Prim227., ii., in 1749, and the two were again published, in a correct form, in Biblioteca de Autores Espa?oles, xxii., Madrid, 1852. A somewhat singular case occurred in Mexico in 1826, 315 when was issued, in 2 volumes 8vo, Historia de las Conquistas de Hernando Cortés, escrita en Espa?ol por Francisco Lopez de Gomára, traducida al Mexicano y aprobada por verdadera por D. Juan Bautista de San Anton Mu?on Chimalpain Quauhtlehuanitzin, Indio Mexicano. Publílcala para instruccion de la juventud nacional, con varias notas y adiciones, Carlos María de Bustamante, which being interpreted, at best is confused. It says that the work, written in Spanish by Gomara, was translated into the Mexican language, and there leaves it. On turning over the leaves we find the book printed in Spanish, and not in Nahuatl, as we were led to suppose. Nor does a lengthy285 preface by Bustamante make the matter clear in every respect. Turning to other sources, and by comparing all information, we finally learn that Bustamante and others once believed in the existence, somewhere, of a history of Mexico, by the learned and noble native Chimalpain. Probably it lay hidden in some one of the libraries or government offices about Mexico. Boturini spoke286 of various historical manuscripts written by Domingo de San Anton Mu?on Chimalpain, some in Castilian, and some in Nahuatl. Note, in passing, the difference in the name, here Domingo, and in the title Juan Bautista. Clavigero, Leon Pinelo, Beristain, and Antonio de Leon y Gama also vaguely287 mentioned some work or works by Chimalpain. Bustamante claimed, at first, to have found the Mexican history of Chimalpain in manuscript, and obtained contributions of money from various sources to enable him to print a translation of it, with notes. But before the translation was fairly issued in Spanish, the editor was obliged to confess himself mistaken as to its being an original work; it was only Gomara rendered into Mexican by the learned Indian, and now translated back again into Spanish by Bustamante, the text much marred by the double transformation288, but enriched by notes from both editors. There are men so uncharitable as to say that Don Carlos María Bustamante never found Chimalpain's translation, because Chimalpain never made one. I do not know. Any one of three or four ways was possible. Bustamante may have found the alleged289 translation of Chimalpain, and while translating into Spanish what he believed an original work, may have discovered it to be Gomara; it may have been then in type or printed, or too far advanced to stop; or it may be Bustamante, having received the money, felt bound to go on with the work, and concluded to trust to his own and Chimalpain's notes to satisfy those concerned and the public; or Bustamante may have perpetrated a deliberate fraud. This last, although he is openly accused of it by his countrymen high in authority, I can scarcely believe to be the true solution of the mystery, and rather lean to the first possibility; but I must say that Bustamante committed a serious mistake in not admitting this frankly290, if true. Gomara's history was translated into Italian, and published at Rome, one edition, 4to, in 1555, and one in 1556; and at Venice, one in 8vo, 1565, one in 4to, 1566, and in 8vo again, in 1576. In French, at Paris, six editions in 8vo, 1569, 1578, 1580, 1584, 1587, and 1597, the last five reprints of the first, except slight augmentations in the last three. London furnished an English translation by Henry Bynneman, in 4to, in 1578. The prologue291 warns all persons against translating the book into Latin, as he was engaged thereat himself; but his Latin version never appeared. Gomara wrote well. His style is better than that of any predecessor292; but while his opportunities were 316 great, for he had culture, leisure, and access to the knowledge and material of Cortés, it is painfully apparent that his desire was greater to please the master than to present a plain unvarnished tale.
And now, after a century of writing and discussions, comes Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas as royal historiographer to gather, arrange, and embody293 in one general history all knowledge available at that time. It was a work needing attention; for if it were further postponed294 much information then obtainable would be lost. He was born in Cuéllar in 1549, and although the father bore the name of Tordesillas and the mother of Herrera, for the sake of euphony295, distinction, or other unknown vagary296, the son took the name of his mother, a thing not unusual then or now in Spain. At an early age we find him in Italy holding the position of secretary to Vespasiano Gonzaga, viceroy of Naples, upon whose death Herrera was so well recommended to Philip II. that, in 1596, he was made chief historiographer for the Indies. Honored also with the title of historiographer of Castile and Leon, he fulfilled the duties of both offices through portions of the reigns255 of the three Philips, II., III., and IV. He was likewise nominated for the first vacant place among the secretaries of state, but died before that vacancy297 occurred, in the 76th year of his age. As an historian Herrera has made a respectable place for himself, but his reputation rests principally, though not wholly, for he wrote much, on his Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas i Tierra Firme del Mar oceano ecrita por Antonio de Herrera coronista mayor de sv M:d d las Indias y sv coronista de Castilla, 4 vols. folio, Madrid, 1601-15. On the elaborately engraved298 title-page of the first volume is added, En quatro Decadas desde el A?o de 1492 hasta el de 1531, which refers only to the first two volumes, as the whole four volumes consist of 8 decades, comprising general events to 1554. The first two volumes were printed in 1601, and reprinted at Valladolid in 1606; the second two volumes appeared in 1615. The work was freely translated; the first decade appearing in French, at Paris, in 1659, and with the second decade the year following, the remaining decades in 1671. A most vile299 translation into English was made by John Stevens and published in London, in 6 volumes, the first two in 1725 and the last four in 1726, new editions of which appeared in 1740 and 1743. There were two reprints in Spanish; one in Antwerp, in 1728, by Verdussen, without maps and otherwise faulty; and one in Madrid, 1728-30, with notes, corrections, and index by Barcia, and therefore better than the first edition, in fact the best extant. At the end of the second volume of the first edition, and as a prefix300 to the first volume of the Barcia edition, should appear the Description de las Indias Occidentales, with maps, translations of which were made in Latin, Dutch, and French. An attempt was made to carry on Herrera's history, and it was continued for three decades, from 1555 to 1584, by Pedro Fernandez del Pulgar, the chronicler who succeeded Solis, but it was not deemed of sufficient importance to print. The original manuscript is in the Royal Library at Madrid. Herrera was quite a voluminous writer, being author of a general history during the reign213 of Philip II.; of a history of Scotland and England during the life of Mary Stuart; of Portugal, and the conquest of the Azores; of France from 1585 to 1594, and of moral and political tracts, and historical, political, and ecclesiastical translations. But though all his works were highly 317 prized for their erudition, none attained301 the celebrity302 of his History of the Indies. Even to-day he may be called chief among historians of Spanish-American affairs; not for his style, bald, and accurately prolix303; nor for his method, slavishly chronological304, and miserably305 failing in the attempt to do several things at once; but because of his massed material. His position as state historiographer gave him, of course, access to everything, and he made use of his opportunity to an extent then exceptional. At a later period in the art of history-writing his work must have been regarded as crude even for early times. But from one who lived when piety306 and patriotism307 were ranked as the highest virtues308, higher than truth, integrity, or humanity, the more searching philosophy cannot be expected. Beside the faults of style and arrangement there are evidences everywhere of inexperience and incompetent309 assistance. Now that we have before us many of the sources of Herrera's material we can see that his notes were badly extracted, and compiled in a bungling310 manner; so much so that in addition to the ordinary errors, from which to some extent the most carefully executed work cannot be expected to be wholly free, there are many and serious discrepancies311 and contradictions for which there is no excuse, the cause being simply carelessness. Yet, for all that, Herrera's is not only the most complete, but one of the most reliable of the New World chronicles, and for this the writer merits the gratitude312 not alone of his countrymen but of the world.
COMMENTARY ON THE EARLY CHRONICLERS.
Before closing this note, I will give clearly my opinion regarding the credibility of the early chroniclers, including in that category for the present purpose all the early writers, conquerors as well as historians, such as Columbus and Cortés, Bernal Diaz, Solis, Torquemada, Boturini, and the Anonymous313 Conqueror; for I have been assailed314 by those who, to gain cheap notoriety in refuting them, have attributed to me doctrines315 which I have nowhere expressed or held. They who cannot build for themselves seem to think it gravely incumbent317 on them to demolish318 any structure another may rear, and with one scurrile sweep they would wipe out the work of twenty years. They are correct enough to this extent, that, if ever a building is found so frail319 as to fall under their attacks, it does not deserve to stand. Hence we find it the fashion in certain quarters, under cover of criticism, to repudiate320 the early writings, in so far at least as they interfere94 with cherished theory or dogmatic opinion. Spain had lately emerged from the Moorish wars with great glory, they say, and Spaniards in the New World, so long as it remained with them to tell the story, would not be in the least behind their brethren at home in this new field of fiery exploits. Hence, for their accounts, naked barbarians321 were gorgeously apparelled, and surrounded by stately pageantry; art, science, and literature wholly mythical322 were given them, and cities equal, at least, to the average of civilization were built. Instance the Tenochtitlan, the Tezcuco, the Tlacopan of Cortés and his contemporaries, which must have been pure fictions. Else where are the vestiges323 of the walls and gardens and palaces? There are no ruins of splendid cities, they continue with the effrontery of ignorance, no remains324 of aqueducts, stone carvings325, and tumuli. There are some fine ruins in Central America and Yucatan, they admit, displaying no mean advancement326 in architectural art; but they must have been 318 the work of Egyptians, or Ph?nicians, or some other foreigners, because they resemble the ruins standing278 among those nations, and because no aboriginal327 people capable of such performance exist in America to-day. There was no human sacrifice in Mexico, because bigoted328 ecclesiastics329 in those days were apt to invest with religious significance every hieroglyph330, statue, and consecrated331 stone. One, more virulent332 than the rest, himself of Indian origin and apparently333 jealous lest other aboriginals334 should outshine his Cherokee ancestry335, and knowing little either of the Mexicans or their conquerors, denies the existence of a Nahua or Maya civilization and denounces every one who differs in opinion with him, on the ground that all American societies of which he knew aught were formed on one skeleton, a most earthy, red, and ignoble336 one, and that the conquerors, not understanding this social structure, could not correctly describe it, and therefore their statements are not to be relied on.
I can only say that I have studied these chronicles some score of years, that I have studied the monumental and literary remains of the nations conquered, that, apart from the modern writings of both those who believe and those who disbelieve, I have instituted comparisons and weighed evidence with no more desire to reach one conclusion than another, except always to arrive at the right one; and that in my own mind I am well enough satisfied as to about the measure of truth that should be accorded the respective writers of early New World annals. Others, my assistants and friends, equally earnest and unbiassed, equally desirous of reaching only the truth, and for whose convictions I entertain the highest respect, have devoted many years to the same research and with similar results. It is not my purpose, nor has it ever been, to appear as the champion of the sixteenth-century chroniclers. It is not my province to champion anything. It is a matter of profound indifference to me what these or those are proven to be, whether angels of light or devils of darkness; it is a matter of lively apprehension337 with me that I should estimate men and nations at their value, and deduce only truth from statements fair or false. While I entertain a distinct conception of the status of the Aztecs and Quichés relatively338 to other nations of the globe, I have no theory concerning the origin of the Americans, or the origin of their civilization—except that it seems to me indigenous339 rather than exotic; nor should I deem it wise in me to husband a doctrine316 on this or any other palpably unprovable proposition.
I am not prepared by any means to accept as truth all that has been said by priest and soldier. No one is readier than I to admit their frequent attempted deceptions340. Navigators the world over have been notoriously untrue in regard to their discoveries, giving strange lands strange sights, stocking barren shores with boundless341 wealth in pearls, and gems342, and precious metals, peopling the ocean with monsters, and placing islands, straits, continents, and seas wherever the gaping343 savans at home would have them. Many of these stories are false on their very face, being contrary to nature and to reason. Some of them are unintentional falsehoods, the off-float from imaginations warped344 by education, and now morbidly345 excited under new conditions. By bodily suffering and perils346 the mind was now and then reduced to the border of insanity347; at which times the miracles, the visions, and the supernatural interpositions they record were real to them. But the 319 best of the early writers wilfully348 lied in some things, and held it serving God to do so.
WEIGHT OF EVIDENCE.
Although the temptation and tendency was to exaggerate, to make the New World conquest equal or superior to any Old World achievement; although assertions were at the first not open to contradiction, and the sailors and soldiers of those times, returned from foreign parts, were no more celebrated349 for telling the truth than those of our own day, yet in the main and as a whole the writings of the Spaniards earliest in America are unquestionably true. Most of the several phases of error and misstatement are easily enough detected, the events described being either impossible or opposed to preponderant and superior evidence. For example, when Las Casas, who was conscientious241 and in the main correct, asserts that Manicaotex opposed Columbus at the head of 100,000 warriors350 in Espa?ola, we may safely put it down as exaggeration simply from our general knowledge, gained from other sources, of the aboriginal population of these islands and the adjoining continent. Here was a multitude of witnesses, European and American, whose verbal or written statements were usually subordinate to substantial facts, unknown to each other, and giving their evidence at widely different times and places. Often the conquerors fell out and fought each other to the death, writing to Spain lengthy epistles of vindication351 and vilification352, many of which have been preserved; so that where one extolled353 himself and his achievements, there were a dozen to pull him down. Thus from a mass of contradictory354 statements, on either side of which the less penetrating355 are apt to linger, to the patient and laborious356 investigator357 unfold the clearest truths. He who habitually358 practises deceit is sure somewhere to expose himself; and the taking of evidence does not proceed far before the examiner can tell the witness more than he himself knows or remembers of the scenes through which he has passed. The native witnesses, living at the time of the Conquest and subsequently, were likewise naturally inclined unduly359 to magnify the glories of their ancestors and of their nation; yet to verify their statements they point to the monuments and material remains then and now existing, to manuscripts, huge piles of which it was the infamous360 boast of the fanatical conquerors to have burned, but of which enough have been preserved to authenticate361 all the more important parts of their stories; they also refer to tradition, which is worth as much, and no more, than that of other nations.
Blank assertions similar to those advanced against the New World chroniclers might with equal reason and effect be brought forward to overthrow362 the early records of any nation. Christ and Confucius may be denied, Homer and Shakespeare, but that does not prove they never lived. That Columbus made his seamen swear that no doubt Cuba was Zipangu, does not prove that there was in those days no Japan. Because Drake's chaplain chose to tell the most monstrous363 and wilful falsehoods respecting the climate, metals, and inhabitants of California; because Cook, Meares, and Vancouver sailed by the mouth of the Columbia, superciliously364 scourging365 those who had spoken of it, this does not prove the non-existence of Marin County, or of the River of the West. In such ways as these neither the truth of the one statement nor the falsity of the other is established. But, as I have observed, before us is abundant evidence, palpable and incontestable, 320 that the early writings on America are for the most part true; and if, in the following pages, it does not clearly appear which are true and which false, then has the author signally failed in his effort. I do not in the least fear the overthrow of the general veracity of these writers until there come against them enemies more powerful with more powerful weapons than any that have yet appeared. How senselessly speculative366 their reasonings! Because the natives of the present day cannot tell who or whence were the authors of the carvings, or the builders of the structures upon whose ruins they have gazed since childhood, these works must forsooth have been done by foreign visitors. Europeans now and then may have found their way to America, but I find no evidence of such visits before the time of Columbus except by the Northmen; no one knows of such, nor can know until more light appears. The material relics367, I fancy, will always prove a stumbling-block to those who would reject American aboriginal civilization.
That different conquerors, teachers, and travellers of various creeds368 and nationalities, in various pursuits, in different lands and at various times, together with native testimony369, hieroglyphic370 writings, and traditions, to say nothing of carvings in stone and other monumental remains, should all combine, with satanic inspiration, to perpetrate upon the world one grand and overwhelming fraud is so preposterously371 ridiculous that the marvel266 is how there could be found, outside the walls of a lunatic asylum372, a single individual with cool impudence373 enough to ask men to believe it. And yet there are several such, and they find believers. So charmed by the sound of their own voice are these captious374 cavillers, that they apparently do not deem it possible for such things to exist in this enlightened age as pedantic375 ignorance and literary fanaticism, of which they are bright examples. They do not seem to know that the petty and puerile376 theories which they would pass upon the simple as startling conceptions, original with themselves, are as old as the knowledge of the continent. They do not consider that before taking the first step toward proving origin, migration377, or kinship by analogy, they must first dispose of the universal relationship of man, the oneness of human nature, human needs, and human aspirations378, and then show how men first came upon this earth, and which was land and which water then and since. But those who thus array themselves against American aboriginal civilization and the early Spanish writers on the New World do not pretend to offer counter evidence, or to refute with reason; they rely chiefly on flat contradiction. I have yet to find among them all any approach to reasonable propositions or logical argument. They have nothing on which to base argument, neither fact nor plausible379 supposition. Their hypotheses are as chimerical380 as their deductions381 are false. They would have the world exercise a far more irrational credulity in accepting their hollow negations, than in believing every word of the most mendacious382 chronicler. And when they come to deny the presence of a native civilization upon the Mexican table-land, they betray lamentable383 ignorance both of the facts of history and of the nature of civilization.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
colon
|
|
| n.冒号，结肠，直肠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
colonization
|
|
| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
embark
|
|
| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
embarks
|
|
| 乘船( embark的第三人称单数 )； 装载； 从事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
fortress
|
|
| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
par
|
|
| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
vessel
|
|
| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
con
|
|
| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
succor
|
|
| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
bibliographical
|
|
| 书籍解题的，著书目录的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
mar
|
|
| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
martyr
|
|
| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
veracity
|
|
| n.诚实 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
gulf
|
|
| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
cape
|
|
| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
proceeding
|
|
| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
dire
|
|
| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
westward
|
|
| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
undertaking
|
|
| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
pacification
|
|
| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
northward
|
|
| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
sapient
|
|
| adj.有见识的，有智慧的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
afterward
|
|
| adv.后来；以后 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
immortality
|
|
| n.不死，不朽 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
assuaged
|
|
| v.减轻( assuage的过去式和过去分词 )；缓和；平息；使安静 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
chivalrous
|
|
| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
cupidity
|
|
| n.贪心，贪财 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
disaffected
|
|
| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
affected
|
|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
allayed
|
|
| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
testament
|
|
| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
licenses
|
|
| n.执照( license的名词复数 )v.批准，许可，颁发执照( license的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
lucrative
|
|
| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
expenditures
|
|
| n.花费( expenditure的名词复数 )；使用；（尤指金钱的）支出额；（精力、时间、材料等的）耗费 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
stimulated
|
|
| a.刺激的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
awakened
|
|
| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
Portuguese
|
|
| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
apportion
|
|
| vt.（按比例或计划）分配 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
colonize
|
|
| v.建立殖民地，拓殖；定居，居于 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
accomplished
|
|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
steward
|
|
| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
colonizing
|
|
| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
fiery
|
|
| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
shackles
|
|
| 手铐( shackle的名词复数 )； 脚镣； 束缚； 羁绊 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
stature
|
|
| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
skilful
|
|
| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
tilting
|
|
| 倾斜，倾卸 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
feats
|
|
| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
chivalry
|
|
| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
moorish
|
|
| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
retinue
|
|
| n.侍从；随员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
accomplishments
|
|
| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
varied
|
|
| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
specially
|
|
| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
ballad
|
|
| n.歌谣，民谣，流行爱情歌曲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
prance
|
|
| v.（马）腾跃，(人)神气活现地走 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
folly
|
|
| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
poised
|
|
| a.摆好姿势不动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
distinguished
|
|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
miasma
|
|
| n.毒气；不良气氛 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
reptiles
|
|
| n.爬行动物，爬虫( reptile的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
dressing
|
|
| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
wilderness
|
|
| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
graceful
|
|
| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
witty
|
|
| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
missionary
|
|
| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
earnings
|
|
| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
devoted
|
|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
devotedly
|
|
| 专心地； 恩爱地； 忠实地； 一心一意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
delightful
|
|
| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
decency
|
|
| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
monarch
|
|
| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
thither
|
|
| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
outfit
|
|
| n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
treasury
|
|
| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
colonists
|
|
| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
doughty
|
|
| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
swelling
|
|
| n.肿胀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
mettlesome
|
|
| adj.（通常指马等）精力充沛的，勇猛的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
stoutly
|
|
| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
tout
|
|
| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
contention
|
|
| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
dominions
|
|
| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
breach
|
|
| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
lessened
|
|
| 减少的，减弱的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
muster
|
|
| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
mustered
|
|
| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
nettled
|
|
| v.拿荨麻打，拿荨麻刺（nettle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
logician
|
|
| n.逻辑学家 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
passionate
|
|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
interfered
|
|
| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
interfere
|
|
| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
tempted
|
|
| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
heterogeneous
|
|
| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
enviously
|
|
| adv.满怀嫉妒地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
dominant
|
|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
notably
|
|
| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
embarking
|
|
| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
creditors
|
|
| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
followers
|
|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
copious
|
|
| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
wafted
|
|
| v.吹送，飘送，（使）浮动( waft的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
manifesto
|
|
| n.宣言，声明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
darts
|
|
| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
virgin
|
|
| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
scattered
|
|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
dissuade
|
|
| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
marshy
|
|
| adj.沼泽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
thicket
|
|
| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
plight
|
|
| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
dismal
|
|
| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
Christian
|
|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
prostrate
|
|
| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
foe
|
|
| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
feuds
|
|
| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
avenged
|
|
| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
villa
|
|
| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
craved
|
|
| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
vessels
|
|
| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
tangled
|
|
| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
marshes
|
|
| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
harassed
|
|
| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
descried
|
|
| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
cargo
|
|
| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
ailment
|
|
| n.疾病，小病 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
valiant
|
|
| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
humiliated
|
|
| 感到羞愧的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
savages
|
|
| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
deserted
|
|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
shipwreck
|
|
| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
exertions
|
|
| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
humbly
|
|
| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
kindly
|
|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
invalid
|
|
| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
penury
|
|
| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
humility
|
|
| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
monastery
|
|
| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
irrational
|
|
| adj.无理性的，失去理性的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
discomfited
|
|
| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
gallant
|
|
| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
lieutenant
|
|
| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
impelled
|
|
| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
subsided
|
|
| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
inevitable
|
|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
behold
|
|
| v.看，注视，看到 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
destitute
|
|
| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
ashore
|
|
| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
seamen
|
|
| n.海员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
malarious
|
|
| （患）疟疾的，（有）瘴气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
153
treacherous
|
|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
thorny
|
|
| adj.多刺的，棘手的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
drenching
|
|
| n.湿透v.使湿透( drench的现在分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
retired
|
|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
circumscribed
|
|
| adj.[医]局限的：受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；划定…范围；限制；限定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
sweeping
|
|
| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
succumb
|
|
| v.屈服，屈从；死 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
divers
|
|
| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
lamentation
|
|
| n.悲叹，哀悼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
frantic
|
|
| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
raving
|
|
| adj.说胡话的；疯狂的，怒吼的；非常漂亮的；令人醉心[痴心]的v.胡言乱语(rave的现在分词)n.胡话；疯话adv.胡言乱语地；疯狂地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
sullen
|
|
| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
scanty
|
|
| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
brackish
|
|
| adj.混有盐的；咸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
swarmed
|
|
| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
extremity
|
|
| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
lank
|
|
| adj.瘦削的；稀疏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
glazed
|
|
| adj.光滑的，像玻璃的；上过釉的；呆滞无神的v.装玻璃( glaze的过去式)；上釉于，上光；（目光）变得呆滞无神 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
villain
|
|
| n.反派演员，反面人物；恶棍；问题的起因 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
172
retraced
|
|
| v.折回( retrace的过去式和过去分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
173
ravenous
|
|
| adj.极饿的，贪婪的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
174
alligators
|
|
| n.短吻鳄( alligator的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
175
cargoes
|
|
| n.（船或飞机装载的）货物( cargo的名词复数 )；大量，重负 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
176
woes
|
|
| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
177
disappearance
|
|
| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
178
dismantled
|
|
| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
179
formerly
|
|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
180
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
181
wilful
|
|
| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
182
traitor
|
|
| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
183
mitigate
|
|
| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
184
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
185
anticipations
|
|
| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
186
spicy
|
|
| adj.加香料的；辛辣的，有风味的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
187
redundant
|
|
| adj.多余的，过剩的；(食物)丰富的；被解雇的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
188
distress
|
|
| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
189
fetters
|
|
| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
190
peevish
|
|
| adj.易怒的，坏脾气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
191
indifference
|
|
| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
192
snarled
|
|
| v.（指狗）吠，嗥叫， （人）咆哮( snarl的过去式和过去分词 )；咆哮着说，厉声地说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
193
dignified
|
|
| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
194
embarked
|
|
| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
195
eastward
|
|
| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
196
protruding
|
|
| v.（使某物）伸出，（使某物）突出( protrude的现在分词 )；凸 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
197
wield
|
|
| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
198
applied
|
|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
199
ERECTED
|
|
| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
200
foraging
|
|
| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
201
fabrics
|
|
| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
202
ecclesiastic
|
|
| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
203
humane
|
|
| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
204
supervisor
|
|
| n.监督人，管理人，检查员，督学，主管，导师 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
205
continental
|
|
| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
206
influential
|
|
| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
207
accusation
|
|
| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
208
dedicated
|
|
| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
209
bishop
|
|
| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
210
tracts
|
|
| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
211
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
212
treatise
|
|
| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
213
reign
|
|
| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
214
remarkably
|
|
| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
215
vigilant
|
|
| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
216
inert
|
|
| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
217
persistent
|
|
| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
218
effrontery
|
|
| n.厚颜无耻 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
219
exasperated
|
|
| adj.恼怒的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
220
benevolent
|
|
| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
221
plunged
|
|
| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
222
hovered
|
|
| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
223
dwindling
|
|
| adj.逐渐减少的v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
224
broils
|
|
| v.（用火）烤（焙、炙等）( broil的第三人称单数 )；使卷入争吵；使混乱；被烤（或炙） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
225
imprisonment
|
|
| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
226
indefatigable
|
|
| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
227
prim
|
|
| adj.拘泥形式的，一本正经的；n.循规蹈矩，整洁；adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
228
garbled
|
|
| adj.（指信息）混乱的，引起误解的v.对（事实）歪曲，对（文章等）断章取义，窜改( garble的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
229
accurately
|
|
| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
230
dictate
|
|
| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
231
illiterate
|
|
| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
232
gathering
|
|
| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
233
stifle
|
|
| vt.使窒息；闷死；扼杀；抑止，阻止 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
234
fanaticism
|
|
| n.狂热，盲信 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
235
calumniated
|
|
| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
236
inscribed
|
|
| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
237
conqueror
|
|
| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
238
consigned
|
|
| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
239
subscribe
|
|
| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
240
thoroughly
|
|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
241
conscientious
|
|
| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
242
conscientiously
|
|
| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
243
exempt
|
|
| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
244
immediate
|
|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
245
analyze
|
|
| vt.分析，解析 (=analyse) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
246
sift
|
|
| v.筛撒，纷落，详察 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
247
abominable
|
|
| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
248
appreciation
|
|
| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
249
cohesion
|
|
| n.团结，凝结力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
250
recording
|
|
| n.录音，记录 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
251
copiously
|
|
| adv.丰富地，充裕地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
252
diluted
|
|
| 无力的，冲淡的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
253
conspicuous
|
|
| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
254
eloquence
|
|
| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
255
reigns
|
|
| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
256
ardent
|
|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
257
bent
|
|
| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
258
acquitted
|
|
| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
259
disseminated
|
|
| 散布，传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
260
patrician
|
|
| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
261
compilations
|
|
| n.编辑，编写( compilation的名词复数 )；编辑物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
262
alluded
|
|
| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
263
ostensible
|
|
| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
264
eloquent
|
|
| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
265
philosophic
|
|
| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
266
marvel
|
|
| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
267
ferment
|
|
| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
268
cosmos
|
|
| n.宇宙；秩序，和谐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
269
capabilities
|
|
| n.能力( capability的名词复数 )；可能；容量；[复数]潜在能力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
270
situated
|
|
| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
271
procuring
|
|
| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
272
conquerors
|
|
| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
273
mingled
|
|
| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
274
equitably
|
|
| 公平地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
275
marred
|
|
| adj. 被损毁, 污损的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
276
antagonistic
|
|
| adj.敌对的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
277
candor
|
|
| n.坦白，率真 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
278
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
279
worthy
|
|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
280
syllable
|
|
| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
281
canonical
|
|
| n.权威的；典型的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
282
rhetoric
|
|
| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
283
dealing
|
|
| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
284
revoked
|
|
| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
285
lengthy
|
|
| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
286
spoke
|
|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
287
vaguely
|
|
| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
288
transformation
|
|
| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
289
alleged
|
|
| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
290
frankly
|
|
| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
291
prologue
|
|
| n.开场白，序言；开端，序幕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
292
predecessor
|
|
| n.前辈，前任 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
293
embody
|
|
| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
294
postponed
|
|
| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
295
euphony
|
|
| n.悦耳的语音 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
296
vagary
|
|
| n.妄想，不可测之事，异想天开 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
297
vacancy
|
|
| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
298
engraved
|
|
| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
299
vile
|
|
| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
300
prefix
|
|
| n.前缀；vt.加…作为前缀；置于前面 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
301
attained
|
|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
302
celebrity
|
|
| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
303
prolix
|
|
| adj.罗嗦的；冗长的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
304
chronological
|
|
| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
305
miserably
|
|
| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
306
piety
|
|
| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
307
patriotism
|
|
| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
308
virtues
|
|
| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
309
incompetent
|
|
| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
310
bungling
|
|
| adj.笨拙的，粗劣的v.搞糟，完不成( bungle的现在分词 )；笨手笨脚地做；失败；完不成 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
311
discrepancies
|
|
| n.差异，不符合（之处），不一致（之处）( discrepancy的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
312
gratitude
|
|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
313
anonymous
|
|
| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
314
assailed
|
|
| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
315
doctrines
|
|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
316
doctrine
|
|
| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
317
incumbent
|
|
| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
318
demolish
|
|
| v.拆毁(建筑物等)，推翻(计划、制度等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
319
frail
|
|
| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
320
repudiate
|
|
| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
321
barbarians
|
|
| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
322
mythical
|
|
| adj.神话的；虚构的；想像的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
323
vestiges
|
|
| 残余部分( vestige的名词复数 )； 遗迹； 痕迹； 毫不 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
324
remains
|
|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
325
carvings
|
|
| n.雕刻( carving的名词复数 )；雕刻术；雕刻品；雕刻物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
326
advancement
|
|
| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
327
aboriginal
|
|
| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
328
bigoted
|
|
| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
329
ecclesiastics
|
|
| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
330
hieroglyph
|
|
| n.象形文字， 图画文字 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
331
consecrated
|
|
| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
332
virulent
|
|
| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
333
apparently
|
|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
334
aboriginals
|
|
| （某国的）公民( aboriginal的名词复数 )； 土著人特征； 土生动物（或植物） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
335
ancestry
|
|
| n.祖先，家世 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
336
ignoble
|
|
| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
337
apprehension
|
|
| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
338
relatively
|
|
| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
339
indigenous
|
|
| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
340
deceptions
|
|
| 欺骗( deception的名词复数 )； 骗术，诡计 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
341
boundless
|
|
| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
342
gems
|
|
| growth； economy； management； and customer satisfaction 增长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
343
gaping
|
|
| adj.口的；张口的；敞口的；多洞穴的v.目瞪口呆地凝视( gape的现在分词 )；张开，张大 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
344
warped
|
|
| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
345
morbidly
|
|
| adv.病态地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
346
perils
|
|
| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
347
insanity
|
|
| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
348
wilfully
|
|
| adv.任性固执地；蓄意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
349
celebrated
|
|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
350
warriors
|
|
| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
351
vindication
|
|
| n.洗冤，证实 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
352
vilification
|
|
| n.污蔑，中伤，诽谤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
353
extolled
|
|
| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
354
contradictory
|
|
| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
355
penetrating
|
|
| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
356
laborious
|
|
| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
357
investigator
|
|
| n.研究者，调查者，审查者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
358
habitually
|
|
| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
359
unduly
|
|
| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
360
infamous
|
|
| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
361
authenticate
|
|
| vt.证明…为真，鉴定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
362
overthrow
|
|
| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
363
monstrous
|
|
| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
364
superciliously
|
|
| adv.高傲地；傲慢地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
365
scourging
|
|
| 鞭打( scourge的现在分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
366
speculative
|
|
| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
367
relics
|
|
| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
368
creeds
|
|
| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
369
testimony
|
|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
370
hieroglyphic
|
|
| n.象形文字 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
371
preposterously
|
|
| adv.反常地；荒谬地；荒谬可笑地；不合理地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
372
asylum
|
|
| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
373
impudence
|
|
| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
374
captious
|
|
| adj.难讨好的，吹毛求疵的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
375
pedantic
|
|
| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
376
puerile
|
|
| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
377
migration
|
|
| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
378
aspirations
|
|
| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
379
plausible
|
|
| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
380
chimerical
|
|
| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
381
deductions
|
|
| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
382
mendacious
|
|
| adj.不真的，撒谎的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
383
lamentable
|
|
| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |