For the villainous adjudging of Vasco Nu?ez, Gaspar de Espinosa received his place on the South Sea. And when true tidings reached Pedrarias of the appointment of Lope de Sosa as his successor, the grizzly1 old governor did exactly that for which he pretended to have beheaded Vasco Nu?ez. Striking corollaries from the historical propositions of the preceding chapter.
That Pedrarias was not at once deposed4 may seem strange to us. He was deposed, however; but slipping south he sought new fields, as we shall presently see; and by the intercession of powerful friends at court he managed to retain rulership for a term of years. Then, too, the changes. It was troublesome and expensive for royalty5 to establish subordinate governments in the Indies; and as nearly all of Spain's New World governors, and, indeed, officials and subjects, were wrong in some particular, there 461 was not always encouragement to make a change. Yet Spain and all Christendom were indignant over the infamous6 doings at Acla. The friars of St Jerome instantly clipped the wings of the cormorant7, by ordering him in the kings name "to resolve upon nothing by himself, but to follow the advice of the cabildo[XIII-1] of Darien; and, moreover, to send to Espa?ola all the gold taken from Cacique Paris." This was of little practical avail, however. Royalty might issue edicts; but those appointed to enforce them seemed to turn to corruption8 on entering the atmosphere of the Indies.
Some said, if the good bishop9 had been there, Vasco Nu?ez had not died. But according to Micer Codro it was scarcely among the possibilities for the inauspicious friend of Balboa to have been present at the right moment. Associated with the alcalde mayor and the governor in magisterial10 authority, the bishop could without doubt have diverted the quarrel from such gory11 channels; for there was always enough of the temporal in his spiritual polities to give his influence weight in balancing power. It was a wolfish flock. The bishop complained of it to the king; and on the other hand the royal officers complained of the bishop. Both were right. It was impossible too severely12 to censure13 such acts as were constantly perpetrated by the officials of Castilla del Oro, and although Quevedo had gone to Spain on the more pleasing errand of love and reconciliation14, he found it convenient occasionally to say a word to the king in his own defense15, and not without influence on the imperial ear. Once the royal officials wrote the king that the bishop neglected the conversion16 of the Indians, favored Vasco Nu?ez against the government, and 462 discouraged colonization17 by speaking ill of the country; and again that the bishop was a source of constant disturbance18, and praying that a provisor, talented and upright, be appointed to superintend sacred affairs.[XIII-2]
Before the sovereign, Quevedo spoke19 disparagingly20 of both Pedrarias and Vasco Nu?ez; the prelate alone was perfect. But beside the genuine ring of Las Casas, the base metal of Quevedo's composition sounded flat. The protector-general was at this time busy at once with his colonization scheme and his impeachment21 of the Jeronimite Fathers, who, although meaning well, were slack in exacting22 the right as measured by apostolic zeal24.
On one occasion, in the royal antechamber at Molin del Rey, while waiting for the bishop of Badajoz, one of the king's preachers, with whom he had an engagement to dine, Quevedo was bluntly accosted26 by Las Casas. "I understand, my lord, that you are the bishop of Darien. I too am interested in the Indies, and it is my duty to offer you fellowship." "Ah! Se?or Casas," rudely replied Quevedo. "And from what text will you preach us a sermon to-day?" "I have ready two sermons," retorted the always armed Protector, "which, if you would listen to them, might prove to you of higher import than all the moneys which you bring from the Indies." "You are beside yourself! You are beside yourself!" was all the bishop could stammer27 as his host appeared and withdrew him from the merciless shots of Las Casas. But Quevedo was not to escape so easily. Presenting himself after dinner at the house of the king's preacher, Las Casas tortured his enemy into yet hotter dispute. Young Charles hearing of it ordered the battle of the priests to be continued before him. This was the first audience by the prince in matters relative to the Indies. 463 Brought into the royal presence Quevedo thanked God for the honor, pronounced the first governor of Darien a bad one, the second much worse, and the savages29 in a deplorable condition. Las Casas following charged the fault as much to royal officers and clergy30 as to hidalgos and lesser31 subjects.
Soon after this discussion Quevedo presented two memorials, one against Pedrarias Dávila, and the other for restricting the power of governors in general, and of the military, and for the better protection of the natives. He pledged himself to name a ruler for Castilla del Oro, meaning Diego Velazquez, then governor of Cuba, who would expend32 from his own private means fifteen thousand ducats in the service of the colony. Within a few days thereafter Quevedo was seized with an illness which terminated in his death; Charles was summoned to accept the imperial crown, and for a time little attention was paid to the affairs of the Indies.[XIII-3]
QUEVEDO AND OVIEDO IN SPAIN.
Another political agency appeared in Spain about this time. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, first chronicler of the New World, who, as we have seen, came with Pedrarias to Tierra Firme as superintendent33 of gold-melting and acting23 notary34-general, becoming disgusted with both the governor and the bishop departed from that shore in October, 1515. Scarcely had Oviedo arrived at Madrid when he received word of King Ferdinand's death, which was a severe blow, as he had hoped through the influence of his former patrons to reorganize the government of Castilla del Oro and place it on a better basis. Proceeding35 to Flanders he laid the matter before the ministers, and was referred to Cardinal36 Jimenez, who listened and did nothing. There the matter rested until the death of the cardinal, when Oviedo again 464 appeared at court and succeeded in obtaining the appointment of Lope de Sosa to succeed Pedrarias in the government of Castilla del Oro. Satisfied thus far in his attempts to benefit the colonists37 at Antigua, he solicited38 for himself the government of Santa Marta. The appointment was conferred; but being refused one hundred knights39 of Santiago, who were deemed indispensable to the subjugation40 of the country, he declined the office. Like Quevedo, he aroused the enmity of Las Casas, through his opposition41 to the schemes of the fiery42 philanthropist in the management of the natives. Nevertheless Oviedo obtained many beneficial decrees for Darien. The duties of the governor were defined anew; royal officials were forbidden to trade; the royal assayer43 was required to give bonds; orders were issued regulating the gold-melting house; duties were abolished for four years; the export duty on gold was reduced nearly one half for a term of five years.
A business paralysis44 succeeded the dark days at Acla. Little was done in 1518 in the way of new adventure, though Pedrarias had enough to occupy himself withal, in keeping his own head on his shoulders. More than one lofty scheme was cut short by the stroke that laid lifeless Vasco Nu?ez. The young and hardy45 scarcely dared achieve prominence46; the old and imbecile could not; even the ferocious47 genius of Francisco Pizarro lay dormant48 all through his fiery youth, and past early impatient manhood, unknown even to himself.
Made captain-general of the South Sea, not long after the catastrophe49 at Acla, Espinosa was unable at once to take command in person of the force at Isla Rica. Though the licentiate was of a mild, obedient disposition50, it was not without misgivings51 that Pedrarias permitted him to assume so important a trust, the most dangerous for purposes of revolt of any within the government of Castilla del Oro; for instruments 465 employed in the accomplishment52 of base purposes are not apt to inspire the greatest confidence. But Espinosa was not a mere53 rover; he was an anchored judge already high in colonial office, whose robberies and murders, however unjust and lawless, were of a quasi judicial54 nature; moreover he was popular with the soldiers, for his legal decisions by no means interfered56 with popular rights in pillage57 and licentiousness58. Indeed, when Pedrarias afterward59 contemplated60 absence, the people of Antigua begged that Espinosa might be left there to govern them, but this excited the jealousy61 of the governor, who refused the petition.[XIII-4]
The much talked of interoceanic chain of posts, with a commercial city at either end, was not yet an accomplished62 fact. As the breadth, coast-trends, and configuration63 of the country became better known, Acla was found situated64 too far to the eastward65. The narrowest part of the Isthmus66 had been ascertained67, as also the most practicable route for a road, requiring a north-coast seaport68 somewhere opposite Panamá, which had long since been decided69 upon as the best site for a city on the southern seaboard. Hernan Ponce de Leon, temporarily stationed there, had abandoned the place, so that both termini of the proposed road must be founded anew. The point selected on the north coast was Nombre de Dios.
SOUTH SEA ATTRACTIONS.
Before Espinosa was ready for his South Sea command, positive information of the appointment of Lope de Sosa reached Antigua. It now behooved70 both Pedrarias and the licentiate to look to their footing, for it was not unlikely to fare hard with them in their coming residencias. It might be as well, after all, for these astute71 and subtle minds to fall back upon the idea of Vasco Nu?ez—indeed, the cavalier's ideas seemed better than any of their own—of withdrawing beyond the possibly too restraining influences 466 of superior authority, and establishing themselves in freer latitudes72. The north coast offered no further attractions in any event. Give them the South Sea, and Sosa might have the north, and die there at his convenience. For it was assuredly the abode73 of death.
Pedrarias accordingly determined74 to make the southern seaboard his future base of operations, and to convey thither75 as much as possible of what he esteemed76 valuable. To this end he embarked77 from Acla, and laid before the council at Antigua a proposal to abandon that site, and remove the capital to Panamá. The plan was not regarded with favor, as he neither expected nor desired it to be; for, if Panamá was made the capital, Sosa's government would be there, and might seriously interfere55 with his projects. Two advantages were, however, gained by making the proposal. By opening the question it unsettled the minds of residents at Antigua, and enabled Pedrarias with less difficulty to enlist78 recruits, and it could not afterward be said that he had sought to abandon the government, having offered to carry it with him. Nevertheless, he could not part with the people and their council without a fling at them; so, one night he summoned the cabildo to appear at his house, and took from them their insignia of office, leaving the municipality to manage as best it might during his absence. Returning to Acla, he ordered Espinosa to summon the forces stationed in the province of Pocorosa, and unite with them all the available troops of the colony. With these, and such provisions and articles of trade and use as they could lay their hands upon, the governor and the alcalde mayor set out across the cordillera for the Southern Sea.
FOUNDING OF PANAMá.
Pedrarias was not altogether satisfied with the site of his proposed Pacific city. On either side of the old fish-drying station thick tangled79 woods rose from marshy80 bottoms; so that, while the spot called 467 Panamá was obviously malarious81, there seemed at hand no better one.[XIII-5] At the Pearl Islands affairs were found as Vasco Nu?ez had left them. Compa?on had proved faithful to his trust. More acts of possession were now inflicted82 on this thrice-gulped wilderness83, one on the mainland, January 27, 1519, and one two days after, on the Isla Rica of Vasco Nu?ez, called by Pedrarias as Morales had christened it, Isla de las Flores.[XIII-6] Taking the ships Balboa had built, the governor and Espinosa embarked the forces, and proceeded to the island of Taboga,[XIII-7] where Badajoz had been three years before, opposite and some five leagues distant from the proposed settlement.
Pedrarias and Espinosa had now at their command about four hundred men, most of whom were opposed to city-building as detrimental84 to the nobler profession of plundering85. But calming their fears in this regard, Pedrarias sought to secure their interest in his scheme by partitioning the lands adjacent to Panamá, and giving to each man a section. Foraging87 expeditions were sent out at once, and the soldiers were encouraged to make captures, and so secure laborers89 for their lands and means for the indulgence of their lusts90. Thus every settler soon had from forty to ninety slaves, who did not live long, however. Nor were the colonists at Antigua forgotten in this division, to the end that by offering superior inducements here, the northern coast might the sooner be depopulated. 468
The formal act of founding the city of Panamá was consummated91 August 15, 1519; the public notary certifying92 that Pedrarias Dávila founded then and there a city, the name whereof was Panamá, and that in the name of God, and of the queen, Do?a Juana, and of Don Cárlos, her son, he would defend the same against all opposers.[XIII-8]
Not the least important or successful among the foraging expeditions at this time sent out from Panamá was one under Espinosa, who with a hundred and fifty men embarked in one of the brigantines in search of the gold that Badajoz had lost. Ah! that gold; the Spaniards could scarcely sleep for thinking of it. But now the licentiate should judicially93 recover it; then might Panamá have rest.
Dropping westward94 a few leagues, Espinosa anchored at the mouth of a small river flowing through the province of Cutara, called after the son of the late Paris who now ruled that province. Ascending95 the river in canoes the Spaniards surprised by night the village, and no opposition being offered, the robbers took such plate, provisions, cotton cloth, and Indian weapons as they could lay their hands on. It then occurred to the more ghoulish of the company to search the death-chamber25 of the cacique Paris, whose body was then lying in state. And there, to their unutterable joy and thankfulness, round the corpse96 were not only the golden plates before captured, but piles of vessels97 and ornaments99 of the same blessed 469 metal. By this desecration100, gold to the value of forty thousand castellanos was secured, which made glad the heart of the old governor at Panamá. And who shall say the learned licentiate was not an humane101 and pious102 man, a just judge and good Christian103 withal, when after taking the trouble to drive the inhabitants of that village captives to the sea, he liberated104 them all at the entreaty105 of the youthful cacique, who had followed them wildly wailing106, and faithfully promising107 a ransom108 of as much more gold as had been already taken? On the way back the licentiate stopped at the landing of the cacique Biruquete, of whom he bought a cargo109 of maize110, without paying for it. Lest the treasure should fall into improper111 hands, half of it was buried at Panamá by Pedrarias and Espinosa; with the remainder the worthy112 couple set out immediately for Antigua, where the latter paid over the king's share, and then made preparations for a voyage of discovery along the coast, toward the north-west.
THE STUBBORN CABILDO.
It occurred to Pedrarias that while Espinosa was absent from Darien with the men and ships making discoveries, it would be well for him to visit Spain and place his declining power on a firmer basis. But in order to leave he must have permission from the chief authority, or else lay down his office and submit to a residencia. Since the Jeronimite Fathers had made the cabildo of Antigua their agent to watch Pedrarias, and if possible keep him within the bounds of humanity and decency113, he applied114 to it for permission to leave the country, and was refused. It was very hard, he said, that the king's governor should be thus subject to check by a vulgar town council; but the friars at Santo Domingo must be obeyed.
Since he could not go to Spain Pedrarias wrote the royal authorities there, setting forth115 what he had done at Panamá, soliciting116 a South Sea government for himself, and the removal of the municipality and cathedral of Antigua to the new city. Again, midst 470 much storming, he applied for leave, saying he had been chosen procurador in Castile; and again he was refused permission. Then he dissembled, spoke softly, and said he loved the councilmen as his children, but nothing availed.
An act of this council, passed during his absence, greatly exasperated117 him, as tending to show a disregard for his authority. This was the granting of a request by Diego de Albites to plant a colony on the coast of Veragua. Fearing that the friars might impose upon him further restrictions118 he abruptly119 broke off all conference with the council of Antigua, and proceeded to Panamá.
There he found the soldiers and colonists more than ever dissatisfied. Provisions were scarce, and there was fever among them, and they said, Espinosa among the rest, if they were to become citizens, they would prefer the pure air of Spain to this pest-hole. "Very well," replied the governor, "let the gold be unearthed120, and that with all the rest returned to the people of Paris, as the Jeronimite Fathers have ordered, and let us return to Castile. I assuredly can live there without hunger." A threat from Pedrarias to do a righteous act was uncommon121 and terrifying. The disaffected122 were silenced; and while Pedrarias yielded so far as to agree to the search for a more favorable country to the westward, it was at the same time determined that the building of Panamá should be proceeded with.
THE DOINGS OF ALBITES.
Meanwhile the cabildo of Antigua proceeded as best it could with the establishing of a northern seaport. By several successful raids on the north coast, toward Veragua, Diego de Albites had accumulated wealth, and with wealth ambition more vaulting123. During the war between Vasco Nu?ez and Pedrarias he pictured to himself political dissolution, and sent to Spain Andres Ni?o, a pilot, and two thousand castellanos to purchase for him a South Sea government. Better skilled in navigation than in diplomacy124 Ni?o returned 471 without the office and without the money. At another time, while left in command at Acla during Vasco Nu?ez' absence at the South Sea, Albites slipped cable and sailed for Espa?ola, where he applied for authority to build a town at Nombre de Dios or establish a colony on the coast of Veragua. Referred by the friars to Pedrarias, as an excuse for his absence he enlisted125 sixty men, loaded his ships with much-needed provisions, and returned to receive the thanks of the governor whom he had sought to circumvent126. For this faithful service he received permission from Pedrarias to make an incursion into the province of Veragua, which greatly offended Vasco Nu?ez; and when Albites returned successful from this raid the cabildo at Antigua granted him permission to establish a settlement not only in that province, but at Nombre de Dios, to Pedrarias' extreme annoyance127.[XIII-9]
It was in 1517 that Albites returned to Antigua from Veragua, Chagre, and Nombre de Dios with much gold and many slaves. According to Herrera he attempted an expedition to Veragua in 1518, but was driven back to Nombre de Dios, where he founded a city. Andagoya is correct, however, when he places the settlement of Nombre de Dios in the latter part of 1519, though it was not by order of Pedrarias as he affirms. Embarking128 from Antigua in a brigantine and caravel, Albites touched at the isle129 of Bastimentos, and coasted westward a few leagues, raiding upon the natives for gold with meagre results. One of the ships becoming leaky he returned to Bastimentos, where it foundered130. Thence he was conveyed by the cacique in canoes to Nombre de Dios, and at once set about building a town.
Two opposite posts being thus established, a road 472 was constructed from sea to sea, "through the mountains overgrown with thick woods never touched from all eternity," as Peter Martyr131 expresses it. At great labor88 and cost both to the crown and to the colonists, a way wide enough for vehicles was cut through the thickets132; trees were felled and thrown into the marshes133, obstructing134 rocks torn from their beds, and bridges made where necessary.[XIII-10] Thus was opened through primeval shades a passage for the blessings135 and the curses of that Atlantic civilization which was to illuminate136 the Pacific.
This same year the lucky licentiate and alcalde mayor, Gaspar de Espinosa, was gaining further renown137 as discoverer and treasure-seeker. With Juan de Casta?eda as pilot, he coasted one hundred and eighty leagues toward the north-west, touching138 at Huistá, Natá, Chirú, Chame, and other posts, and returned to Panamá well laden139 with maize and other provisions, and gold to the value of thirty-three thousand castellanos. During this exploration he entered a gulf140 to which he gave the name Culebras,[XIII-11] from the many snakes of various colors seen there.
INOPPORTUNE DEATH OF SOSA.
A stroke of better fortune than he deserved likewise befell Pedrarias not long after. In May, 1520, Lope de Sosa, with three hundred men, arrived and anchored in the harbor of Antigua. Pedrarias, who was there at the time, immediately made preparations to receive him with becoming ceremony. Having given orders concerning his disembarkation, the new governor entered his cabin to dress. While there he was seized with a sudden illness, from which he shortly 473 after expired. With mournful pomp and outward demonstration141 of grief Pedrarias conveyed the body to the church and buried it before the altar. Juan Alonso de Sosa, the son, and all the followers142 of the late governor were treated with that show of distinction which the old courtier could so well assume. Juan Rodriguez de Alarconcillo, who came as alcalde mayor, and before whom the residencia of the outgoing governor would have been taken, was favored with marked consideration. By way of prudence143, some time before the anticipated arrival of his judge Pedrarias had sent his wife to Spain with all his gold and pearls.
Sosa's appointment to supersede144 Pedrarias was one of the reformatory measures which the chronicler Oviedo claims to have effected while in Spain.[XIII-12] For himself he had obtained, besides the offices of veedor and escribano-general, those of collector of chamber penalties and regidor perpetuo of Antigua. Orders were issued, furthermore, to all New World governors to furnish him a truthful145 report of all their acts, so that he might complete the General History of the Indies already begun. He was also appointed receiver of the property of Vasco Nu?ez and his accomplices146 which had been confiscated147 to the king. He arrived at Antigua with his wife and two children soon after Sosa.
But the heart of the scholar was not in the coarse cunning of Darien politics; he became discontented, irritable148, and while commanding the respect of the colonists he was not popular with them. They did not want reform so much as plunder86. Pedrarias was his enemy, as he was the enemy of every well-meaning 474 man of ability. The deaths first of a boy and then of his wife did not tend to sweeten his disposition. "Many times would I have returned to Spain," he exclaims, "had not need and shame prevented me."
The powers of the governor having been enlarged by means of the veedor, Oviedo's was the first head on which they were visited. The principal quarrel was over the depopulation of the northern coast. The veedor protested in the king's name, but the governor, now lord of all, was determined to execute his cherished project while he possessed149 the power. There was no longer any need of a north-coast capital; Pedrarias would make Panamá his metropolis150. Before introducing further changes, however, it was necessary that his residencia should be taken. But this, with his experience, need be nothing more than an arraignment151 and trial of himself. At his request the licentiate Alarconcillo published the residencia for thirty days, during which time the governor continued to exercise the functions of office; no one appeared against him, and a certificate of the proceeding was sent to Spain. Pedrarias then took up his permanent abode at Panamá.
Not long afterward the veedor and contador were obliged to visit Panamá to weigh some gold and receive the royal share, since the governor would no longer send the metal to Antigua. The contador took up his residence there, but Oviedo returned to Antigua, more than ever determined to stand by that city. Seeing which Pedrarias was satisfied he could no more effectually ruin his adversary152 than by permitting him to have his own way. Besides, it were as well to stop the tongue and pen of one who could make and unmake governors. So when next Oviedo complained Pedrarias answered, "Se?or Veedor, since you know so well how to achieve such desirable results, accept from me what power I possess, and govern Antigua according to your pleasure."
OVIEDO AS RULER.
After some hesitation153 Oviedo accepted the proposal, 475 and presented his credentials154 to the municipal council in November, 1521. Opening his administration with the enthusiasm of a novice155, he straightway set about correcting abuses. He forbade blasphemy156, keeping mistresses, and selling or eating meat on Saturday. He prohibited gambling157, and burned all the cards in the public square. A dishonest notary was required to make restitution158 fourfold and be suspended from office for one year. Indian women must no longer be employed as beasts of burden, and Indian children must not be sold and bought as slaves. Certain more practicable provisions, however, saved Antigua, for a time, from the effects of a morality which standing159 alone would have killed any colony in the Indies. The new ruler bought for small sums the houses of those leaving, and sold them to new-comers at cost. He erected160 a market, opened mines, built ships, and sent out expeditions to smooth the ruffled161 plumage of the savage28. He made of old iron five hundred hatchets162, which were sold to the Indians; and when they became dulled, their owners not knowing how to sharpen them, he placed on board a vessel98 three large grindstones, covered so that the uncivilized might not steal the secret, and proceeded along the coast grinding such implements163 as the Indians brought, and charging therefor a sum equal to the original cost, which was cheerfully paid. It is claimed that more than seven thousand castellanos were thus secured during one voyage.
A greater prosperity followed these measures than pleased Pedrarias. But by revoking164 the many decisions of his deputy that came up on appeal from dissatisfied colonists, the governor was enabled to render Oviedo's position one of little power.
The staff of officials was increased by yet another alcalde mayor, the licentiate Sancho de Salaya, for the South Sea government particularly, who arrived at Antigua in a caravel from Spain, the 1st of July, 1522. With him came Rodrigo Perez, the friend of 476 Vasco Nu?ez, vicar when sent in chains to Spain, but returned arch-deacon.[XIII-13]
About this time a rebellion broke out on the Rio Grande San Juan, caused by outrages165 perpetrated by the bachiller Corral and Martin Estete during a foraging expedition. Heedless of the warning of Oviedo, Martin de Murga, visitador of the Indians, in company with three Spaniards and ten friendly Indians, paid a visit to Bea, the cacique of this province, who slew166 the entire party. Juan de Escaray with forty men was sent against the revolted chieftain.
Soon after some christianized Indians came down from the mountains, eight leagues distant, and reported outrages on them by the cacique Corobari. Thirty-five men were sent to capture him, and when brought in, Salaya sentenced him to be burned; after which the licentiate proceeded to Panamá. Several spies caught near Antigua about the same time confessed under torture to an insurrection contemplated by the cacique Guaturo, who had joined Bea. It was his plan to fire the town and slay167 the inhabitants. Oviedo in person, with forty men, proceeded against the new rebel, who, with several of the conspirators168, was captured and hanged. This was the last of the wars of Antigua.
OVIEDO RETIRES.
At length it pleased Pedrarias to depose3 Oviedo, and appoint in his place the bachiller Corral, who had shortly before incurred169 the anger of the chronicler, and had by him been sent in chains to Spain, on the charge of having there a wife while living himself in the Indies. The ubiquitous bachiller re-appeared at Antigua, however, almost in a twinkling. Of course, the chronicler was very indignant. The revocation170 was read in council; whereupon Oviedo laid his staff of office on the chair which he had occupied as president, and took his seat among the members, saying, "This is my place, given me by the emperor; here 477 will I henceforth serve their Majesties171, as in duty bound, and here only." Accompanying the revocation was a decree from Pedrarias, authorizing172 the city of Antigua to elect a representative to a general assembly, to be convened173 at Panamá for the purpose of providing measures important to the province, and to elect procuradores de córtes, or members of Congress to send to Spain. Pedrarias preferred Espinosa to represent Antigua, for obvious reasons; but instead of sending a delegate to the junta174 at Panamá, the people of Antigua chose their own representative in the person of Oviedo. While waiting for a vessel Oviedo occupied himself by presenting charges against Pedrarias before the new alcalde mayor, Alarconcillo, who had ordered a second residencia of the governor, and also one of Espinosa. For this pastime he not only narrowly escaped paying with his life, at the hand of an assassin, but Pedrarias ordered his late lieutenant's own residencia to be taken, and even placed him in irons until bonds should be given. The trial was passed without further damage than a fine of twenty castellanos for sending Corral to Spain. Another attempt being made at murder, Oviedo on the 3d of July, 1523, stole away, embarking ostensibly for Nombre de Dios, but bearing off, he directed his course toward Cuba and Jamaica, and thence sailed to Spain. Verily, these were the days of dissimulation175.
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grizzly
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| adj.略为灰色的，呈灰色的；n.灰色大熊 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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royalty
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infamous
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cormorant
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corruption
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bishop
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magisterial
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gory
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severely
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censure
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reconciliation
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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16
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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17
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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19
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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20
disparagingly
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| adv.以贬抑的口吻，以轻视的态度 | |
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21
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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22
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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23
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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24
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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25
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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26
accosted
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| v.走过去跟…讲话( accost的过去式和过去分词 )；跟…搭讪；（乞丐等）上前向…乞讨；（妓女等）勾搭 | |
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27
stammer
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| n.结巴，口吃；v.结结巴巴地说 | |
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28
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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29
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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30
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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31
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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32
expend
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| vt.花费，消费，消耗 | |
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33
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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34
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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35
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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36
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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37
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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38
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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39
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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40
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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41
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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42
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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43
assayer
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| n.试金者，分析专家 | |
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44
paralysis
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| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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45
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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46
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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47
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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48
dormant
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| adj.暂停活动的；休眠的；潜伏的 | |
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49
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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50
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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51
misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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52
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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53
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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54
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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55
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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56
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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57
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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58
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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59
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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60
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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61
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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62
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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63
configuration
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| n.结构，布局，形态，(计算机)配置 | |
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64
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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65
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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66
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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67
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
seaport
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| n.海港，港口，港市 | |
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69
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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70
behooved
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| v.适宜( behoove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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72
latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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73
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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74
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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75
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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76
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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77
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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78
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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79
tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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80
marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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81
malarious
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| （患）疟疾的，（有）瘴气的 | |
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82
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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84
detrimental
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|
| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
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85
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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86
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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87
foraging
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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88
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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89
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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90
lusts
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| 贪求（lust的第三人称单数形式） | |
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91
consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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92
certifying
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| （尤指书面）证明( certify的现在分词 )； 发证书给…； 证明（某人）患有精神病； 颁发（或授予）专业合格证书 | |
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93
judicially
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| 依法判决地，公平地 | |
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94
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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95
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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96
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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97
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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98
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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99
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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100
desecration
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| n. 亵渎神圣, 污辱 | |
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101
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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102
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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103
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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104
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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105
entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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106
wailing
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的现在分词 )；沱 | |
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107
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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108
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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109
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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110
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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111
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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112
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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113
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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114
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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115
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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116
soliciting
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| v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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117
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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118
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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119
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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120
unearthed
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| 出土的（考古） | |
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121
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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122
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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123
vaulting
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| n.（天花板或屋顶的）拱形结构 | |
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124
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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125
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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126
circumvent
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| vt.环绕，包围；对…用计取胜，智胜 | |
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127
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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128
embarking
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| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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129
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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130
foundered
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| v.创始人( founder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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132
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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133
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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134
obstructing
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| 阻塞( obstruct的现在分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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135
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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136
illuminate
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| vt.照亮，照明；用灯光装饰；说明，阐释 | |
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137
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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138
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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139
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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140
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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141
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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142
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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143
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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144
supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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145
truthful
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| adj.真实的，说实话的，诚实的 | |
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146
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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147
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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148
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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149
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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150
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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151
arraignment
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| n.提问，传讯，责难 | |
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152
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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153
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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154
credentials
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| n.证明，资格，证明书，证件 | |
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155
novice
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| adj.新手的，生手的 | |
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156
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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157
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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158
restitution
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| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
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159
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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160
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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161
ruffled
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| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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162
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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163
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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164
revoking
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| v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的现在分词 ) | |
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165
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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166
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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167
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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168
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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169
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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170
revocation
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| n.废止，撤回 | |
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171
majesties
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| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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172
authorizing
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| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的现在分词 ) | |
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173
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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174
junta
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| n.团体；政务审议会 | |
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175
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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