Inordinate6 covetings had never been characteristic of Cortés; but when a man attains7 eminence8 in wealth, power, or fame, it seems natural, it is rather expected, that he should become sordid9, grasping, callous10 to human sympathy, indifferent to noble sentiment, the slave of avarice11 and ambition. Greed constitutes no small part of grandeur12.
Northward13 from the Mexican capital were limitless lands; Cortés could not tell how much there might be to the west; hence one would think he might well leave to his countrymen in the south something for their pains; that he might even give his captains independent governments without diminution14 of his manliness15.
But insignificant16 to Cortés as was this Honduras country, and petty as were the bickerings of its occupants, they were nevertheless objects of solicitude17 to the great chief. No sooner had Casas left the Chalchiuhcuecan shore, than Cortés began to doubt the wisdom of his course in sending one servant after 538 another. The more he reflected on the popularity of Olid and the number of his men, the comparatively untried ability of his opponent, and the reputed wealth of the country, the more he feared for the result, and wished to be present there in person.[XVIII-1] Not to mention the itching18 palm for power, this desire was increased by the petty espionage19 to which the imperial officers subjected his every movement. He longed to roam with kindred spirits in the wilds of the south, wherein native tradition located stately cities and treasure-filled palaces. He longed to meet a worthy20 foe21. As he nursed the dream, the glow increased within him at the prospect22 of penetrating23 unknown regions, overcoming toil24 and danger, and discovering something new, something startling; perchance he might find the long-sought strait.
A hint in this direction was sufficient to rouse the anxiety of friends and enemies alike. He was the guiding spirit of all undertakings25, and the protecting shield. All would return to chaos26 were he to withdraw; and the still wavering natives who respected and feared Malinche, as Cortés was called by the Mexicans, above any host of soldiers, might rise and overwhelm them.
So urgent and general were the representations to this effect that he yielded, or pretended to yield.[XVIII-2] But the spirit of the Castilian explorer once aroused could not be repressed. He felt that he had been too long idle, so he wrote his sovereign, and must do 539 something in the service of his Majesty27.[XVIII-3] Preparations were accordingly resumed under pretence29 that a disaffection in the Goazacoalco region required his personal attention.
PERSONNEL OF THE ARMY.
He set out from Mexico in the latter part of October, 1524,[XVIII-4] leaving the government in charge of men whose flattery had blinded him to their insidious30 designs. The party consisted of about one hundred horsemen, half of them with extra animals, some forty archers31 and arquebusiers, and three thousand native warriors32 and servants,[XVIII-5] the latter chiefly under the leadership of the three deposed33 sovereigns, Quauhtemotzin the last emperor of Mexico, Tetlepanquetzal king of Tlacopan, and Cohuanococh king of Tezcuco, and five or six captive caciques, whom it was regarded unsafe to leave behind.[XVIII-6]
Among the leading officers in the train were the alguacil mayor, Sandoval, Ocampo, Ircio, Saavedra, Grado, and a number who acted as household officials and gentlemen in waiting to the leader. There were also a retinue34 of pages, youths of good family, among them young Montejo, later conqueror35 of Yucatan, and a number of musicians, jugglers, tumblers, and 540 clowns.[XVIII-7] Cortés had a natural bent36 for pomp, the pomp that gracefully37 adorns39 the truly great. The church was represented by a clergyman and three friars; chief among interpreters was Marina, the Mexican maiden40, whose clear head and devoted41 heart had more than once saved the Castilian invaders42, and preserved their leader to her love.
The march was directed to Espíritu Santo, the place of review, not far above the mouth of the Goazacoalco. On the way the party was made the object of a series of demonstrations43, and the settlers of Goazacoalco, including the 'true historian,' Bernal Diaz, came forth44 in procession, with fireworks and masquerade, to conduct the mighty45 conqueror under triumphal arches and amid salvos to his quarters. The joy was mingled46 with misgivings47, however, for the small force and still smaller equipment awakened48 a fear that a levy49 might be made. This proved only too true, and while some joined of their own will, dazzled by the lustre50 of the leader's name, others, happy with a repartimiento of Indians, who existed only to attend their wants, were not so quick to fall into line.[XVIII-8] The chiefs of the neighborhood were summoned to give information, and showed a surprising acquaintance with the country as far south even as the domain51 of Pedrarias. They also prepared a map on cloth, depicting52 minutely the different rivers, mountains, and pueblos54 on the route to Nito,[XVIII-9] some of them ravaged55 by Spaniards, and now deserted56. The manuscript representation of this vast region, filled with great cities and rich provinces, determined57 Cortés to advance toward Honduras direct, and abandon 541 the idea once entertained of going through Guatemala.[XVIII-10] Both the map and the imagination failed, however, adequately to picture the vast morasses and miry sloughs58 alternating with and bordering the countless60 rivers which served for highways to the natives. The lithe61, unencumbered Indian could not clearly grasp the difficulties herein presented to the heavy cavalry62, for in his light canoe he could speed along the mighty streams, pass up the tributary63 branches, and penetrate64 far and wide by means of the more shallow creeks65 into the primeval forests.
A GAY COMPANY.
After a week's stay the expedition advanced. Tumbler and fiddler led in the van a merry dance, perhaps to death; in the rear was a herd66 of swine, kept at a safe distance, however, lest its presence should too greatly tempt67 the appetite of the hungry soldiers. The artillery68 of four guns, a quantity of small arms, ammunition69, and stores were sent by a vessel70 to Rio Tabasco, to be followed by two small caravels from Medellin laden71 with provisions. From this point it was intended to let one of them follow the coast, west of Yucatan, still regarded as an island, so as to be able to furnish supplies when called upon by the land force which also expected to follow the shore. The rainy season was not yet over, and the very brooks72 had swollen73 into rushing rivers. Two streams, nine and eighteen leagues respectively from Espíritu Santo, had to be crossed in canoes, the horses swimming,[XVIII-11] and beyond flowed a still wider watercourse which required a bridge of nine hundred and thirty-four paces in length. The difficulties of the march may be understood from the statement that while traversing Copilco province, fully38 fifty bridges had to be constructed within a distance of twenty leagues.[XVIII-12] It 542 was a rich department with half a score of head pueblos, and having an abundance of provisions they were ordered to send tribute in kind to Espíritu Santo. After crossing a steep range a wide tributary of Rio Tabasco was reached,[XVIII-13] where the troops were cheered by the arrival of a score of canoes laden with provisions from one of the vessels74. Natives of the province also appeared in obedience75 to a summons, and assisted in crossing the river and in opening a path along the thickly wooded bank to the capital of Cihuatlan[XVIII-14] province, twelve leagues up the river. As they approached it the guides and sappers suddenly disappeared in the close-knit jungle. A few steps further the path opened at the junction76 of a tributary river, and on the several banks was disclosed a large pueblo53, silent as the grave; but the smoke yet curling from the ruins showed that it had only recently been abandoned. In the nearest suburb, which contained some two hundred houses, they remained for nearly three weeks. Meanwhile a bridge of three hundred paces was built across a marsh77, and expeditions were sent out in vain search for reliable guides, and to explore the neighborhood.[XVIII-15]
The next objective point was Chilapan, capital of a province bearing the same name; this they also found burned and deserted, but well provided with food. The crossing of the river here, which detained the army for over a week, was effected on rafts, but despite the care taken the rushing torrent78 played havoc79 with the baggage. Beyond this lay a marshy80 tract81 only six leagues in extent, but so troublesome as to detain them two days. The horses suffered severely82, sinking many times up to the ears, as Cortés expresses it, and endangering the safety of the men in their struggles, so much so that three 543 Spaniards were lost, beside a number of Indians.[XVIII-16] After a week's rest at the ruined yet well-stocked Tamacaztepec, they made another marshy journey of three days before reaching Iztapan, a fine large pueblo on the banks of the Usumacinta, burned and deserted like the preceding. The Cihuatlatecs had, it seems, in their wild scamper83 spread the most blood-curdling stories of the fierceness and cruelty of the Spaniards. The timidity of the natives was proving inconvenient84, and guides were sent out to assure the inhabitants of the peaceful intent of the invaders. The caciques were encouraged to tender submission85 in person, and were rewarded with presents, accompanied by a grandiloquent86 discourse87 about "the greatest prince on earth," and the mission he had given Cortés to remedy evils, bestow88 benefits, and point the way to salvation89.[XVIII-17]
CONQUERING AND TO CONQUER.
A week's rest was taken, during which half a dozen Spaniards were sent up the river in canoes to receive the submission of chiefs, not to mention the accompanying presents that were to indicate the wealth of the district. Three soldiers were also sent down the stream, to Tabasco, with orders for the fleet to sail to Ascension Bay,[XVIII-18] after sending boats with provisions and stores to Acalan. It was to follow the shore so as to be near the army, if possible, for "it is believed," writes Cortés, "though not for certain, that the natives pass through the Bay of Términos to the other sea, leaving Yucatan an island." One of the three soldiers bearing the instructions was Francisco de Medina, an ill-tempered, violent, but able man, 544 with some knowledge of the country and the language, who had managed to ingratiate himself with his chief so far as to be commissioned to share the command of the fleet with the actual captain, Simon de Cuenca, one of Cortés' mayordomos. On reaching the vessels at Xicalanco he assumed an overbearing manner, and quarrelled with Cuenca about the command till it came to blows. Perceiving the state of affairs the natives watched their opportunity, attacked and killed the crew, pillaged92 the vessels, and burned them to remove the evidence. The news spread until it reached the capital, although in a distorted form, which gave the impression that Cortés and all his force had perished. The anxiety became so great that Ordaz, one of the favorite officers of Cortés, set out among others to ascertain93 the truth of the report. Following the coast by water, he reached the scene of the slaughter94, and received such evidence as to lead him to declare that the great leader must indeed be dead. Obsequies in his honor were accordingly held at Mexico, after which but a trusting few entertained hopes of ever seeing him again.[XVIII-19]
Proceeding95 to Tatahuitlapan Cortés found the place partly burned, and deserted by all save a score of native priests, who inspired by duty had resolved to stay and die with the idols97 as ordained98 by the oracle99. To show their impotence the images were destroyed, while the keepers were exhorted100 to devote themselves to the veneration101 of the cross, to whose merciful inspiration 545 they owed their safety. It was a sacred duty with Cortés to erect102 the Christian103 emblem104 in all pueblos and camping-places, and where ceiba-trees grew they were fashioned into crosses which, blooming anew, stood as living symbols of the saving faith. On the crosses were fastened notices of the expedition. In this region exists to-day a village called Las Tres Cruces, from three crosses said to have been left by Cortés. The place is barely thirty miles from the famous ruins of Palenque, yet no allusion105 is made by the conquerors106 to the stupendous structures, the matchless palaces, and the curious sculptures there existing. Once the object of admiration107 and worship to countless pilgrims from far-off districts, the city now lay wrapped within the secure folds of dense108 forests, and only tradition spoke109 of her past glories. Perhaps it was well for the fortune-hunters, at least, that vegetation had obliterated110 the highways which in times past must have led to the shrine111 of the 'tree of life' from the malarious112 lowlands of the Usumacinta region, for a sight of such grandeur might have awakened hopes never to be realized, and prompted expeditions ending only in disaster.
DARK FORESTS AND MORASSES.
They now struck across to Huetecpan,[XVIII-20] higher up the river, and, after wading113 through a slough59, plunged114 into a forest whose close growth shut out the very light of heaven.[XVIII-21] Here they groped for two days along the sappers' path, till they found themselves back on the route already traversed. Pressed by the troubled leaders the guides cried out that they were lost. This admission was not without danger, for the provisions were exhausted116, and the men filled with gloomy forebodings, which found vent117 with many in curses on their leader for having brought them to such a pass. They demanded that the swine be slaughtered118, but the mayordomo, who had prudently120 546 let the drove fall behind, intimated that the alligators121 had eaten them. They must be content with the scanty122 sustenance123 of roots and berries. Meanwhile Cortés had recourse to his maps and compass, and determined on a north-east course as the most likely to lead to his destination. This calculation proved correct, and although the place was in ruins, there was enough of food to bury gloom in feasting. Soldiers being sent in search of guides, found a little beyond the river a lake where the inhabitants had taken refuge in canoes and on islands. Finding themselves discovered the natives came fearlessly forth, stating that the Spanish boat expedition from Iztapan had reassured124 them, so much so that a brother of the cacique had joined the party with four armed canoes for convoy125. The boats being recalled, brought evidence of the submission tendered by four or five pueblos in a cargo126 of honey and other delicacies127, with a little gold. Similar contributions flowed from different pueblos whose inhabitants came to gaze at the bearded men.[XVIII-22]
Explorers were sent forward as on previous occasions, to report on the road, but finding it comparatively easy for some distance they neglected to examine the remainder,[XVIII-23] and misled the army as to the nature of the route. Beyond lay a large province bounded by the Laguna de Términos, the broad Usumacinta, and the ranges of Vera Paz, a low-lying country abounding129 in morasses, miasmatic130 inlets, and winding131 rivers tributary to the Términos. The fertility of this naturally irrigated132 tract, not inaptly known as Acalan, 'land of boats,' was evident in the rank growth of the vegetation, and the great variety of products. No roads existed, but 547 the numerous streams provided a series of highways which the enterprising natives had not failed to utilize133 in carrying their surplus products to arid134 and less rich provinces, especially to the north-east and south, and in bringing back slaves and compact treasures. It was quite natural for a people engaged in traffic to choose as ruler the richest trader, and such a one was the present, Apochpalon[XVIII-24] by name. To him were sent a number of Spaniards and Indians[XVIII-25] with a reassuring135 message and an invitation to meet Cortés.
BRIDGE-BUILDING.
After a three days' march over a rough mountain track, the army suddenly found the path obstructed136 by a deep channel five hundred paces wide, with slimy borders. The passage was shown to be practicable only by means of a bridge which required patient labor137, since the depth of water and mud proved to be fully six fathoms138. Great was the dismay, for there were hardly any provisions left, and to recross the mountain was a formidable task under the circumstances. The murmurs139 of the worn-out soldiers were loud enough at the first sight of the obstruction140, and when Cortés with his usual audacity141 gave orders to build a bridge, they rose almost into mutiny. The leader had been in worse troubles however. He knew every trait of a Spanish soldier's character, and he was versed115 in blandishments. He showed the futility142 of retreat, since apart from the mountain road, so long and severe, freshets must by this time have washed away the means of recrossing rivers, and no provisions were left in the deserted pueblos. Before them, on the other hand, lay a land of plenty, seamed with gold. He would guarantee the completion of the bridge within five days, or, this failing, he would follow their wishes. Wily Cortés! Could he induce them to begin the work, he would trust his wits to secure its completion. But the men 548 remained sullen143. They would die of hunger before the bridge was finished. Hibueras would never be reached. "Very well," said Cortés, "be spectators, I will build the bridge with the aid of Indians alone." Brief persuasion144 was needed with the latter, for the chiefs were in the tyrant's hands, and their word was law to their followers145. Timber was felled, and with the aid of rafts the piling began. Shamed by this measure the Spaniards joined in the work, and to cheer them the solitary146 musician who had not fainted beneath the hardships of the march was ordered to play some cheering airs. But the men cried, "Peace! we want bread, not music." The gnawings of hunger could not be appeased147 with empty sound.
While some thus worked diligently148 on the bridge, others went in search of roots and berries, but with poor success. Overcome by famine and fatigue149 numbers lay down to die, while, to add to the catalogue of horrors, several of the Indian guides were seized by native auxiliaries150 and cooked. Among the victims to the adventure thus far, says Torquemada, was Fray151 Juan de Tecto, who, exhausted by hunger, leaned his head against a tree and surrendered his spirit.[XVIII-26]
MORE AND DEEPER SLOUGHS.
Before the expiration152 of a week the bridge was completed, a painful work indeed for fainting men, ill-furnished with the means, to perform within so short a time. It was composed, says Cortés, of a thousand trees, nine to ten fathoms long, the smallest almost as thick as a man, besides a quantity of small timber, secured with wooden pegs153 and withes. For years this and several other 'bridges of Malinche' remained a source of utility and wonder to the natives, who declared that nothing was impossible to the white man.[XVIII-27] Hunger and toil were for the moment forgotten in congratulations over the completion of 549 the structure, but their joy was of short duration. Hardly had the rear of the army crossed the bridge when the van came to a slough which surpassed in difficulties any yet encountered. The horses sank almost out of sight, and it was only by the united efforts of the army that the beasts, on which their success so greatly depended, were finally extricated154. This trouble over they were cheered by the arrival of Bernal Diaz, who had been absent foraging155. It was not always that he returned so well laden, for now he had one hundred and thirty loads of maize156 and a quantity of fowl157 and other provisions. Sometimes he could find nothing; sometimes what he found he hid, lest with the starving army he himself should starve. He was sure it would be snatched from his hands the moment he entered camp; and so it was on the present occasion; the soldiers pounced158 upon and devoured159 it like famished160 wolves. During the scramble161 were seized also the stores intended for the officers, so that the general himself could not obtain a crumb162. Fortunately Bernal Diaz had with his usual foresight163 placed in cache a portion of these very provisions, and suspecting this Cortés so petted and praised the old soldier[XVIII-28] that he had no longer the heart to withhold164 the food.
With Bernal Diaz came also messengers from the cacique bringing presents, including a little gold, and offering the hospitality of his realm. The following day Tizapetlan was reached, where food had been prepared. There the expedition remained a week. The attentive165 natives were awed167 no less by the number of the invaders than by their strange appearance. The horses were a perpetual source of wonder, and offerings of roses were made to allay168 the anger displayed 550 by their fierce pawing. The merchant-chief had thought it prudent119 to be obsequious169 to men so formidable; but, when he saw how food disappeared before them, and how greedily every valuable was appropriated, he trembled with apprehension170. If they were content to stay and feast for a week in one of his miserable171 border towns, how long might they not tarry in the central cities of the richer districts? To rid the province of the cormorants172, the cacique pretended to have died, directing his son to lead them quickly in upon the lands of a neighbor. After the funeral rites90 and interchange of presents, the young man addressed the Spaniards. "You would reach the settlements of your countrymen in Honduras. They are quite near; hardly eight days distant is Nito, where are floating houses, and bearded men on giant deer."
This he could affirm, for there was an Acalan factory, and at its head Apochpalon's own brother, who had told him of these things. This news was more to the cacique's purpose than any artifice173, and eagerly the expedition hurried to Teotilac,[XVIII-29] five or six leagues off, guided thither174 by the dutiful young chief over a circuitous175 route.[XVIII-30]
The ruler of Teotilac was by no means pleased to find thrown upon him this hungry host; and he revealed to Cortés the trickery of Apochpalon. Thereupon Cortés ordered the dead man immediately to appear. Two days later, accordingly, the sovereign-cacique arrived, looking most sheepish. He proffered176 innumerable excuses, and tendered as amends177 the hospitality of the capital. The offer was too tempting178 not to procure179 his forgiveness. 551
One of the two temples serving for army headquarters at Teotilac was occupied by a goddess, whose fierce passions could be appeased only with the blood of beautiful virgins180. To insure the genuineness of the vestal offering, so that a mistake might not render it fruitless, girls were selected in infancy181 and brought up in strictest seclusion182 within the temple walls, till came the time for yielding their fair forms to the sacrifice. Cortés sought to impress on the people the absurdity183 of so atrocious a superstition184, and destroyed the idol96.
CONSPIRACY185 OF THE CAPTIVE KINGS.
This place is remarkable186 for one incident which concerned the safety of the Spaniards, according to their account, and left an indelible impression on the natives of New Spain. Among those who followed the expedition as hostages, as we have seen, were three deposed kings, two of whom were now accused of treachery, Quauhtemotzin, and Tetlepanquetzal. These patriots188 were criminal in the eyes of the Spaniards; they had dared to regard the invaders as the enemies of their country, and bitterly to oppose them. It seemed now convenient to Cortés that they should die, and excuse was not wanting for killing them. Suffering every hardship of the march, the royal captives had found some consolation189 in observing how heavily it bore on their keepers, toiling190, starving, discontented, blundering along an unknown and dangerous route. But this was not their only feeling. Quauhtemotzin, the sovereign, the general, the tactician191, could not fail to observe the disparity between his followers and the hated white men. The latter were reduced in strength by famine and hardships, in the midst of a strange country, far from relief, while the Mexicans, if also weakened, and not so well armed, were tenfold more numerous, and more at home in these wilds. Inspired by a deeply rooted devotion to their traditions, to their princes, to their country, the merest whisper of revenge, of 552 freedom, could not fail to find response. Yes, sweet was the thought of revenge; equally sweet the prospect of a triumphal return to Mexico, there to be greeted as a liberator193 ordained to restore the ancient grandeur of Montezuma's court; finally, perhaps, to be exalted194 by a grateful people to the pantheon of the gods, a dream so worthy the soldier and patriot187, how oft may it not have smiled upon his fancy! What more natural, what more commendable195 indeed, than projects for the liberation not alone of the auxiliary196 host, but of their country and kindred? Treachery had been used to reduce them, and treachery must be met with treachery. This was justifiable197, although the Indians probably weighed not the moral aspect of the question. As for the risk, one blow, one death, was preferable to the daily death which they were suffering on this journey. Yes, they must take advantage of the opportunity presented, and while the Spaniards were engrossed198 by the difficulties of some mountain pass, or engulfed199 in some morass2, fall upon them, especially upon the feared Cortés, and then, with the prestige of victors, return to Mexico, where their compatriots would meanwhile, under advice, have risen simultaneously200 against the now disorganized and squabbling colonists201, reduced as they were in numbers.[XVIII-31]
THE KILLING OF THE KINGS.
How long the plot had been brewing202 is not stated, but during the stay at Teotilac Cortés was startled by a revelation from a prominent Mexican,[XVIII-32] who gave 553 him a paper with the names of the conspirators203 in hieroglyphics204. Several were seized, and under separate examination confessed to the existence of the plot, although disclaiming205 for themselves of course any actual participation206.[XVIII-33] Quauhtemotzin was also questioned, and admitted, says Bernal Diaz, that the hardships and dangers had aroused rebellious sentiments among the Indians, but claimed that he was not the author, and judging from his own feelings he regarded the whole thing as mere192 talk. A quick secret trial was held, and the sentence of death by hanging pronounced against Quauhtemotzin and Tetlepanquetzal,[XVIII-34] who were dragged forth during the stillness of the night to a ceiba-tree, where they met their fate. Cortés was present at the execution, and to him Quauhtemotzin addressed himself, writes Bernal Diaz. "Malinche, many a day have I suspected the falsity of thy words, and that thou hadst destined207 this end to my life. Why dost thou kill me without 554 justice? God will demand of thee thy answer!" Tetlepanquetzal calmly expressed himself content to die with his royal companion, and together they listened to the exhortations208 of the friars, dying like true Christians209.[XVIII-35] The execution took place during the carnival210 days preceding shrove-tide, and appears to have created no excitement either among Indians or Spaniards.[XVIII-36]
Most Spanish authorities are of course inclined to uphold the act as a necessary punishment for a proven crime. Yet certain men, like Torquemada, a champion of the natives, and modern Mexican writers, side with the Indians in stamping it as a foul212 murder, carried out merely to be rid of the kings whose presence was becoming a burden to the conquerors. Others, like Bernal Diaz, soften213 the deed into a mistake, based on insufficient214 evidence, and prompted by a desire to smother215 a conspiracy which some imaginary spirits had conjured216.[XVIII-37] But Cortés would hardly have removed so valuable a hostage without good reason. 555 The reason being admitted, and this to some extent even by native records, the precarious217 situation of the Spaniards demanded that Cortés should take measures commensurate with the apparent danger.[XVIII-38] 556
Many of the natives, particularly those now encountering the Spaniards for the first time, regarded the discovery of the conspiracy with superstitious218 awe166. The idea of treachery by an accomplice219 did not seem to so occur to them, but with mysterious shaking of the head they pointed220 to the compass and chart. Instruments which had so unaccountably, and better than any guide, pointed out the road and saved the army from destruction, could of course reveal a simple conspiracy. Nothing could be hidden from the owner of that needle. Conscious, perhaps, of some stray unfriendly thought, many hastened to Cortés to protest their devotion. "Look into the mirror, and you will find it so," they said, alluding221 to the compass, yet quaking the while lest a suspicion should there 557 stand depicted222. Apochpalon was so affected223 that he hastened to tender allegiance and to burn idols. So convenient a belief was not to be disturbed, and the natives were allowed to nurse it.
THE ARMY AT IZANCANAC.
The army now proceeded to Izancanac,[XVIII-39] the populous224 capital of Acalan, conducted by Apochpalon in person. He was mounted on a horse, and the first apprehensions225 over, he strode his steed with childish delight. The soldiers were treated with sumptuous226 hospitality, and Cortés was gratified with presents of gold and women. Meanwhile, to facilitate the further march, the road was improved, a bridge built, and guides were provided, besides an advance corps227 laden with provisions. In return for all this Apochpalon asked merely for a letter to prove to other white comers that he had been faithful.
There was every inducement to prolong the stay at Izancanac, served and feasted as they were, but the nearness of the Spanish settlements, as alluringly228 depicted by the calculating Apochpalon, was an incentive229 for all to proceed. Laden with rations28 for a week, they departed on the first Sunday in Lent from the fair province of Acalan, over which, the protective letter notwithstanding, the withering230 influence of Spaniards was soon to fall. On the third day they entered the prairie-studded province of the Mazatecs,[XVIII-40] so called from the abundance of deer. These animals were here regarded with veneration, and the consequent immunity231 from pursuit had made them not only numerous, but tame. The soldiers, being restrained by no scruples232 of native superstition, could not resist the temptation of a chase over the verdure-clad fields, and soon a score of deer were added to the larder233. The following day they came to a frontier fortress234, built on a rock, and bounded on 558 one side by a lake, on the other by a river, and with only one means of access. Besides this natural strength it was protected by a double stockade235 with moats, surmounted236 by towers, and the houses were also provided with shot-holes. The place was in fact impregnable, and every precaution was taken to meet the resistance for which the attack of some lately captured scouts237 had prepared them. Cautiously they advanced toward the entrance. Not a sound, not a movement. An ambuscade must have been formed, since no gate barred the entry. But within reigned238 silence, and it was only on reaching the plaza239 that some chiefs appeared with humble240 obeisance241. This was one of the asylums242 erected243 by the Mazatecs for refuge against the wild Lacandones. But what availed walls and arms against the irresistible244 bearded men who controlled the lightning. Them the inhabitants dared not resist. They had fled to mountain fastnesses, leaving their wealth of provisions and arms at the disposal of the invaders, with the sole request that the place be not destroyed. The chiefs were reassured, and after replenishing their stores the Spaniards proceeded for seven leagues to a larger and similar pueblo called Tiac, situated245 on a plain, within a stockade, each of its three wards246 being provided with separate palisades. The caciques of this and several other pueblos of the province, each independent and quarrelsome, sent messengers with presents and offers of allegiance, but could not be prevailed upon to come in person with their people. The guides here obtained gave the cheering information that the white men were not far off, and conducted them to Ahuncahuitl, the last pueblo of this province, also fortified247, and amply provisioned, so much so that rations were taken for the five days' march which intervened before reaching the province of the Itzas.[XVIII-41]
ARRIVAL AT THE ITZA CAPITAL.
Four nights were spent in the mountains, in which 559 was a bad pass, called Alabastro from the appearance of the rock. They now came to a small lake with an island pueblo, from which the inhabitants fled as the soldiers waded248 over.[XVIII-42] The following day they were surprised to behold249 the gleaming walls and lofty temples of a large pueblo, situated on an isle128 several miles from shore, in a large sheet of water, which Cortés assumed to be an arm of the sea.[XVIII-43] But his ordeal250 was not yet over. It was the lake now known as Peten, and the pueblo was Tayasal,[XVIII-44] the capital of the Itzas, which recalled in a measure to the old conquerors the first and never to be forgotten view of the famous queen city enthroned in the lake of Mexico.
The natives had taken to their canoes on the approach of the Spaniards, and heeded251 no signs or appeals, but with the aid of a dog a solitary boatman 560 was captured. A friendly message was now despatched to the canek inviting252 him to a conference, and offering hostages. It was not long ere six large canoes approached the shore, and some thirty persons stepped fearlessly forth. At their head came one whose commanding figure and quiet dignity announced the ruler. A flowing white robe disclosed an elaborately tattooed253 skin, relieved by an embroidered254 maxtli. The braided hair was surmounted by a head-dress of feathers, and the face, also tattooed with black lines, was further ornamented255 with gold pendants in nose and ears. He bade Cortés welcome, and expressed himself secure in his company without the proffered hostage.
It was the hour for mass, and with a view both to please him and to teach a pious256 lesson, the ceremony was held with chant and instrumental accompaniment. The faith was thereupon explained by a friar, with so good an effect that the chief promised to destroy his idols and venerate257 the cross till teachers should arrive to give him full instruction. As an earnest of his intention presents were produced, consisting chiefly of provisions, with a few strings258 of red shells highly valued by the natives, and other trinkets; and though the gold was small in quantity, yet it encouraged Cortés to give in return a shirt, a velvet259 cap, and some cutlery. News had reached the island city of the doings of the Europeans, not only at Naco and Nito, but in Tabasco, where the natives some years before had been conquered in three battles. Cortés hastened to assure the canek that he saw before him the hero of those famed encounters, and finding that an impression had been produced, he warmed with a description of the power and grandeur of the greatest prince on earth. The canek was not merely impressed but awed, so much so that he at once tendered allegiance.
With new guides the main body proceeded round the lake southward, while Cortés entered the canoes 561 with a score of archers to visit the island city. The officers sought to dissuade260 him from risking his person in the hands of a perhaps treacherous261 enemy, but the general did not wish to be surpassed in fearlessness and confidence.[XVIII-45] He was greatly admired by the islanders who thronged262 round his mailed followers with mingled curiosity and awe. On leaving he commended to their care a black horse which had been disabled by a wound in the leg. Ignorant of the treatment required by the animal, and eager to do reverence263 to the strange charge, they are said to have offered it flowers and fowl, on which diet it died. The grief of the Itzas was equalled only by their fear. What would the white chief say when he returned? Nothing now remained but to do homage264 to the carcass. They had seen the flash of the fire-arm as the mounted hunter chased the deer on the prairie, and fancied that this as well as the report issued from the horse. What more appropriate apotheosis of a charger than into a god of thunder? As Tziminchac it was accordingly adored. The bones were kept as sacred relics265 while an effigy266 sejant of the animal, formed of masonry267, attracted direct worship.[XVIII-46]
TOILSOME ADVANCE.
The next resting-place of the army was at Tlecan, a deserted pueblo some seven leagues from Tayasal, where the Spaniards stayed for four days and provided themselves with a week's rations. Six leagues further a halt was made at a hamlet, in honor of the virgin's festival.[XVIII-47] Nine leagues beyond, a rugged268 pass was entered in which the rough sharp stones tore from the horses feet their very shoes. The next station bore the name Ahuncapun where a two days' 562 halt was made. Five leagues beyond lay Tachuytel, after which began an eight league ascent269 of the roughest mountains yet encountered, called de Pedernales, Mountain of Flints. The horses could hardly move a step without slipping, and cutting their legs and bodies most dangerously. On any other occasion the sight of suffering among the prized animals, the chief reliance of the army, would have touched the men deeply, but now they were too much absorbed by their own sufferings to think of them. Many of the soldiers were also becoming disabled, and the provisions were giving out in the midst of the mountains, which in many places offered not even a root. Days passed by in slow and toilsome advance; none could tell how much longer this long journey would last. A heavy rain added to their torment270, and past sufferings were forgotten in the present. Many fell from exhaustion271 and hunger, or slipped from the rocks into the abyss; and so extreme was the need, says Herrera, that one confessed to having eaten of the brains and entrails of three men who had died of hunger.[XVIII-48]
Yucatan
Cortés did his utmost to encourage the men. With pike in hand he would lead the march over the difficult parts of the road; he cheered and consoled them, and divided what he had with the sick and famished. This energy, this sympathy and generosity273 did wonders and animated274 the men to repress their murmurs. Finally, after twelve days of toil, says Cortés, the terrible flint road ended; but it had cost the lives of several men, and sixty-eight horses had fallen over the cliffs, or had been fatally disabled, while the rest did not recover from the strains and bruises275 for three months.[XVIII-49] Now the men began to 563 breathe easier, but, as once before, the dawning joy was abruptly276 checked by a formidable obstacle. They found themselves on the banks of a wide river whose waters tore by with a rapidity that made even rafting impracticable. While the soldiers stood gazing in mute despair at the barriers behind and in front, praying for deliverance, Cortés sent out parties to search for an outlet277, and soon reports were brought of a ford. It was as a reprieve278 from death. Te Deum was solemnly chanted, and tough old soldiers shed tears of joy. When the nature of the passage was observed, it seemed indeed as if heaven had decreed a miracle in their behalf. The ford, two thirds of a league wide, consisted of a smooth ledge91 564 stretching across the whole river, and intersected by over twenty channels, through which the water rushed with deafening279 roar. But even the channels could not be crossed without bridges, and fully two days were spent in felling timber for the twenty passages.[XVIII-50]
It was Easter eve[XVIII-51] when the ford was crossed by the infantry280, followed by the disabled horses. Again came a check to their joy. Tenciz, the pueblo at which they now arrived, a league beyond the ford, had been evacuated281, and nearly all the supplies carried off. For over ten days the men had eaten hardly anything but palm-cabbage, and very little of that, owing to the trouble in obtaining it.[XVIII-52] Fortunately, some natives were found who guided a foraging party back across the river a day's journey into the Tahuytal province, where an abundance of provisions was obtained, and which furnished the army with good cheer during the five days' stay at Tenciz, and with some rations for the journey into Acuculin province.
The guides here obtained ran away, and the Spaniards had to advance with the aid of native maps alone. The route was level, and eleven leagues were easily covered in two days by crossing two rivers. This brought them to a small settlement of Acalan traders, who had been driven from Nito by the Spanish excesses, and found refuge here. Soon after the capital of the province was reached, but it was deserted and almost devoid282 of provisions. This was most discouraging, and to advance without guides appeared dangerous. Notwithstanding the scanty sustenance obtained from palm-cabbage, cooked with pork, and 565 unsalted, a week was spent in searching for guides. Finally a boy was found who led them a day's journey to a river in Taniha province, evidently Rio Sarstoon. Following the stream downward for a couple of days they came to Otulizti pueblo, where the natives reported that Nito lay only two suns away. In proof of this assertion two women were brought who had served the Spaniards there. Hunger and fatigue were forgotten in the rejoicing over this news, and the men impatiently begged to be led onward283.
APPROACH TO NITO.
But there was need for prudence284, since nothing was known about the condition of affairs in Honduras, and the troops were not at present in a position to meet a well-equipped foe, particularly if led by the redoubtable285 Olid. Sandoval was accordingly sent forward with a few chosen men to reconnoitre. It was not far to the shore of the Amatique Bay, beyond which lay the object of their journey. The bay was skirted till they reached the wide stream which forms the outlet of Golfo Dulce. Here they captured a trader's canoe, and then hid themselves to see what next should happen. It was not long before a canoe approached with four white men, who were outflanked and secured. They proved to be soldiers of Gil Gonzalez stationed at Nito, to which site the old settlement at San Gil de Buenavista had been transferred.[XVIII-53] On the whole the account of affairs was cheering to Sandoval, the main point being that the province was quiet, and thoroughly286 devoted to Cortés, although without a regular governor since the departure of Casas. A messenger was at once despatched to relieve the anxiety of the general, and the soldier to whom the commission was intrusted reaped a rich harvest from his overjoyed chief and comrades.
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1
morasses
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| n.缠作一团( morass的名词复数 )；困境；沼泽；陷阱 | |
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morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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apotheosis
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| n.神圣之理想；美化；颂扬 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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attains
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的第三人称单数 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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8
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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13
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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manliness
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| 刚毅 | |
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16
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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17
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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18
itching
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| adj.贪得的，痒的，渴望的v.发痒( itch的现在分词 ) | |
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19
espionage
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| n.间谍行为，谍报活动 | |
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20
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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21
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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23
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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24
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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25
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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26
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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27
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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28
rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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29
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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30
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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31
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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32
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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33
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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34
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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35
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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36
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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37
gracefully
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| ad.大大方方地；优美地 | |
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38
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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39
adorns
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| 装饰，佩带( adorn的第三人称单数 ) | |
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40
maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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41
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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42
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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43
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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44
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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46
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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47
misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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48
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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49
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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50
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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51
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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52
depicting
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| 描绘，描画( depict的现在分词 )； 描述 | |
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53
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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54
pueblos
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| n.印第安人村庄( pueblo的名词复数 ) | |
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55
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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56
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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57
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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58
sloughs
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| n.沼泽( slough的名词复数 )；苦难的深渊；难以改变的不良心情；斯劳(Slough)v.使蜕下或脱落( slough的第三人称单数 )；舍弃；除掉；摒弃 | |
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59
slough
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| v.蜕皮，脱落，抛弃 | |
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60
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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61
lithe
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| adj.(指人、身体)柔软的，易弯的 | |
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62
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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63
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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64
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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creeks
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| n.小湾( creek的名词复数 )；小港；小河；小溪 | |
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66
herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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67
tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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68
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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69
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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70
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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71
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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72
brooks
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| n.小溪( brook的名词复数 ) | |
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73
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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74
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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75
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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76
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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77
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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79
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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80
marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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81
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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82
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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83
scamper
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| v.奔跑，快跑 | |
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84
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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85
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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86
grandiloquent
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| adj.夸张的 | |
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87
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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88
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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89
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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90
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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91
ledge
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| n.壁架，架状突出物；岩架，岩礁 | |
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pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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94
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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95
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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96
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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97
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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98
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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99
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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100
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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102
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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103
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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104
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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105
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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106
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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107
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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108
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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109
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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110
obliterated
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| v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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111
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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112
malarious
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| （患）疟疾的，（有）瘴气的 | |
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113
wading
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的现在分词 ) | |
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114
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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115
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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116
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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117
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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118
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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120
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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121
alligators
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| n.短吻鳄( alligator的名词复数 ) | |
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122
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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123
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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124
reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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125
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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126
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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127
delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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128
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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129
abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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130
miasmatic
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| adj.毒气的，沼气的 | |
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131
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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132
irrigated
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| [医]冲洗的 | |
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133
utilize
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| vt.使用，利用 | |
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134
arid
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| adj.干旱的；(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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135
reassuring
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| a.使人消除恐惧和疑虑的，使人放心的 | |
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136
obstructed
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| 阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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137
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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138
fathoms
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| 英寻( fathom的名词复数 ) | |
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139
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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140
obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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141
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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142
futility
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| n.无用 | |
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143
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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144
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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145
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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146
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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147
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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148
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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149
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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150
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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151
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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152
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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153
pegs
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| n.衣夹( peg的名词复数 )；挂钉；系帐篷的桩；弦钮v.用夹子或钉子固定( peg的第三人称单数 )；使固定在某水平 | |
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154
extricated
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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155
foraging
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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156
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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157
fowl
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| n.家禽，鸡，禽肉 | |
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158
pounced
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| v.突然袭击( pounce的过去式和过去分词 )；猛扑；一眼看出；抓住机会（进行抨击） | |
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159
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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160
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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161
scramble
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| v.爬行，攀爬，杂乱蔓延，碎片，片段，废料 | |
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162
crumb
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| n.饼屑，面包屑，小量 | |
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163
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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164
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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165
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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166
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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167
awed
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| adj.充满敬畏的，表示敬畏的v.使敬畏，使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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168
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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169
obsequious
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| adj.谄媚的，奉承的，顺从的 | |
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170
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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171
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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172
cormorants
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| 鸬鹚，贪婪的人( cormorant的名词复数 ) | |
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173
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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174
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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175
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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176
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
amends
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| n. 赔偿 | |
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178
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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179
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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180
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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181
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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182
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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183
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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184
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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185
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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186
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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187
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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188
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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189
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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190
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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191
tactician
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| n. 战术家, 策士 | |
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192
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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193
liberator
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| 解放者 | |
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194
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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195
commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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196
auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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197
justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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198
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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199
engulfed
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| v.吞没，包住( engulf的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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200
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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201
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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202
brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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203
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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204
hieroglyphics
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| n.pl.象形文字 | |
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205
disclaiming
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| v.否认( disclaim的现在分词 ) | |
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206
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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207
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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208
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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209
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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210
carnival
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| n.嘉年华会，狂欢，狂欢节，巡回表演 | |
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211
atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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212
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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213
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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214
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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215
smother
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| vt./vi.使窒息；抑制；闷死；n.浓烟；窒息 | |
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216
conjured
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| 用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 )； 祈求，恳求； 变戏法； （变魔术般地） 使…出现 | |
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217
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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219
accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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220
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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225
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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227
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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alluringly
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| 诱人地，妩媚地 | |
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229
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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withering
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| 使人畏缩的，使人害羞的，使人难堪的 | |
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immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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233
larder
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| n.食物贮藏室，食品橱 | |
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234
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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stockade
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| n.栅栏，围栏；v.用栅栏防护 | |
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surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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240
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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obeisance
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| n.鞠躬，敬礼 | |
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asylums
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| n.避难所( asylum的名词复数 )；庇护；政治避难；精神病院 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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wards
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| 区( ward的名词复数 )； 病房； 受监护的未成年者； 被人照顾或控制的状态 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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waded
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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heeded
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| v.听某人的劝告，听从( heed的过去式和过去分词 )；变平，使（某物）变平( flatten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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tattooed
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| v.刺青，文身( tattoo的过去式和过去分词 )；连续有节奏地敲击；作连续有节奏的敲击 | |
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embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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venerate
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| v.尊敬，崇敬，崇拜 | |
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strings
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| n.弦 | |
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velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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bruises
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| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
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abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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277
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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reprieve
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| n.暂缓执行（死刑）；v.缓期执行；给…带来缓解 | |
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deafening
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| adj. 振耳欲聋的, 极喧闹的 动词deafen的现在分词形式 | |
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280
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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281
evacuated
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| 撤退者的 | |
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282
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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283
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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284
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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285
redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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286
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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