Cicero says that a man's best adviser10 is himself. A wise man can find no better counsellor than his own cool, impartial11 judgment12. Cortés was a wise man, and he could calmly judge. Had he counselled with himself before setting out on this adventure? He had led into Honduras, amidst great sufferings, an army. The end of his perilous13 march brought to him no great achievement, no great reward. There was no Olid to punish; Casas was not a traitor14. Might not the proud conqueror15 with more advantage have remained at home? The assurance of a ready welcome, instead of a campaign against a formidable rebel, was a relief to the way-worn soldiers; but what thought the commander of it? It is not satisfying to a sane16 man's pride to beat the air, or charge on a windmill. A traitor to crush, or a fair city to conquer, would have been refreshing17 pastime to Cortés at this juncture18.
DESPERATE SITUATION OF THE COLONISTS.
In advance of the army, and almost alone, he set 567 out for Nito. If he entered not as a conqueror with sword in hand, he had at least the satisfaction of being welcomed as a savior. Malaria19 was there, and had so reduced the settlement that the frown of the natives loomed20 over it like Erinnyan phantoms21. There were but three score Spaniards with a few women,[XIX-1] the greater number so reduced by fever and other ailments22 as hardly to be able to move, and all suffering from poor and insufficient23 food—zapotes, vegetables, and fish. Without sufficient arms and without horses, they did not venture abroad to forage4, and seeing that death would surely overtake all if they remained, the able-bodied men under the leadership of Diego Nieto were repairing a vessel in which to depart.[XIX-2] The disappearance24 of the four men captured by Sandoval created no small alarm. Were they after all to be overwhelmed by avenging25 natives? Amidst such troubles no wonder that the appearance of Cortés was greeted as a descent from heaven, and that even men wept as they thronged26 round to kiss his hand.
The army was not a little surprised at the destitution27 of the famed Honduras. While ministering consolation28, Cortés sent out bands of foragers. One of the parties ascended29 the Rio Yasa,[XIX-3] and coming to a deserted31 hamlet, six leagues from the mouth, took refuge from the rain. But it was not long before a band of Indians set upon them, and badly wounded they were driven to the boats, glad to escape with life. Another party found a path leading to a well-provided pueblo8 called Lequela, but it was eighteen leagues away, and too far for carriers. A third division met with better success.[XIX-4] 568
Meanwhile a vessel appeared in the harbor, having on board thirty Spaniards, beside the crew, and laden33 with a dozen horses, over seventy hogs34, and provisions. It seemed a miracle. And the whole equipment Cortés bought for four thousand pesos.[XIX-5] Welcome as this was to the starving settlement, the sudden change in diet cost the lives of several persons. The site of Nito being so unhealthy and ill-provided, it was resolved to abandon the place, and Sandoval was sent with the greater number of soldiers, settlers, and Indians, to the fertile valley of Naco, Olid's abandoned headquarters, twenty leagues off, on the road to which several well-supplied pueblos offered good halting-places.
With the newly arrived vessel, a repaired caravel and a brigantine, built from some wrecks35, Cortés prepared to take the remainder of the party by sea to a better locality. But first he would ascend30 the wide outlet36 lately crossed for food, for in this direction some captives assured him he would find rich settlements.[XIX-6] Exploration also impelled37 him to this quarter, for it was reported that when Gil Gonzalez first arrived here he had detached a vessel for the examination of this entrance; which had traversed two fresh-water gulfs; but the ascent39 of a tributary40 beyond had been prevented by strong currents and warlike natives.[XIX-7]
CAPTURE OF PUEBLOS.
Manning the new brigantine with forty chosen Spaniards and a number of Indians, and attended by boats, Cortés ascended the Rio Dulce, and speedily entered a sheet of water some twelve leagues in circumference41, without settlements. Continuing south-west, he went through a long passage into another larger sheet of water lying amidst lofty ranges and most bewitching 569 scenery. Inspired by the wild grandeur42 around him, he already fancied himself the laurel-crowned discoverer of the long-sought strait. But the dream was brief, for the water proved to be a gulf38, some thirty leagues in circumference, and called Apolochic in the vernacular43. Leaving the vessel at its western end, near the mouth of a stream, he proceeded with most of the men, under a local guide, over a rough route intersected by innumerable creeks44. After a march of twelve leagues, during which only one village of any importance was seen, he came to a pueblo in which loud singing with instrumental accompaniment indicated a festival. Waiting till a late hour, when all was quiet, he fell upon the sleeping natives, and but for the excited exclamation45 of a soldier the place would have been taken without a blow. As it was, the cacique had time to rally, and in the melée which followed he with several others lost his life. Forty captives were here secured. Cortés was now guided to a larger pueblo, called Chacujal, eight leagues further, and again resorted to a night attack, but did not gain the place without considerable resistance. By morning the Indians had fled. The buildings, particularly the temples, resembled very much those of Mexico, but the language differed as well from the Mexican as from that of the pueblos hitherto met with. Among the captives was an Indian from the Pacific slope, who reported that only three-score leagues intervened between Nito and his country, where Alvarado was conquering.
The place was abundantly provided with cotton goods, maize46, the much-needed salt, and other articles, and since it lay near the Polochic River, which entered the gulf twenty leagues from where the vessel lay, messengers were sent to bring it as far up the stream as possible to receive supplies. Meanwhile four rafts were made, and loaded each with forty fanegas of maize, besides beans, cocoa, and other provisions. These operations occupied nearly three weeks, during 570 which time none of the natives could be induced to return and aid in the work.[XIX-8] Cortés now embarked47 with ten men on the rafts, sending the rest down by land. The current carried them rapidly past the winding48 banks, with their alternate forest and prairie land, relieved here and there by hamlets and plantations49, half hidden amidst cocoa groves50 and fruit-trees. Nothing unusual occurred till night, when Cortés, who occupied the last raft, was startled by cries of alarm from the one before him, followed by Indian yells. It was too dark to distinguish anything, but the men prepared for what might come. The next moment the raft struck violently against a projecting rock, and a shower of arrows fell. Several warriors51 now attempted to board, but they either miscalculated the distance, or were pushed overboard by the crew. The Indians had foreseen the opportunity which the rock would afford for an attack, but the rafts escaped them, although most of the Spaniards were wounded, including the general, and half a cargo52 was damaged. So rapid was the current that the twenty leagues were made by morning. More supplies were obtained from other settlements, and on returning to Nito after an absence of five weeks, sufficient food was brought to fairly supply the fleet.
The whole colony, including Gonzalez' men, now embarked in the three vessels and proceeded to San Andrés Bay, or Caballos, where a number of Sandoval's soldiers had just arrived. The site seemed to be all that could be desired, "with the best port on the entire coast from the Pearl Islands to Florida," with fine indications of gold in the tributary rivers, and with a beautiful and well-settled neighborhood. A colony 571 was accordingly founded there under the name of Natividad de Nuestra Se?ora, from the day of founding, and fifty settlers were left, chiefly Gonzalez' men and late arrivals from Spain, Diego de Godoy being appointed commander, with the necessary officials. A church was also built and placed in charge of a clergyman. Soon, however, the unhealthiness of the site became apparent, and half the settlers died. The Indians grew insolent53 and refused supplies, and threatened the destruction of the settlement. Cortés thereupon permitted the colonists to join the prosperous establishment at Naco. Here the Indians had been gradually reassured54 and conciliated by Sandoval, whose armed incursions had already reduced a number of pueblos of considerable size and wealth.[XIX-9]
AT TRUJILLO.
Cortés had meanwhile sailed to Trujillo, where the delighted colonists rushed into the water to carry the renowned55 chief ashore56. His first and characteristic act was to enter the church and give thanks for safe arrival.[XIX-10] Then came the exercise of clemency57 for which he was humbly58 besought59 by the late adherents60 of Olid. Matters had been going smoothly61 since Ruano was exiled, and the general was too prudent62 to stir up animosity. With some slight reconstruction63, therefore, the orders and arrangements of Casas were confirmed. An impulse was given to the town, and with the enforced aid of native laborers64 lots were cleared and buildings erected65.
The four vessels now in port were not allowed to lie idle. One was despatched to Mexico with the invalids66, and with letters for the officials, wherein Cortés commended their zeal68 for the government, and promised soon to return. Juan de ávalos, his cousin, was placed in command, and ordered to pick up at Cozumel Island the party of Spaniards left there 572 by Valenzuela. This was done, but on approaching Cuba the vessel was wrecked69 at Cape32 San Antonio, with the loss of the captain, two friars, and over thirty others. Of the rest only fifteen survived to reach Guaniguanico.[XIX-11] Of the other vessels, the new brigantine was sent to Espa?ola to report to the oidores concerning the overland expedition and the state of affairs in Honduras, and to represent that the kidnapping raid by Moreno was creating trouble among the natives. The authorities ordered the captives to be returned.[XIX-12] The two remaining vessels were despatched to Cuba and Jamaica with the plate and jewels of Cortés to purchase provisions, live stock, and plants wherewith to improve the colony.
One of these ships, in touching70 at Cuba, found there a vessel from Santo Domingo, destined71 by the oidores for Mexico to gain positive information about the rumored72 death of Cortés, and to report on measures against the disorders73 that might follow. Learning that the conqueror was alive and in Honduras, the messenger of the oidores resolved at once to change the route to Honduras, where his cargo of horses and stores would also find a readier market.
BAD NEWS FROM MEXICO.
Licenciado Zuazo, the most honorable and trusted of the administrators74 appointed by Cortés over Mexico, had been arrested by his colleagues for opposing their nefarious75 plans, and sent out of the way to Cuba. These men had not only seized on the administrative76 power for their own advancement77, to the neglect of public welfare, but, believing the mighty78 conqueror and his companions in arms to be dead, they had laid hands on their estates, and were persecuting79 their 573 friends and whosoever ventured to protest. The country was in a most critical condition. Anarchy80 and spoliation were the order of the day. The colonists were arrayed in opposition81 to each other, and the Indians found every encouragement for rising against their white oppressors and blotting82 them out of existence.
All this was reported by Zuazo in a letter to Cortés, with the most earnest pleading for his immediate83 return, ere it was too late.[XIX-13] Cortés was at first furious; then he melted into tears at the thought of the desolation wrought84 by his enemies and at the inhuman85 persecution86 of his followers87. "It serves me right," he said, in a calmer moment, "to be thus treated for placing trust in strangers and ignoring tried comrades."[XIX-14] The news reached him at an unfavorable time. The iron will and nerve which had carried the leader through the hardships of the march, had begun to yield to the insidious88 influence of the fever-infected bottom-lands of the Amatique Bay, assisted perhaps by disappointment at finding the first aspect of Honduras so far below his hopes. The letter served to rouse his bodily as well as mental energies, though not to that point of clear and prompt determination which had hitherto characterized his acts. He was irresolute. Honduras had been little explored, and the indication of gold near Caballos, though small, led him still to dwell on the stories of richer districts to the south. He feared to abandon 574 a yet promising89 field, after the efforts lavished90 on it, and in view of the eager advance of his southern rival, him of Panamá.
The fortunate predictions of a soldier-astrologer in Mexico would not have made him disinclined, in his present frame of mind, to encourage similar counsellors; but no Sabean was at hand to interpret the scintillating91 oracles92. The friars were directed to appeal to the supreme93 throne, and for three days services were held, with processions, and masses, and prayers for divine direction. Already during the progress of these appeals, Cortés felt a dawning inspiration in a renewed courage to face the treacherous94 sea, and stronger inclination95 to trust the development of the province to another. He would return to Mexico. Hernando Saavedra, his cousin, was appointed captain-general of Honduras,[XIX-15] and Sandoval was directed to proceed with his company from Naco to Mexico, by the Guatemala route already opened by Casas. He himself embarked on the government vessel, but at the moment of departure the wind failed, and hearing of a tumult96 among the colonists he landed to restore order. The unruly spirits appear to have been disappointed office-seekers, to whom the obscurity of official existence in a border province seemed a most ungracious return for their long toil97. The general calmed the leading rioters by taking them on board to receive their reward in Mexico. Two days later he set sail, only to meet another check in the breakage of the main lateen yard just outside the harbor. After three days spent in repairs he again departed, with a good wind, but this soon increased to a gale98, and fifty leagues from port the mast went overboard and obliged him to return for a third time.
TIRED OF THE SEA.
Surely, this was a warning from providence99 not to proceed. He must have misunderstood the inspiration, and would seek more correct advice. Upon one 575 thing he was determined100, not again to trust himself to the billows. The last tossings had cured him of nautical101 aspirations102, and threatened indeed to cure him of all others, for his already weakened body was left in so racked a condition as to bring him near to death. Bernal Diaz describes him as a mere103 shadow of his former self, and states that a Franciscan robe had been prepared to shroud104 his body, and by its saving virtues105 to assist the soul through purgatory106.[XIX-16] But, although the conqueror of Mexico had filled the measure of his great achievements, the cup of honors and of disappointments was not yet full. Masses had again been said to sanctify as inspiration his changing resolve. The vessel proceeded, however, bearing a trusted servant[XIX-17] with letters for a number of friends in Mexico, and with orders revoking107 the power granted to the usurping108 governors in favor of more reliable men. A number of Mexican chiefs accompanied the messenger to testify that Cortés still lived. They were to proceed to Pánuco after landing the servant in some obscure haven109 above Vera Cruz, whence he was to proceed alone and in disguise to Mexico, so as to elude110 any watching enemies. Sandoval was recalled, greatly to the disappointment of his party, who rose almost in open mutiny at being kept away from their estates in Mexico, which were by this time exposed to ruin in hands of strangers and usurpers.[XIX-18]
An additional excuse for the determination to remain may have been found in the hostile attitude 576 of two provinces, Papayeca and Chapagua, some seven leagues from Trujillo.[XIX-19] Some time before this Saavedra had been sent to explore the valley above, and following it for some thirty leagues found a fertile district with a series of flourishing pueblos. A score of caciques appeared to offer their allegiance to Cortés, and into Trujillo flowed provisions and presents. The above-named provinces alone held aloof111, pleading not without reason former maltreatment and the kidnapping of tribal112 members by Fiscal113 Moreno. No excuses could, however, be regarded as valid67 in refusing allegiance, and Saavedra marched against them. The people retired114 to the hills; but three of the Chapagua caciques being captured and peremptorily115 given a fixed116 term in which to repeople their towns, the submission117 of this province was speedily effected. Papayeca was now entered, and Pizacura, one of the two principal caciques, was captured. He threw the blame of resistance on his more powerful colleague, Mazatl, offering if released to secure and hang him, and thus bring the people over. Once free, the cacique cast the promise to the winds as readily as any Spaniard. Mazatl was captured, nevertheless, and given the alternative of repeopling the towns or dying. The chief disdainfully rejected an offer to purchase life with what he regarded as the enslavement of his people, and calmly accepted death.
This severity was thought to be prudent, and it certainly had the effect of bringing the inhabitants back to all the pueblos save the capital. Here Pizacura held forth118, supposing, no doubt, that since his escapade no pardon was to be expected. He was soon captured, however, together with over a hundred followers. The latter were enslaved for their obstinacy119, while he, with two other caciques, and a youth who 577 appears to have been the true chief of the province, were kept as prisoners.[XIX-20]
PACIFICATION OF THE COUNTRY.
This success, as well as the comparatively kind treatment of the natives, tended greatly to promote the pacification of the country, and the name of Cortés became feared and respected far and wide.[XIX-21] One instance of this was the arrival of a deputation from the Gulf Islands, appealing to his power and clemency for protection against a slaving party which was raiding Guanaja. Cortés at once despatched a caravel which brought in the vessel with its slaves, destined for the mines of Cuba and Jamaica. The commander, Rodrigo de Merlo, exhibited a license120 for his expedition, so that severe measures could not well be taken, but means were found to persuade the captain to settle at Trujillo with his crew. The kidnapped islanders were restored to their grateful friends. They sent in their allegiance and received letters of protection, together with a number of swine which soon multiplied on the islands.[XIX-22]
Another instance of the influence of Cortés' name was afforded by the entry, from Nicaragua into Olancho[XIX-23] province, of an expedition under Gabriel de Rojas, consisting of sixty men with twenty horses. The natives resisted, no doubt, whereupon Rojas began to enslave and pillage121. A deputation arriving at Trujillo to implore122 protection, Sandoval was instructed to interfere123 on behalf of the natives, as subjects of Cortés.[XIX-24] His force was insufficient, it 578 seems, to drive out the intruders, but Rojas nevertheless retired by order of Córdoba.[XIX-25]
One reason for this withdrawal124 was that Córdoba could not afford to place himself in hostile attitude to any neighbor. One of the acts of Moreno during his arbitrary proceeding125 in Honduras had been to urge upon him to transfer his allegiance and province to the audiencia. This prompting found a willing ear. Blind to the accumulative evidence of failure, and untaught by disappointment, Córdoba allowed the few instances of successful revolt to overshadow every failure. He looked upon the force around him, and measuring the distance between himself and the grim Pedrarias, his dread126 grew fainter as the leagues increased; meanwhile hope kept whispering, might he not also become another Cortés, borne aloft by fame, or at least a Velazquez safe upon his usurped127 island? He wavered, and yielded. In maturing his plans for a step so full of risk, he resolved to learn further from Moreno what authority he possessed128, and perfect arrangements with him. Pedro de Garro[XIX-26] was accordingly sent with a party of forty men to Honduras, bearing also petitions to the emperor and audiencia, and with instructions to explore the best route to a port in that province through which supplies and war material might be procured129. Sandoval, on hearing of their approach, captured them, together with their retinue130 of beautiful women and numerous servants, but allowed a few under escort to proceed to Trujillo. Cortés received them with good-will, and as a proof thereof ordered four pack animals to be sent laden with horseshoes, mining tools, and other 579 articles, as a present to Córdoba. But he could not countenance131 the overthrowal of a chief by a subordinate officer; for had not his present expedition been made to punish a similar attempt? He wrote him accordingly, advising fidelity132 to Pedrarias, and promising his aid in procuring133 supplies through Honduras, since Panamá, was regarded as too distant.[XIX-27]
TEMPTATION.
This intercourse134 had served to enlighten Cortés in regard to the condition and resources of the country to the south and south-west. He had learned that it was fertile and populous135, filled with flourishing towns, and giving great promise of mineral wealth; facts confirmed by the splendid retinue of Garro and the demand for mining implements136. Perhaps in this very country lay the rich provinces which had stirred his imagination, even before the fall of Mexico, and for which he had come in search this long way. Should he allow an interloper to deprive him of what his fancy had claimed all these years, and what had enticed137 him to superhuman efforts? But a valid excuse was needed for seizing a province already held by another, a king's lieutenant138 like himself. Cortés was too astute139, however, not to find a way to prevent so rich a prize from eluding140 him. Was it out of friendship for a stranger that he had sent valuable presents to Córdoba, and offered to forward supplies through Honduras? No, he knew where to sow in order to reap. He had also written, as he admits, to some officers in Nicaragua whom he knew, and what subtle poison may not have been diffused141 by craftily142 worded advice. Córdoba understood the hint for himself, and was confirmed in his resolve. But his fellow-soldiers had also a word to say. The idea of risking life and fortune for the ambitious plans of a captain who was little, 580 if anything, more than themselves, was by no means to the liking143 of all the officers. Several objected, and since it was now too late to retreat Córdoba must even persuade them by arms. Civil war threatened, and the news was not long in reaching Trujillo. Indeed, it seems that the rebel leader, on finding what a tempest he had invoked144, sent to tender allegiance to Cortés.[XIX-28] And then the latter reasoned with himself. Could he, an imperial officer, stand calmly by and see his Majesty's interests sacrificed and his subjects, his countrymen, slaughtered145? No, certainly not; and he congratulated himself upon the success of his plans. Here was the longed-for pretence146, cast in his way by fortune. He must pounce147 upon the prize while the claimants were absorbed in contention148.[XIX-29] The first step was to direct a large force of natives to open a road to Nicaragua, and Sandoval received orders to prepare for the expedition.[XIX-30]
Again it seemed as if the great leader had misinterpreted the signs of providence.
ASSUMES GREATER POMP.
His messenger to Mexico had safely arrived, and with prudent management a reaction had been started in favor of Cortés; the evidence that he was alive was half the battle; but his enemies, though checked, were not overthrown149, and believing that everything depended upon his presence it was decided150 to recall him. The commission was intrusted to his cousin, Fray151 Diego Altamirano, an ex-soldier who had doffed152 the helmet for a Franciscan cowl, and a man of honor and business talent.[XIX-31] He fell like a bomb-shell on the manifold projects of Cortés for conquest and 581 aggrandizement153, which, if encouraged by one success, might have borne the victor triumphantly154 southward, perhaps to the realms of the Incas. Altamirano was not a man to let the stern present be obscured by the glowing fancies of enthusiasm. His visions turned alone toward Mexico, and his coloring was reserved for painting the sad condition of its affairs. This he did, boldly, yet with loving discreetness155, and convinced his kinsman156 that return to Mexico was absolutely necessary to save himself, his friends, and the country from ruin. He also insisted that in order to succeed in controlling followers he must assert his dignity, and impose on the vulgar by an intimidating157 and awe-inspiring pomp. The familiarity grown out of the fellowship of the camp and the toil of the march might answer in a border province, but not in the well-settled districts of New Spain, or at the court of Mexico. More dignity should be assumed at once; here and now must he teach his followers the distance between the governor and the subject, and demand reverence158 as his due. There was not much need for exhortation159 in this respect, for pomp came naturally to Cortés. Readily, therefore, did he mount the gubernatorial seat with its imposing160 dais, and receive with a complacent161 smile the se?oría[XIX-32] from the lips of the deeply bowing suite162. In church, even, he occupied the higher level of the raised sitial,[XIX-33] while abroad the cannon163 belched164 forth in his honor.[XIX-34]
His distrust of the sea remained, and he determined to return through Guatemala. The laborers, therefore, were taken from the Nicaragua road to prepare the way for him;[XIX-35] but finally the pilots convinced 582 him that at this season of the year the winds and currents were favorable, while the land route must be long and full of obstacles. He accordingly embarked in three vessels with twenty Spanish followers and their horses, and some two hundred Indians under Prince Ixtlilxochitl, setting sail April 25, 1526.[XIX-36] Sandoval joined him, but his company went overland. Saavedra remained as his lieutenant, with instructions to maintain native loyalty165 by good treatment, and to promote settlement. The general's yet wavering confidence in the sea received another shock off the very coast of New Spain, whence a gale drove him back and compelled him to seek refuge in Cuba. On the 16th of May he again set sail, and landed a week later near the present Vera Cruz. The news of his arrival spread rapidly, and soldiers, colonists, and natives hastened forward in throngs166 to bear the beloved leader, the mighty Malinche, in triumph to the island city which he had won and refounded. Doubts were dissipated and past disappointments forgotten as he gazed once more on the scenes of his brilliant achievements, and drank the plaudits of the multitude.
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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forage
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| n.(牛马的)饲料，粮草；v.搜寻，翻寻 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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irresolute
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| adj.无决断的，优柔寡断的，踌躇不定的 | |
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7
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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pueblos
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| n.印第安人村庄( pueblo的名词复数 ) | |
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adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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refreshing
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| adj.使精神振作的，使人清爽的，使人喜欢的 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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loomed
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| v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的过去式和过去分词 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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phantoms
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| n.鬼怪，幽灵( phantom的名词复数 ) | |
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ailments
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| 疾病（尤指慢性病），不适( ailment的名词复数 ) | |
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insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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destitution
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| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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30
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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31
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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32
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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33
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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34
hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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35
wrecks
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| n.沉船( wreck的名词复数 )；（事故中）遭严重毁坏的汽车（或飞机等）；（身体或精神上）受到严重损伤的人；状况非常糟糕的车辆（或建筑物等）v.毁坏[毁灭]某物( wreck的第三人称单数 )；使（船舶）失事，使遇难，使下沉 | |
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36
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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37
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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38
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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39
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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40
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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41
circumference
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| n.圆周，周长，圆周线 | |
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42
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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43
vernacular
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| adj.地方的，用地方语写成的；n.白话；行话；本国语；动植物的俗名 | |
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44
creeks
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| n.小湾( creek的名词复数 )；小港；小河；小溪 | |
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45
exclamation
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| n.感叹号，惊呼，惊叹词 | |
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46
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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47
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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48
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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49
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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50
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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51
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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52
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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53
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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54
reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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55
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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56
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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57
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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58
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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59
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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60
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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61
smoothly
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| adv.平滑地，顺利地，流利地，流畅地 | |
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62
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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63
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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64
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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65
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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66
invalids
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| 病人，残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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67
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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68
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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69
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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70
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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71
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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72
rumored
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| adj.传说的，谣传的v.传闻( rumor的过去式和过去分词 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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73
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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74
administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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75
nefarious
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| adj.恶毒的，极坏的 | |
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76
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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77
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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78
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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79
persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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80
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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81
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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82
blotting
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| 吸墨水纸 | |
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83
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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84
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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85
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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86
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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87
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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88
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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89
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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90
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91
scintillating
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| adj．才气横溢的,闪闪发光的; 闪烁的 | |
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92
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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93
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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94
treacherous
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|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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95
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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96
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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97
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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98
gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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99
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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100
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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101
nautical
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| adj.海上的，航海的，船员的 | |
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102
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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103
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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104
shroud
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| n.裹尸布，寿衣；罩，幕；vt.覆盖，隐藏 | |
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105
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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106
purgatory
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| n.炼狱；苦难；adj.净化的，清洗的 | |
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107
revoking
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| v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的现在分词 ) | |
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108
usurping
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的现在分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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109
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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110
elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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111
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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112
tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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113
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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114
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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115
peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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116
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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117
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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118
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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119
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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120
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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121
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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122
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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123
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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124
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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125
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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126
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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127
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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128
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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129
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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130
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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131
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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132
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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133
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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134
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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135
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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136
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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137
enticed
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| 诱惑，怂恿( entice的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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139
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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140
eluding
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的现在分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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141
diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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142
craftily
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| 狡猾地，狡诈地 | |
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143
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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144
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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145
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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147
pounce
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| n.猛扑；v.猛扑，突然袭击，欣然同意 | |
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148
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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149
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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150
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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151
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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152
doffed
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| v.脱去，（尤指）脱帽( doff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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154
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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155
discreetness
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| 谨慎，用心深远 | |
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156
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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157
intimidating
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| vt.恐吓，威胁( intimidate的现在分词) | |
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158
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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159
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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160
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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161
complacent
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| adj.自满的；自鸣得意的 | |
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162
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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163
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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164
belched
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| v.打嗝( belch的过去式和过去分词 )；喷出，吐出；打（嗝）；嗳（气） | |
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165
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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166
throngs
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| n.人群( throng的名词复数 )v.成群，挤满( throng的第三人称单数 ) | |
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