One of the chief causes which gave rise to the disputes of rival leaders for the occupancy of Nicaragua and Honduras was the policy which governed the Council of the Indies in regard to the colonial possessions of Spain. Gradually the discovery of Columbus had assumed gigantic proportions, and the indefinite and unknown limits to the territories which had been given to the first governors were becoming more fixed11 and determined12. The immense extent of the discovery and the vast dominions13 which had been allotted14 to each colony was then first ascertained15. It was deemed wise and prudent16 by the court of Spain that such broad possessions should be divided into smaller states, and governed by many, rather than that the whole should be under the jurisdiction17 of a few arrogant18 viceroys. Thus checks could be more easily placed on individuals, and the distant provinces of the New World could be more readily held in subjection. With this in view it was that Hernandez de Córdoba 598 had been urged by the audiencia to throw off allegiance to Pedrarias, and that the enterprises not only of Gil Gonzalez but of Olid had been encouraged by the Spanish government.[XXI-1]
But a resort to arms as a method for settling their differences was by no means desired; and when the emperor became aware that hostilities20 had broken out among the colonists of Honduras and Nicaragua he peremptorily21 forbade any Spaniard to draw his sword against another, under penalty of his severe displeasure. The better to curb22 the encroaching conquerors on either side, and to further his policy, he resolved to appoint new governors for these provinces; and thus it was that Pedrarias, owing in a great measure to his wife and to family influence, had obtained the long desired lake region, even before the result of his residencia was known; while Honduras was given as early as 1525[XXI-2] to Diego Lopez de Salcedo, regardless of the great efforts and means expended23 by Cortés in its colonization24, wholly from his own resources.[XXI-3]
SAAVEDRA AND SALCEDO.
Salcedo was at this time residing in Espa?ola, and on receiving the appointment, together with instructions to inquire into the late trouble and punish the guilty, he at once prepared to set out. The audiencia 599 also took the instructions to heart, and, regarding Cortés as implicated25, they seized one of his ships at Santo Domingo, with its cargo26 of merchandise.[XXI-4] Salcedo found the settlers at peace on reaching Trujillo. Saavedra and Alcalde Figueroa set the example to the other officials in doing reverence27 to the new ruler, who was solemnly inaugurated on the 27th of October, 1526.[XXI-5] The first act under the new régime was to make an investigation28 into the late political disturbances29, and the result was the arrest of Saavedra, regidores Garnica and Vega, and two settlers named Martin Cortés and Morales, who were placed on a vessel30 for transmission to the judges in Espa?ola. Their safe-keeping was intrusted to Diego Morillo, who was installed with a staff of justice, to give him greater authority. But the emblem31 of the law failed to impose upon the prisoners, who were in this respect hardly less imbued32 with the spirit of the times than Pedrarias and his followers33. They had too wholesome34 a fear of the quality of mercy dispensed35 by the pompous36 rulers at Santo Domingo, and determined to make an effort for liberty. The mainland had barely been lost to sight when they appealed to the master's sympathy. Their argument was sufficiently37 weighted to be convincing, and the shackles38 were not only transferred to Morillo, but he was relieved of all his effects. The vessel's course was thereupon changed to Cuba, where the mutineers dispersed39 in search of wider spheres of operations.[XXI-6]
Shortly after Salcedo's installation the three envoys of Pedrarias arrived at Trujillo. Finding a royal governor instead of the intruder Saavedra, they did not venture to present their demands for the submission40 of the province, but sought instead to regain41 600 Nicaragua and warn their master. Salcedo had them arrested, however, as concerned in the disorders42 in Nicaragua and Olancho, and turned the tables by declaring Pedrarias an arraigned43 culprit, answerable to the residencia judge at Panamá, and Nicaragua as falling within the jurisdiction of Honduras, instead of pertaining44 to Castilla del Oro. He intended, in fact, to take possession at once, and in this course he was encouraged by petitions from the anti-Pedrarias faction45 of that province. The limits of Salcedo's government had not been fixed, and what more natural than to base on the claims of Cortés and Gonzalez the pleasing illusion that Nicaragua must belong to his jurisdiction? An additional excuse was to be found in the late political disturbances in that province, which it behooved46 him as a royal officer to stop. The captive envoys should accompany him as guides and hostages.
Preparations were soon concluded, and Salcedo departed with nearly one hundred and fifty horsemen, leaving the small remnant at Trujillo under command of Francisco de Cisneros.[XXI-7] He sent forward Alonso de Solis, one of his captains, and a priest, with instructions to report to him the condition of the Indians throughout the district; whether they were friendly or otherwise; and what were their feelings in regard to the Christian47 faith which they had previously48 professed49 to adopt. Solis speedily came back with the information that bands of Spaniards were prowling about the Olancho Valley. Salcedo advanced upon them, and a skirmish ensued in which two men were lost. Suspecting that Albites and his companions might be connected with this untoward51 check, he sent them back to Trujillo with instructions for their immediate52 transmission to Santo Domingo, on the charge of inciting53 native revolts and other disorders. These charges were not 601 sustained, however, and the prisoners soon returned fully54 exonerated55.
Still another check came to dampen the ardor57 of the party, and Treasurer58 Castillo, among others, urged the abandonment of the expedition; but the fair shores of the Freshwater Sea had taken too deep a hold upon Salcedo's fancy, strewn as they were by rumor59 with much gold. No; he knew his duty as royal officer, and would extend his beneficent rule to this region. As for his losses and disappointments, he would look to that universal source of redress60, the natives. Caciques were summoned to furnish Indians for carrying burdens and gathering61 food, and soldiers went forth62 to enforce the order. A number of those suspected of complicity in the disturbances at Natividad were hanged and others enslaved, to be eventually sent out of the country and sold. Great were their woes. Those who lost their relatives or near friends fled to the mountains, preferring starvation and death to the cruel oppression of the strangers. This feeling extended also to the district of Comayagua, and created a distrust which was at once magnified into revolt. The Spaniards immediately fell upon them, and a terrible havoc63 ensued. The natives resorted to the passive retaliation64 of withdrawing supplies, and even of destroying the crops, so as to leave the Spaniards without food, and compel them to devour65 horses and dogs. This heightened the feeling against them, and even the carriers were made to suffer so severely66 that many threw off their loads and sought to escape, only to be overtaken and slaughtered67. The panic spread, and tribes distant from the scene burned their villages and fields to seek refuge in the mountains, lest they should be exposed to similar outrages69 on Salcedo's return.
In Nicaragua the rumor of these doings had impelled70 the natives to assume a threatening attitude, so that when the Spanish party finally arrived at the city of Leon they were hailed as saviors. This 602 helped to pave the way for Salcedo, and when he submitted his commission to Martin Estete, the officer in charge, and to the municipal body, they gave one glance at the sturdy forces by his side and then recognized it as valid71. The new governor was sworn in May 7, 1527. Once in undisputed possession the humanity of Salcedo underwent a change. He would no longer carry panic into native villages by means of raiding parties; nay72, he would even relieve the Indians from the oppression of their present masters, the late subjects of Pedrarias, and place them under the experienced control of his friends and followers. Without more ado the choice repartimientos were transferred to the hands of himself and his adherents73, with not even an attempted excuse to the late holders74. Such high-handed proceedings75 created general dissatisfaction, not only among the despoiled76 settlers but also among the enslaved, who were regarded as cattle, and treated with a severity paralleled only by the Honduras atrocities77. More spirited, however, than the former victims, they retaliated78 with sullen79 stubbornness, and refused to gather gold or perform agricultural labor80. The distress increased, and many could not procure81 the common necessaries of life. The rupture82 between the two races developed into open warfare83, in which rights, grievances84, and passion often figured only as minor85 impulses by the side of the cravings of hunger.[XXI-8]
PEDRARIAS AND RIOS.
To these distressing86 straits was the country reduced when a new claimant to the government presented himself, in the person of Pedro de los Rios. Invested with the same power and authority over Castilla del Oro as his predecessor87, he thought himself entitled to jurisdiction also over Nicaragua, since it had been occupied and settled under the same auspices88. He 603 had deferred89 his departure from Panamá till Pedrarias should have been securely entangled90 in the meshes91 of his residencia, and therefore unable to object. But the latter was desirous to see him leave, in the hope that a change in his own favor might be effected, perhaps by some friendly ingulfing wave, some devoted93 assassin, or some native treachery; for the road was new and Rios inexperienced. As a proof of his friendly interest in the project Pedrarias counselled him to invest heavily in merchandise, which must pay a large profit. Such advice was not to be disregarded, and, as circumstances would have it, the gubernatorial trader was received with open arms by the sorely pressed settlers of Nicaragua. But Rios had not the foresight94 which characterized Fiscal95 Moreno's proceedings in Honduras, two years before, and on presenting his claims to the supreme96 office the colonists returned a cold stare. They saw nothing in his commission which expressly included Nicaragua within Castilla del Oro, and although much afflicted97 by the avaricious98 and oppressive measures of Salcedo, they determined to support a governor whom they might call their own rather than submit to one residing at such a distance, and evidently intent on enriching himself and Panamá at their expense.
It is not improbable that the cause for the change lay partly with Pedrarias, whose emissaries hoped by this means to embroil99 the new aspirant100 with his proposed subjects. Salcedo was strong enough, however, with his own troops to dictate101 terms to his rival, and he peremptorily ordered him to leave the province within three days, under a penalty of ten thousand pesos. Rios had too much respect for his portly person to expose it to profane102 usage. Still he would have lingered had not the threatened fine urged him away. As it was, in the flurry of departure he even forgot his gout, with which he was just then severely stricken, and his groans103 were not resumed till the vessel had turned prow50 for Panamá. He carried one 604 consolation104, however, to soothe105 his ruffled106 spirit; he had made these boorish107 colonists pay tenfold for his cargo of merchandise. After all, the trip had not proved unprofitable, and he laughed within himself at the thought. On his way back he stopped at Brusélas, in the gulf92 of Nicoya, where a friendly reception was accorded him. Informed of this, Salcedo with vindictive108 jealousy109 sent a troop of sixty horse under Garabito to destroy the hospitable110 town.
The rankest despot could hardly deport111 himself with more capricious severity than these petty upstart lieutenants113 in the Indies. Salcedo was evidently a fitting successor to Pedrarias, as far as displaying his jealousy, greed, and cruelty; but he lacked some of the commanding characteristics which had so often enabled the latter to weather the storm raised by his tyrannous impulses. His rule was to be brief and ignoble114. One of his last acts, which bore the relieving stamp of a public measure, was to order Gabriel de Rojas to explore Rio San Juan, the outlet115 of the lake, and to found there a settlement.
This order was disregarded, for just then came the rumor that Pedrarias was about to return as governor. This sufficed to bring the general dissatisfaction with Salcedo to an issue. At first he treated the news as absurd; but, when the report came that Pedrarias was actually on the way with a royal commission, he resolved to collect his scattered116 followers and make his escape. The step was fatal, as it encouraged the still wavering Estete with his friends to pronounce in favor of the expected chief. The officials of Salcedo were arrested, which rendered the executive powerless to act, and his horses were seized, so that he might not escape a reckoning. So ominous117 became the demonstration118 against the deposed119 governor, that he abandoned the building which had hitherto given him shelter, and sought the protecting walls of the church. There he remained, closely guarded by the rebels, till Pedrarias arrived. Several persons had remonstrated120 605 with Estete with regard to these arbitrary proceedings, based as they were on a mere121 report from Panamá; but this officer, who had everything to gain by the movement if the report proved true, declared that Pedrarias should be supported even if he came without a royal Commission. In any case it would be suicidal now to restore the relentless122 Salcedo to power.[XXI-9]
All doubts were solved by the arrival of the old governor at Leon in March, 1528, and the timely turncoats were liberally rewarded; Estete receiving the command of Leon, and Diego de Tejorina that of Granada. Immediately on receipt of his appointment Pedrarias had hastened to Nicaragua, leaving an agent at Panamá to finish his residencia, and to collect the property and effects which had been attached. In connection with the new government the king had appointed Licenciado Casta?eda alcalde mayor, and Diego de la Tobilla treasurer, both of whom arrived eight months later.[XXI-10]
IMPRISONMENT123 OF SALCEDO.
Salcedo's case claimed the first attention of the new ruler, and claims and charges began to pour in, the chief accusation124 being that he had stationed spies to watch for the arrival of Pedrarias and native assassins to despatch125 him. An investigation was ordered, to embrace also the question whether Salcedo had royal authority for his entry into the territory. The accused denied the charges, of course, and protested that he had come merely to pacify126 the country, in accordance with his instructions. He demanded liberty to depart for Honduras, where the king required his presence as governor. Any other 606 person might have felt awed127 by a demand coupled so plausibly128 with the royal name, but Pedrarias had too often mocked even the direct commands of his sovereign to care for indirect requirements. He flaunted129 in the face of the accused the royal order lately received forbidding him to meddle130 in Nicaraguan affairs, and declared that since he had done so there was every prospect131 for a residencia. The order for it might arrive at any moment, and he must give bonds to answer the claims against him. The bonds not being forthcoming he was placed under restraint, and on his attempting to escape, close confinement132 was imposed.
Ten weary months Salcedo lay in durance. Finally Treasurer Tobilla and Osorio, afterward133 bishop134, intervened and brought about a peaceful settlement. But the conditions extorted135 from him as the price of liberty were so humiliating that shame and vexation preyed136 upon his mind, and destroyed his health, already weakened by imprisonment. He was obliged to renounce137 his claims to the south, and promise to confine himself to a triangular138 section of territory bounded on the east and west by Cape1 Gracias á Dios and Puerto de Caballos.[XXI-11] The three envoys of Pedrarias, whom he had sent to Espa?ola to answer false charges, and who had returned acquitted139, were to be compensated140, and he must give security for twenty thousand pesos to appear in case a residencia should be instituted against him. On Christmas eve, 1528, the prison doors opened before him, and the once dashing Salcedo tottered141 forth, pale and emaciated142, weighed down with infirmities of body and mind, an object of pity even to the down-trodden Indians. It had been a game of rogue143 against rogue, 607 and Pedrarias as usual was the winner. Salcedo felt that he deserved little sympathy, either from the oppressed colonists or from the cruelly treated natives, and within ten days he set out for the shielding precincts of his own government.
EXPLORATION OF THE RIVER SAN JUAN.
Pedrarias had long before this taken steps to secure for himself the large tracts144 of country which he intended to extort3 from his prisoner, chiefly because they were reported to be rich in gold. For this there were also additional motives145. The report of mineral wealth in the province had induced the king to inquire regarding the desirability of erecting146 smelting147 works, and similar measures, and although the avaricious old governor required no incentive148 to gold-hunting, yet the communication was welcomed as a good pretence149 for his preparations. The already projected expedition by Rojas to the river outlet of the lake was therefore ordered to proceed, reinforced to more than one hundred and fifty men, but the chief command was intrusted to Estete, with instructions to explore the country, particularly for minerals, to take possession for Pedrarias, and to found settlements on the river and along the sea-shore, as desired by the king. On the river, where it receives the waters of the lake, was formed the settlement of Nueva Jaen, flushed at first with brilliant anticipations150 of a vast entrep?t trade and a flourishing colony, but doomed151 to speedy abandonment. From the mouth of the San Juan the party followed the coast northward152, blazing their way with branding-iron and sword, and finding good mines at Cape Gracias á Dios, as rumored153. There they established another colony, of which Rojas was left in charge, while Estete returned to Leon.
Their pathway thither154 had been stained sanguine155 by the most abominable156 cruelty against the natives, in the form of wholesale157 enslavement and wanton bloodshed, and this in face of the repeated and stringent158 orders from the king for their good treatment.[XXI-12] 608 Of what avail were orders which suited not the taste of Master Pedrarias! On setting out for Cape Gracias á Dios, Estete received from the chest, in which it was kept under three locks by order of the crown, the branding-iron, which was intended to be used only on rebels and criminals, and pursuing his circuitous159 route, he captured and branded indiscriminately all natives who fell into his hands, and sent them as slaves to Pedrarias at Leon. Captives were secured by iron collars around the neck, chained together in gangs, and forced to carry heavy burdens. When one fell from exhaustion160, in order to save time and trouble, his head was severed161 from the body, and this released the collar so that the others might pass on.[XXI-13]
This and other kidnapping expeditions, made chiefly in the interest of Pedrarias, fairly glutted162 Leon and Granada with captives; but if they could not be used here there was another means of utilizing163 them. The native population of the Isthmus164, as we have seen, had already been so greatly reduced by the ever dripping sword, by the hardly less speedy measures of relentless taskmasters, and by the flight of panic-stricken border tribes, that the settlers found it difficult to fill the constantly occurring gaps in their labor gangs. A slave market had accordingly been opened at Panamá, where natives were sold by auction165. Its origin was with Pedrarias, and with a fatherly regard for his former government he felt it a duty to sustain an institution so useful to the colonists and so comforting to his coffers. A regular trade thereupon 609 sprang up in Indian slaves, and several ship-loads were taken down to Panamá about this time by different persons.[XXI-14]
DEPOPULATION.
The supply of unfortunates was drawn166 not only from the outlying districts, but from the very centre of the lake settlements, and their capture assisted the sword and lash167 to no small extent in decimating the population. When Gil Gonzalez first entered the country it was densely168 populated, and the city of Managua alone contained forty thousand souls, it was said. A few years of Spanish rule sufficed to turn whole tracts of flourishing country into uninhabited wilds, leaving here and there only small communities of terrorized natives groaning169 under extortionate and cruel masters. On appealing to their idols170 they were assured that a flood could be called forth, but in it would perish Indians as well as Spaniards. Such was the comfort derived171 from their religion. Although they had not courage enough to adopt this remedy, women widely formed the resolution not to perpetuate172 a race foredoomed to slavery and cruel death.
At first, when numbers still gave self-reliance, they ventured to renew the hostilities which under Salcedo had led to such bloody173 results. Soon after Estete's departure for Cape Gracias a general revolt broke out. In the districts of Leon and Granada bloodshed was averted174, but in the interior the slaughter68 of natives was great, and if the Spaniards lost comparatively few, the loss was increased by the horrors of cannibalism175.[XXI-15] Among the victims were Alonso Peralta, the royal treasurer, an hidalgo named Zurita, and two brothers of the name of Ballas, who in 1528 set out from the city of Leon to visit the Indians that had been allotted to them respectively. None ever returned; all were slain176 by their vassals177. Pedrarias 610 despatched a band of soldiers, who captured eighteen caciques supposed to be implicated in the murders.
The Indians becoming daily more bold and troublesome a new method of striking them with terror was invented. As in the introduction of Christianity to the natives diplomacy178 was frequently made to take the place of logic179, so in war and punishment a refined cruelty, in the exercise of which the aged19 Pedrarias Dávila stood unexcelled, was deemed the most effectual means of pacification180. The governor of Leon determined on a grand spectacle, modelled somewhat after the gladiatorial exhibitions of Rome. An inclosure was made in the public square of the town, and on a fixed day the Indian chieftains were brought forth. One of them was led into the arena181 and given a stout182 stick or club with which to defend his life against the dogs to be let loose. At first five or six young and inexperienced animals were set upon him, which he could easily keep at bay with his stick. After witnessing this sport until it grew tame, and just as the unfortunate captive began to rejoice in the hope that through his skill and bravery his life was saved, two fierce bloodhounds rushed in, seized him by the throat, brought him to the ground, tore into shreds183 the flesh, and devoured184 the entrails, assisted by the still yelping185 whelps. On the authority of Oviedo, an eye-witness, this horrible scene was repeated seventeen times. Pedrarias ordered the dead bodies to be left on the ground as a warning to others, but soon the stench became insupportable, and the Indians were allowed to remove them.[XXI-16]
Thus did the effort to open a transcontinental route by way of San Juan not only fail, but it carried a host of evils with it, as we have seen. Pedrarias was not content, however, to abandon to Panamá so fruitful a project without another struggle, and since the strip of land between Leon and Caballos was well 611 suited for a road, he prepared to open one. But orders came from the king forbidding the work. The Isthmus was regarded as sufficient for present traffic, and it was also feared that too many lives would be lost in constructing the new road.
SALVADOR.
One of the objects of Pedrarias in connection with the undertaking186 was to secure possession of the western territory wrested187 from Salcedo, and in this, at any rate, he resolved not to be defeated. Estete was accordingly despatched northward with a strong force, accompanied by Rojas. He was first to explore the northern lakes to determine their outlet, and then to occupy the district between Golfo Dulce and the South Sea, north of Fonseca Bay. This province, known as Salvador, had already been conquered by Alvarado, the lieutenant112 of Cortés; but Pedrarias knew that the settlers left in possession were not numerous, and that the king would be more apt to favor the annexation188 of the province to the adjoining small government of Nicaragua than to the distant and too extensive New Spain. Besides, Honduras had claimed it, and that claim was now his. Estete advanced into the heart of Salvador and occupied the town there founded by Alvarado. Few as they were the settlers refused to recognize the authority of the Nicaraguan governor, and his lieutenant retired189 to the town of Perulapan, upon which he bestowed190 the high-sounding title of Ciudad de los Caballeros, together with a batch191 of officials who were to aid him in the congenial task of oppression and enslavement. His sway was not of long duration, however, for Jorge de Alvarado, then in charge of the Guatemalan government, receiving notice of the intrusion, came down upon his settlement and compelled him to evacuate192 the province in hot haste, with the loss of half his force, which deserted193 to the enemy.[XXI-17] 612
Pedrarias' schemes for aggrandizement were evidently not succeeding according to his desire, and he grieved at the thought of the many heavy ducats lost on this last expedition. It was the more deplorable in view of the failure to direct through Nicaragua the transcontinental traffic, which would have yielded so rich a harvest for himself. But above all hovered194 a deeper grief than any of these. Peru, with its glittering wealth, was now dawning on the world, and none would have been more dazzled by the sight than Pedrarias, had not the agonizing195 fact intruded196 itself that he had been tricked out of these very treasures, or at least a large share of them.
When the first expedition was organized for this conquest by Pizarro, Almagro, and Luque, Pedrarias, then governor at Panamá, had stipulated197 for a fourth interest, in return for which he bestowed the weighty sum of his patronage198. But the opening events proved to be less flattering than he had expected, and when demands came for pecuniary199 aid toward the enterprise, he shrank from the prospect, and allowed himself to be bought off for the paltry200 consideration of one thousand pesos de oro. Soon came glowing reports, however, and bitter were his denunciations of the folly201 which had permitted so rich a prize to escape him; and deep his feeling rankled202 against the late partners, whom he never ceased to suspect of duplicity and of having beguiled203 him with misrepresentation.
While he was thus brooding, it happened that Nicolás de Ribera arrived in Nicaragua, commissioned by the Peruvian conquerors to procure reinforcements. He sought in particular to win for this purpose Hernando de Soto, Hernan Ponce, and Francisco Compa?on, all men of means, who had two vessels204 on the stocks, nearly finished and available for the voyage. By revolving205 before their eyes, in kaleidoscopic206 harmony, a few specimens207 of the Inca's treasures, illustrated208 by tales no less alluring209, he secured the 613 active sympathy not only of these men, but of a crowd of beggared adherents.
THE PERUVIAN ADVENTURE.
Not least dazzled was Pedrarias. Indeed, he could not sleep for the visions that crowded upon his brain. Finally the idea struck him that he might here retrieve210 his folly by securing an interest in the vessels and reinforcements, and obtain a fair proportion of that gold-enameled region, perhaps the whole. Pizarro and Almagro had already prepared the way, and it might even be his fortune to secure the results of their victories. In order to lull211 the Peruvian emissaries he promised to do everything to aid Pizarro and Luque; as for Almagro, he had been deceived by him, and deceit his confiding212 nature could not endure. He thereupon entered secretly into negotiation213 with the owners of the vessels, but overreached himself by demanding the lion's share in command as well as returns. Feeling himself in duty bound to spare his own purse, he looked about for victims to furnish means, and bethought himself of Ribera's vessel. An alguacil was sent to seize it, but Ribera received timely warning and escaped, after prevailing214 on Ponce, Soto, and their adherents, to sail away to Panamá and there arrange with Pizarro for a liberal share in the conquest, leaving behind the foiled Pedrarias.[XXI-18]
The governor's mortification was increased by local troubles, as might be expected from his arbitrary rule and irascible temper, which had now reached octogenarian crabbedness. A most distasteful feature had been the arrival of Alcalde Mayor Francisco de Casta?eda, appointed by the king to take charge of the judicial215 affairs of the province. This division of authority was intolerable, and, on the pretence that disorders must result where different persons exercised judicial and gubernatorial powers, he urged his friends in Spain to obtain for him the privilege to appoint and 614 remove at pleasure alcaldes mayores and lieutenants. Meanwhile he made an effort to exercise this power, alleging216 the possession of a royal cédula authorizing217 him to do so; but Casta?eda, who was not so easily imposed upon, challenged him to produce the document, and this not being done, he added to his chagrin218 by ignoring him.
There was little likelihood of any arbitrary powers being conferred on the governor, for complaints of abuses were fast pouring in against him, headed by the influential219 ayuntamiento of Leon. A grave charge was peculation220. When Rodrigo del Castillo surrendered his office to the formally appointed treasurer he took the opportunity to inform the king that large sums in gold had been taken from the Indians by Córdoba. All this the governor had laid hands upon without any accounting221 therefor to the crown. He had also managed to appropriate the confiscated222 estate of Córdoba, and to defraud223 a host of others, besides perpetrating outrages and cruelties of every description.[XXI-19]
DEATH OF PEDRARIAS.
In the midst of the brewing224 troubles, in the year 1530,[XXI-20] this Timur of the Indies died at Leon, nearly ninety years of age. His body was buried in the same church with his victim Hernandez de Córdoba, and his spirit went to meet the spirit of Vasco Nu?ez, and the spirits of the hundreds of thousands of slaughtered savages225 whose benighted226 souls he had sent on before.[XXI-21] Not that he quailed227 at the thought. By this time his mind had become so fixed in some 615 incomprehensible mould of logic that there was no disturbing it. Further than this he knew he could not escape the inevitable228.
A disposition229 so ready to find solace230 is to be envied, the more so since it forms a redeeming231 feature. No man is, for that matter, wholly depraved, nor are any faultless. In the worst there is much that is good; in the best much evil. And the difference between the best and the worst is, in the eye of the Creator, much less than in the eye of the creature. For a period of sixteen years, during the most important epoch232 in the history of Darien, an irascible old man, cruel and vindictive, plays a prominent part. His name is infamous233, and so it deserves to be. Some of his misdeeds may be attributed to inherent wickedness, others to infirmities of temper; but many to peculiar234 conditions incident to the colonization of a new country, and to the teachings of the times. Spanish colonists of the sixteenth century, reared under the influences of excessive loyalty235, and suddenly withdrawn236 from the presence of their august sovereign to distant parts, were like children for the first time freed from the arbitrary rule of injudicious parents. While the safeguards of society were removed, and free scope thus given to passion, there yet remained their religious belief, the fruit of early teachings. That strange fanaticism237 which blended avarice238 and deeds diabolical239 with pretended zeal240 for the glory of God, not only permitted but demanded blood and vengeance241. Under the circumstances, therefore, the wonder is, not that we find so much that is wicked in these Spanish adventurers, but that men so taught and conditioned display so many qualities noble and magnanimous. Farewell Pedrarias! Few there are who came to these parts of whom so much of evil, so little of good, may be truthfully said. And thou Death, almighty242 leveller! who by thy speedy compensation has brought this rusty243, crusty old man, these several centuries, 616 and for all the centuries time shall tell, to be no better than Vasco Nu?ez, than Córdoba, than the meanest of the multitude of savages he has vilely244 slain, we praise thee!
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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extort
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| v.勒索，敲诈，强要 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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9
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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10
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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11
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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12
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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13
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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16
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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17
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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18
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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19
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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20
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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21
peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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22
curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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23
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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24
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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25
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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26
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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27
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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28
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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29
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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30
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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31
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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32
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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33
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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34
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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35
dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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36
pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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37
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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38
shackles
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| 手铐( shackle的名词复数 )； 脚镣； 束缚； 羁绊 | |
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39
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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40
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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41
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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42
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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43
arraigned
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| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
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44
pertaining
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| 与…有关系的，附属…的，为…固有的(to) | |
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45
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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46
behooved
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| v.适宜( behoove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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48
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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49
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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50
prow
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| n.(飞机)机头，船头 | |
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51
untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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52
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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53
inciting
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| 刺激的，煽动的 | |
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54
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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55
exonerated
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| v.使免罪，免除( exonerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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57
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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58
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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59
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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60
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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61
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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62
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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63
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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64
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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65
devour
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| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
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66
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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67
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
slaughter
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|
| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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69
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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70
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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72
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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73
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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74
holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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75
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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76
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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78
retaliated
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| v.报复，反击( retaliate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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80
labor
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|
| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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81
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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82
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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83
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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84
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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85
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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86
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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87
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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88
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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89
deferred
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|
| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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90
entangled
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|
| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91
meshes
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| 网孔( mesh的名词复数 )； 网状物； 陷阱； 困境 | |
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92
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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93
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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94
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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95
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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96
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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97
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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99
embroil
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| vt.拖累；牵连；使复杂 | |
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100
aspirant
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| n.热望者；adj.渴望的 | |
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101
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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102
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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103
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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104
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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105
soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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106
ruffled
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| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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107
boorish
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| adj.粗野的，乡巴佬的 | |
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108
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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109
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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110
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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111
deport
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| vt.驱逐出境 | |
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112
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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113
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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114
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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115
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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116
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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117
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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118
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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119
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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120
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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121
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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122
relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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123
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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124
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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125
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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126
pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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127
awed
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| adj.充满敬畏的，表示敬畏的v.使敬畏，使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
plausibly
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| 似真地 | |
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129
flaunted
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| v.炫耀，夸耀( flaunt的过去式和过去分词 )；有什么能耐就施展出来 | |
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130
meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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131
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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132
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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133
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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134
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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135
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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136
preyed
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| v.掠食( prey的过去式和过去分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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137
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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138
triangular
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| adj.三角（形）的，三者间的 | |
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139
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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140
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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141
tottered
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| v.走得或动得不稳( totter的过去式和过去分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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142
emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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143
rogue
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| n.流氓；v.游手好闲 | |
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144
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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145
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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146
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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147
smelting
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| n.熔炼v.熔炼，提炼（矿石）( smelt的现在分词 ) | |
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148
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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149
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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150
anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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151
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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152
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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153
rumored
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| adj.传说的，谣传的v.传闻( rumor的过去式和过去分词 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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154
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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155
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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156
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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157
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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158
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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159
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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160
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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161
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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162
glutted
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| v.吃得过多( glut的过去式和过去分词 )；（对胃口、欲望等）纵情满足；使厌腻；塞满 | |
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163
utilizing
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| v.利用，使用( utilize的现在分词 ) | |
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164
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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165
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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166
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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167
lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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168
densely
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| ad.密集地；浓厚地 | |
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169
groaning
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| adj. 呜咽的, 呻吟的 动词groan的现在分词形式 | |
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170
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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171
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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172
perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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173
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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174
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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175
cannibalism
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| n.同类相食；吃人肉 | |
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176
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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177
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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178
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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179
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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180
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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181
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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183
shreds
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| v.撕碎，切碎( shred的第三人称单数 )；用撕毁机撕毁（文件） | |
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184
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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185
yelping
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| v.发出短而尖的叫声( yelp的现在分词 ) | |
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186
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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187
wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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188
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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189
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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190
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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191
batch
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| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
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192
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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193
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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194
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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195
agonizing
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| adj.痛苦难忍的；使人苦恼的v.使极度痛苦；折磨(agonize的ing形式) | |
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196
intruded
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| n.侵入的，推进的v.侵入，侵扰，打扰( intrude的过去式和过去分词 )；把…强加于 | |
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197
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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198
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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199
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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200
paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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201
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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202
rankled
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| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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203
beguiled
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| v.欺骗( beguile的过去式和过去分词 )；使陶醉；使高兴；消磨（时间等） | |
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204
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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205
revolving
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| adj.旋转的，轮转式的；循环的v.（使）旋转( revolve的现在分词 )；细想 | |
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206
kaleidoscopic
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| adj.千变万化的 | |
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207
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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208
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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209
alluring
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| adj.吸引人的，迷人的 | |
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210
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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211
lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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212
confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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213
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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214
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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215
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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216
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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217
authorizing
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| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的现在分词 ) | |
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218
chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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219
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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220
peculation
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| n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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221
accounting
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| n.会计，会计学，借贷对照表 | |
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222
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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223
defraud
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| vt.欺骗，欺诈 | |
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224
brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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225
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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226
benighted
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| adj.蒙昧的 | |
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227
quailed
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| 害怕，发抖，畏缩( quail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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228
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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229
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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230
solace
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| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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231
redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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232
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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233
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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234
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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235
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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236
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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237
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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238
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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239
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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240
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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241
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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242
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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243
rusty
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| adj.生锈的；锈色的；荒废了的 | |
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244
vilely
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| adv.讨厌地，卑劣地 | |
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