Some time before Olid entered Honduras the attention of Alvarado was directed toward Guatemala. Lying between Mexico and Nicaragua, this country was one of the first links in Cortés' chain of projected conquests; it was the foreground in the glowing picture which rumor1 had painted of the regions to the south. Here were the greatest of cities and the finest of palaces, maintained by a people as numerous and cultured as any in Anáhuac. A vast table-land, with an Italian climate, made bright with meandering6 streams, studded with verdure-fringed lakes, produced in abundance the choicest of products, while the mountains and river-beds, in the ardent7 imagination of the conquerors8, at least, were veined with gold. Soft sensuous9 pearls were distributed by an equally lavish10 fancy along the shore bathed by the southern sea.
On first touching11 the borders of New Spain vague stories had reached Cortés to this effect, and while captive Montezuma still held sway at Tenochtitlan he had sought further information. The reports poured into his ears served only to magnify the mystery 618 and render the allurement12 irresistible13. As soon, therefore, as the contest with the empire was over he despatched two small parties southward, and once again the drama of Vasco Nu?ez was performed, once more was discovered and claimed the boundless14 ocean, emblem15 of infinity16, incentive17 to ever greater deeds, to ever grander discoveries, "for within it," writes Cortés to the emperor, "must be found islands rich in gold and pearls, and precious stones and spices, and many other secrets and wonderful things, as men of experience and learning affirm."[XXII-1]
There was more than speculation18 in this statement, for the explorers returned with native envoys19 bearing gold and pearls and other specimens20 of riches. Nor had they failed, in accordance with the Catholic doctrine22 of appropriation23, as I have intimated, to take possession of the new shores in the names of their Catholic majesties24, the king and queen of Spain, and to erect25 the cross, emblematic26 of their religion. With doubled impulse the conquerors now advanced along the new route opened, and speedily the vast provinces of Michoacan and Oajaca were overrun. About the same time Pilot Andrés Ni?o had stretched the limit of discovery by sea from the gulf27 of Nicoya to very near this parallel,[XXII-2] disclosing to the world the vastness of the sea baptized with the blood of Magellan, and by him endowed with a new name.
TEHUANTEPEC AND TUTUTEPEC.
Native envoys were meanwhile entering into Mexico to lay homage28 and rich gifts at the feet of the bearded white chief. Made happy in return with Castilian trumpery29 and the gracious condescension30 of the demi-gods, they went back to pour into the ears of their princes the tales impressed upon them by the strangers, of the power and grandeur31 of their king, and of the kindness and vast benefits to be derived32 from a submissive alliance with them. Among the first of the meek33 and friendly spirits to act upon 619 these reports was the lord of Tehuantepec. Less credulous34 was his neighbor of Tututepec, who had great wealth, and by no means relished35 the idea of throwing open his gates to rapacious36 invaders37. He expostulated with his neighbor, saying that the course meditated38 would be ruinous to them all. The two chieftains had quarrelled before on a less momentous39 issue than the present, and it was quite easy for them to quarrel now, and fight. If the silly lord of Tehuantepec wished to throw away himself and all his belongings40, it were better they should fall into a neighbor's hands than to strangers; so he of Tututepec attacked him and pressed him hard, until the ruler of Tehuantepec called to Cortés for help.
In answer to this request Pedro de Alvarado was sent to his aid. Leaving Mexico early in 1522, with a strong force, he swept southward like a whirlwind, and within a few weeks entered the doomed41 capital of Tututepec, captured the chieftain and his heir, and held them subject to heavy ransom42. Nor was this all. There were rich mines thereabout, so he was told; and at the sea, into which he entered with brandished43 sword to take possession, his eyes feasted on lustrous44 pearls. This sealed the fate of the ocean-bordered realms, and permanent footholds were established, to serve as nuclei45 for radiating conquest, and as retreats for booty-laden46 raiders. It was on this occasion that Soconusco was peaceably occupied by the Spaniards.[XXII-3] Still more dazzling was the confirmation47 received of the wonderful kingdoms of the Quichés and the Cakchiquels, hitherto invested by distance with the charm of mystery, but now by proximity48 disclosing glimpses of no mean splendor49. He found himself, in fact, not far from the border, and guides being at hand, he resolved to send two soldiers to investigate, with instructions to spy out the land and speak of their king and their religion. 620
And thus are opened the portals of Guatemala,[XXII-4] a region within whose parallels centuries rocked the cradle of American civilization, now disclosed by monuments the most imposing50 of any on the continent. The history of their origin is hidden in the remote past, of which only an occasional glimpse is permitted the investigator51. A mighty52 Maya empire looms53 forth54 under the name of Xibalba, founded perhaps by Votan, the culture-hero, and centring round the famous Palenque. A golden age was followed by long struggles with a growing power, which brought about its downfall toward the beginning of our era. The Nahuas now rise into prominence55, but some five centuries later disaster falls also on them, and a general breaking-up ensues, leading to mighty migrations56 and the formation of smaller independent nations, such as the Toltecs, Chichimecs, and Quichés. After this even tradition ceases to speak, save in alluding57 vaguely58 to a later foreign immigration. With this come also certain Toltecs, who, after the downfall of their empire in the more northerly Anáhuac, seek here an asylum59 where once again may bloom the culture that, cradled in this very region, now returns with invigorating elements. Mingling60 with the natives, they stir anew the progress paralyzed by civil wars, infuse fresh spirit into tottering61 institutions, and, combining with the aboriginal culture, develop the new era apparent in the art relics62 of this western plateau.
A series of struggles soon ensues, out of which rises in the twelfth or thirteenth century the Quiché empire. Subordinate tribes gradually acquire sufficient strength, however, to cast off a yoke63 which has 621 grown burdensome, and foremost among the new nations figure the Cakchiquels, who in the early part of the fifteenth century are dividing domination with the Quichés. The Cakchiquels themselves divide soon after, the northern and weaker branch forming the Zutugils, their respective capitals being Patinamit and Atitlan. These, with their former masters, are the three rival monarchies64 of Guatemala in the beginning of the sixteenth century. The Quichés, who govern at Utatlan, nevertheless maintain a certain pre?minence, both in political standing65 and culture. There are, besides, a number of minor66 independent peoples only too eager to stimulate67 enmity between the leading powers, and to ally themselves with that which is likely to favor their own interests. This condition of things, so favorable to foreign intrigue68, has not escaped the attention of the ambitious Aztecs, who are already masters of the Soconusco border province. Their agents are in fact scattered69 throughout the country, laying plans for further conquests, when the Spaniards step in to lay their iron hand upon the country, which here as in other parts they find too well prepared for them by ambition and misrule.
Nor do we fail to find foreshadowed here, as elsewhere upon the pages of history, the momentous event. There were startling occurrences, such as conflagrations71 and locust72 ravages73; there was a ball of fire, which for many evenings rose in the east and followed the path of the sun; and there were other like omens. When the troubled priests went to seek an explanation from the oracular black stone at Cahbaha, their awe74 was increased by finding it broken in twain. In 1520 cholera75 swept the Cakchiquel country, followed in 1521 by the small-pox, which, after desolating76 Mexico, fell upon these southern provinces and carried off half the population, including the two kings and the flower of the nobility, leaving gaunt famine in its trail by way of remembrance. Amid such presages77 it was that the news came of the achievements of the 622 white men in Montezuma's realms, of their wonderful war enginery and invincible78 prowess. Less awed79 by these reports, the Quichés, who had probably suffered less from epidemics80, prepared to resist the prospective81 invasion with the same determination that they had formerly82 shown against the Aztecs; but the Cakchiquels were more broken in power and spirit, and more inclined to welcome the new-comers, particularly since the Quichés were again becoming dangerous.[XXII-5]
KING BELEHE QAT.
Thus stood affairs when the two messengers of Alvarado appeared at Patinamit. On their arrival at the capital they were peaceably received. When admitted into the presence of King Belehe Qat[XXII-6] they were asked if they had been sent by Malinche,[XXII-7] and whether they had come on great sea monsters similar to those that had been seen off the coast the year before,[XXII-8] and whether they were accustomed to tell the truth; whereupon they made answer that they had come from the emperor of the world, and from his invincible captain, who, though no god,[XXII-9] had found his way hither to show them the path to paradise. Their journey had been by land, they said, and they would by no means lie, their truthfulness83 being as unvarying as the polar star. Then one of them[XXII-10] drew an enormous carac with six masts, and, Peter Martyr84 adds, as many decks, which was indeed a fair specimen21 of Spanish veracity85. The Indian nobles gazed in wonder 623 at the enormous vessel86, with its sails, and spars, and countless87 ropes, and thought it must indeed be a true representation, since there were so many adjuncts.
At length the king spoke88. "How is it that the Spaniards are so invincible, being no larger than other men?" "In the God of heaven our strength lies!" came the answer; "He whose holy law we proclaim, he gives us victories, lending us courage sharp like iron, and intelligence powerful like caged thunder, and beasts withal, which are in themselves a host." And the diplomatic Apelles drew a colossal89 horse, of fierce aspect, mounted by a man. The spectators were awe-stricken. Right willingly now would the king enter into an alliance with these wonderful beings. He would supply them with fifty thousand warriors90 if they would overthrow91 the neighboring foes92 who were devastating93 his land. Alas94! for ready friendship, the humble95 offer of vassalage96, and open hand; peaceful policy or bold defiance97 alike led to the oppressor's yoke. The embassadors were dismissed, promising98 to report the ruler's wishes to their commander, and gayly they went their way, accompanied by five thousand slaves, laden with the products and manufactures of the land, with cacao, maize99, and poultry100, besides raiment, and vases, and jewelry101 to the value of twenty thousand pesos de oro.[XXII-11]
On receiving this earnest of advantage Alvarado hastened back to impart the news to his chief and to assist him in plans for conquest. It was determined102 to advance at once by sea and land. A force of forty Spaniards, mostly carpenters and seamen103, was despatched to Zacatula, on the Pacific coast, to engage in ship-building, as an aid to proposed conquest and colonization104. We find, moreover, that during this 624 same year, 1522, two Spanish envoys, with certain natives of Mexico and of the province of Soconusco, were sent to Utatlan and Guatemala,[XXII-12] and on their return they met Cortés at Tuxpan,[XXII-13] on his way back from Pánuco, where he had been engaged in pacification. About one hundred[XXII-14] embassadors accompanied these messengers, sent by the rulers of those cities to tender friendship and service to the king of Spain. Nothing could be more courteous105 and dignified106 than the bearing of Cortés while accepting this allegiance, as he terms it, and the costly107 offerings of gold ware108, rare plumes109, and feathered tapestry110 brought by the Indian envoys; and again were produced and presented with imposing mien111 the gewgaws of Spain. Especial favor and kind treatment, the embassadors were assured, should be extended to these princes and their subjects, inasmuch as this tender of friendship was voluntary and in good faith. An appropriate display of warlike power was made before the visitors, who were then dismissed.[XXII-15]
About the beginning of 1523, however, rumors reached Cortés that these allies were scarcely to be relied on, and that the settlers in Soconusco were 625 molested112 by inroads from the southern provinces.[XXII-16] Although the truth of the reports was doubtful, Cortés deemed it not adverse113 to his interests to regard them as true, for there were advantages in the conquest of rich provinces which peaceful possession could not give.[XXII-17].
The subjugation of the districts being thus resolved on, naturally the leadership fell to Alvarado, who had already taken some steps in that direction, as we have seen. He had probably stronger claims upon Cortés than any captain in the Mexican conquest, having shared with him, as second in command, many desperate battles and many brilliant triumphs. Perhaps more so than with any of the others, his character was apparent on the surface: reckless, impetuous, merciless, lacking in veracity if not in common honesty, he was still zealous114 and courageous115; and with his native dexterity116, and past experiences under Grijalva and Cortés, he may now be called an able commander. If less staid and regular than Olid, his loyalty117 was regarded as above suspicion. At all events, the general could not himself undertake the work, and the best proxy118 was this captain.[XXII-18]
PERSONNEL OF THE EXPEDITION.
Preparations were begun early in 1523. A force was quickly organized, but operations were diverted by the inopportune arrival at Pánuco of the adelantado Francisco de Garay, who endeavored to supplant119 Cortés in that quarter. Alvarado was therefore despatched against the interloper, and it was not until the 6th of December that the expedition set out for Guatemala. It was a gallant120 array, as finally formed, the very flower of New Spain chivalry121, one hundred 626 and twenty horsemen, three hundred infantry122, of whom one hundred and thirty were cross-bowmen and arquebusiers, and over twenty thousand picked native warriors.[XXII-19] Spiritual guides were present in the persons of two friars and two army chaplains.[XXII-20] And it 627 was a proud moment for Alvarado as he marched out of the Mexican capital the chief commander of that brilliant company, the panoplies123 of the cavalry124 glittering high above the flashing helmets of the infantry, while the long sombre line of swarthy allies was broken here and there by the colored insignia and gaudy125 plumes of some great chieftain. For a little way Cortés himself rode beside his subordinate and friend, reiterating126 his instructions, charging him specially127 to render punctually his report, and such a one as would be acceptable to his majesty128. Nor was the parting devoid129 of pleasure, for one would be rid of sometimes unpleasant interference in affairs at the capital, while the other would be independent of any superior.[XXII-21]
AT TEHUANTEPEC.
It was about the middle of the dry season; and the time of year, the weather, and the condition of the roads all were favorable, so that the southward march promised to be an easy one. After turning aside to quell130 an insurrection in the mountains of Tehuantepec[XXII-22] Alvarado continued his course, and on the 12th of January, 1524, wrote to Cortés from Tehuantepec city, where he had been received in all friendship and with reiterated131 expressions of allegiance. He then entered the province of Soconusco, upon whose people the Spanish yoke seemed to rest a little heavy.
The shadows which flit behind substantial record in Soconusco's history represent the people as independent 628 for ages and in the usual state of chronic132 warfare133 with their neighbors,[XXII-23] by reason whereof they became so weakened as to fall under the sway of the Olmecs, who oppressed them almost beyond endurance. Numbers indeed abandoned their homes, leaving many tracts134 nearly depopulated. Under Aztec domination, however, they regained135 somewhat their strength, and when the Europeans came the district was quite populous136 and advanced in civilization. And now, when the purposes of the Spaniards were made known to them, they turned and joined the nations of Guatemala confederated for resistance.
At no great distance from the Tehuantepec border Alvarado first encountered serious opposition137, and before the Guatemalan border was reached many patriots138 had been punished and many freemen made slaves. The subjugation of the Soconuscans was decided139 by a pitched battle at Tonalá a town of fifty thousand inhabitants,[XXII-24] where a large army under a Quiché prince was defeated.[XXII-25] At the border of Guatemala proper the army entered, early in February, the dense140 forests of Zapotitlan,[XXII-26] now Costa Cuca and Costa Grande. For three days they marched in the shadow of lofty evergreens141, through uninhabited wilds, skirting 629 pestiferous swamps or plunging142 into snake-infested canebrakes; now hacking143 their way through thickets144, now fording high-banked streams or scaling rugged145 hill-sides, while painted macaws screamed at them, and poisonous insects left their sting. Amidst the customary prayings and cursings they struggled forward, and finally emerged from the forest and entered cultivated lands.
Territory of Quiché
APPROACH TO ZAPOTITLAN.
Messengers had been sent forward summoning the provinces in due form to allegiance. And now were captured three natives, believed to be spies from the city of Zapotitlan,[XXII-27] who were despatched with a second requirement, to which there was no response. The Spaniards then advanced along a broad open 630 highway, and soon after entered a narrower road, which they found barricaded146; whereupon they pitched camp in an open plain near by. On a height beyond a deep ravine, through which flowed a river,[XXII-28] stood the city, bathed in the bright rays of the setting sun, like a beautiful maiden147 arrayed for the sacrifice. Between the plain and the city the ground was thickly covered with plantations148 of cacao, which would materially impede149 the action of cavalry.
RESULT OF BATTLE.
The Spaniards had not long to wait attack. In the dusk of evening a small band sprang from cover and slew150 a number of the allies. The cavalry were thereupon ordered to sweep the plain. They came upon a large force, and a skirmish ensued in which some of the horses were injured. Alvarado's blood was now up, and he ordered an immediate151 march on the city. No serious opposition was encountered until the army came to the ravine, spanned by a narrow, rudely built wooden bridge, the crossing of which was fiercely contested by a large body of warriors. The artillery152 was accordingly brought into action and did efficient service. The doomed natives fought well, rallying again and again under the frightful153 havoc154 of the guns, until a great breastwork was formed of their slain155. At length the cavalry, under cover of a heavy fire, succeeded in forcing a way across the stream and began to climb the height to a bench overlooking the ravine. The infantry followed. The passage was made in the midst of the fiercest attacks; but Alvarado protected his rear with consummate156 skill, and soon he had the satisfaction of drawing up his troops on the open ground above, safe from molestation157. In the streets of the city, which the army now entered, the natives made another desperate effort to save themselves; but without avail. Those terrible guns! those terrible horses! that life-compelling steel, falling 631 with a force and precision worthy158 the death-dealing enginery of the gods! For half a league beyond the town the allies were permitted to pursue and slay159, after which the victors took up their quarters in the abandoned market-place, where for two days they rested and reconnoitred.
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1
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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5
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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meandering
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| 蜿蜒的河流，漫步，聊天 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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sensuous
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| adj.激发美感的；感官的，感觉上的 | |
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lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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allurement
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| n.诱惑物 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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infinity
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| n.无限，无穷，大量 | |
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incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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majesties
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| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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emblematic
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| adj.象征的，可当标志的；象征性 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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trumpery
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| n.无价值的杂物；adj.（物品）中看不中用的 | |
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condescension
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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meek
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| adj.温顺的，逆来顺受的 | |
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credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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relished
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| v.欣赏( relish的过去式和过去分词 )；从…获得乐趣；渴望 | |
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rapacious
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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momentous
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belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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brandished
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| v.挥舞( brandish的过去式和过去分词 )；炫耀 | |
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lustrous
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| adj.有光泽的；光辉的 | |
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nuclei
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| n.核 | |
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laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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proximity
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| n.接近，邻近 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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investigator
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| n.研究者，调查者，审查者 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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looms
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| n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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55
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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56
migrations
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| n.迁移，移居( migration的名词复数 ) | |
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57
alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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58
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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59
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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60
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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61
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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62
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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63
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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64
monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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65
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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66
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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67
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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68
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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69
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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70
omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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71
conflagrations
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| n.大火（灾）( conflagration的名词复数 ) | |
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72
locust
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| n.蝗虫；洋槐，刺槐 | |
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73
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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74
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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75
cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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76
desolating
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| 毁坏( desolate的现在分词 )； 极大地破坏； 使沮丧； 使痛苦 | |
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77
presages
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| v.预示，预兆( presage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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78
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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79
awed
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| adj.充满敬畏的，表示敬畏的v.使敬畏，使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80
epidemics
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| n．流行病 | |
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81
prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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82
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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83
truthfulness
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| n. 符合实际 | |
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84
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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85
veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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86
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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87
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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88
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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89
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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90
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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91
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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92
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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93
devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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94
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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95
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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96
vassalage
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| n.家臣身份，隶属 | |
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97
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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98
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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99
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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100
poultry
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| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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101
jewelry
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| n.（jewllery）（总称）珠宝 | |
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102
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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103
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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104
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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105
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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106
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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107
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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108
ware
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| n.(常用复数)商品，货物 | |
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109
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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110
tapestry
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| n.挂毯，丰富多采的画面 | |
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111
mien
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| n.风采；态度 | |
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112
molested
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| v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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113
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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114
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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115
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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116
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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117
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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118
proxy
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| n.代理权，代表权；（对代理人的）委托书；代理人 | |
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119
supplant
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| vt.排挤；取代 | |
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120
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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121
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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122
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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123
panoplies
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| n.全套礼服( panoply的名词复数 )；盛装；全副甲胄；雄伟的阵式 | |
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124
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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125
gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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126
reiterating
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的现在分词 ) | |
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127
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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128
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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129
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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130
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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131
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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133
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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134
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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135
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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136
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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137
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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138
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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139
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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140
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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141
evergreens
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| n.常青树，常绿植物，万年青( evergreen的名词复数 ) | |
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142
plunging
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| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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143
hacking
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| n.非法访问计算机系统和数据库的活动 | |
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144
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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145
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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146
barricaded
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| 设路障于，以障碍物阻塞( barricade的过去式和过去分词 )； 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
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147
maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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148
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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149
impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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150
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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151
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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152
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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153
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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154
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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155
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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156
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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157
molestation
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| n.骚扰，干扰，调戏；折磨 | |
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158
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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159
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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