Since these groups of impulses have shown themselves to play a part of such importance in human mind and human conduct,[176] it is not unnatural10 that, having completed our review of The theoretical treatment of our subject and its difficulties their manifestations11, we should feel some curiosity as to the manner in which they have come to play this part in the course of the past history of the human race and as to the nature of the influence which they have exerted on this history. Unfortunately in the present state of our knowledge it would not seem possible to gratify this curiosity except in a very partial, unsatisfactory and uncertain manner. The psychological mechanisms12 with which we have been dealing13 have themselves, for the most part, been too recently discovered to have as yet been adequately correlated, or brought into connection, with the relevant facts of anthropological14, ethnographical or biological science. The data from these latter sources are moreover, in spite of much diligent15 research in recent years, still in many important respects too incomplete to afford a satisfactory basis for such correlation16. As a consequence of these conditions, it is to be feared that any attempt that we may make to exhibit the psychical17 tendencies with which we have been concerned, in their bearings upon early human history, or to explain their origin in the light of this history or of the general conditions of human life and mind, will result in little more than a restatement of our psychological principles from a slightly different point of view. Nevertheless the attempt may be worth making. A summary of some of the main implications of our psychological knowledge in this field may perhaps not seem amiss—especially in view of the astonishing and unlooked-for character of much of this knowledge—and if we succeed in establishing a few connections between our psychological data and the related facts of anthropology19 or biology, these may perhaps serve as starting points—to be either proved or else corrected—for subsequent enquiries based on a more sound foundation. The reader will understand therefore that, in so far as in the present and the two succeeding chapters there is anything that is not—explicitly or implicitly—contained in what we have already said, we shall have left the region of comparative certainty afforded by the results of observation and induction20, and shall be travelling for the most part on the unsure ground of speculation—speculation that can be justified21 only on the plea of natural curiosity, and by the hope of opening up a few vistas22 which may[177] be more fully23 surveyed by better equipped workers in the future.
Of the two main groups of tendencies to which we have The hate tendencies to some extent inevitable24 above referred—which we may briefly25 call the love and hate groups—the former opens up a number of problems in this connection which would seem to be in some significant respects deeper, more important and more complex than those raised by the latter. The hate tendencies are, indeed, as regards the cause and nature of their origin and development, in the main not so very difficult to understand. Psychologists are pretty well agreed as to the circumstances which give rise to anger and fear—the emotions which chiefly underlie26 the attitude of hate. Anger arises when the activities, tendencies or wishes of the individual are interfered27 with or when the individual is unwillingly28 forced to undergo some disagreeable or undesirable29 experience, and it is directed to the object from which such interference or such infliction30 of undesired experience is forthcoming. Fear arises when harm is threatened to the individual or to that which he possesses or holds dear, and is directed to the threatening object[216].
Now, as we have seen, the normal conditions of family life necessarily give rise to some extent to the situations which arouse these emotions. Through the mere31 exercise of ordinary parental32 authority and care, and more especially through the process of elementary moral training and education, the parent invariably interferes33 in some ways with the primitive desires and tendencies of the child, and threatens the child with punishment in the event of his transgressing34 the parental prohibitions35; the conditions are therefore present for the arousal in the child's mind of anger and fear towards the parent, should the child be at all susceptible36 to these emotions.
[178]
We have seen that the hate attitude is sometimes and Jealousy37 as a necessary consequence of marriage to some extent brought about indirectly38 as a consequence of jealousy aroused in connection with the love attitude (jealousy being caused by interference with the successful function of the love impulses), sometimes more directly by a more general hostility39 between parent and child. In so far as the first case is concerned, the hate attitude is obviously dependent upon the existence of sexual rivalry40 between the child and one of the parents. Granted the existence of the love impulse of the child towards the parent of the opposite sex, the conditions of this rivalry are to be found whenever the two parents live together—in fact wherever there is marriage, and more especially wherever there is monogamy. Now marriage of some sort would seem to exist in practically every human community—both primitive and cultured—that has as yet been subjected to any degree of careful study or investigation41; in fact there is every reason to regard it as an institution fundamentally characteristic of the human race and of immemorial antiquity42. It is therefore not surprising that we find evidence of sexual jealousy between parents and children in many early myths and customs and in the legends and beliefs of many peoples, both cultivated and uncivilised. There is good ground for supposing that parent hatred43 based on jealousy has been called into existence in innumerable successive generations and has thus had ample opportunity to impress itself on the forms, traditions and institutions of human society.
In those societies which have developed or maintained a and especially of monogamy relatively44 strict monogamy we should expect that this kind of parent hatred would be more easily and extensively developed than in those in which the marriage tie is looser, wider or more elastic45, since in the former case the hatred bred of jealousy would necessarily be directed on to a single individual, whereas in the latter it might lose in intensity46 through diffusion47 over a number of different persons. Now it is a feature of that relatively early stage of culture which with Wundt[217] we may perhaps call the Totemic age that the family ties are as a rule relaxed in favour of those wider bonds that unite together the different members of the tribe or clan48. In this age we[179] often find that some form of group marriage exists or shows evident traces of having existed; in distinction to the more or less strictly49 monogamous unions that are characteristic both of those races of mankind which are at a more primitive level of development and of those that have reached a more advanced stage of culture. We might imagine therefore that this Totemic Parent-child jealousy perhaps less pronounced in the Totemic Age age was distinguished50 by a lessening51 of the parent jealousy which must probably have existed both in the earlier and in the later societies of a more strictly monogamic kind. We have seen indeed that a reconciliation52 between fathers and sons is one of the motives53 which finds expression in the initiation54 ceremonies—ceremonies that arise and flourish principally at the Totemic stage of culture. The men's clubs—one of the institutions most typical of this age—would again seem to point to the existence of a tendency to do away with the hostility between man and man by establishing a community of interest and affection between the members of the clubs, who are brought into more intimate contact with one another than would be the case if they remained each more strictly within the confines of their own families. A similar result is no doubt to some extent achieved by the corresponding throwing together of the women, who are freed from the more intimate dependence on the male that is fostered in a more closely knit family system. At the same time the relative sexual freedom that is frequently permitted, especially before marriage, affords an unfavourable environment for the development of jealousy; as is shown by the absence of this passion so frequently exhibited both within and without the marriage bond. Indeed there would seem to be almost necessarily some degree of correspondence between the strictness of the marriage relationship and the development of jealousy. So long as men and women regard themselves as possessing certain exclusive rights and privileges over one or more members of the opposite sex, they are bound to resent any conduct which might appear to constitute an infringement56 or challenge of these rights; freedom from jealousy can only be obtained under these circumstances by perfect confidence that no such attempt will be made, or, if made, will be unsuccessful—a condition of mind which requires a more complete adaptation to the married state on the part of all concerned than can usually be secured. On the[180] other hand, if no such exclusive privileges as are implied in the strict observance of the marriage bond are demanded or expected, there is no ground or occasion for the development of any high degree of jealousy. Monogamy, the strictest and most exclusive form of marriage, is thus most especially liable to bring jealousy in its train, since here all sexual tendencies and privileges are centred round one person, who has to be guarded at whatever cost against the advances of all other suitors[218].
The Totemic age, characterised as it is by a recession in importance of the family ties as compared with those of a wider social unit, would appear then in one of its aspects to have been marked by a strong tendency to get rid of jealousy, which differs in this respect both from preceding and succeeding ages together with certain other of the passions which are aroused in connection with, or centre round, the family. It differs thus from the more strictly monogamic condition, which, according to our most recent knowledge, would seem to exist among the really primitive races of mankind[219]. It differs also, perhaps even more markedly, from the conditions of the patriarchal family—that form of family which seems on the whole to be characteristic of the post-Totemic stage of culture[220]. At this latter stage the family—now however often in an enlarged form comprising several smaller family groups and several generations—once more becomes the predominant social unit; societies based on the tribal57 or clan system having apparently58 proved themselves more unstable59 or less capable of expansion and development than those based upon the more fundamental unit of the family. The decline of jealousy and of the hatreds60 based thereon was therefore, we may suppose, at the close of the Totemic age replaced by a recrudescence of that more vigorous hostility between father and son, mother and daughter, between brothers[181] and between sisters, which is to some extent inevitable in a closely united monogamic family—a hostility which has continued to exist uninterruptedly until the present day.
Much the same is also true, no doubt, as regards those aspects of intra-family hostilities61 which are not based on jealousy. In the monogamic families of primitive man these Similar differences as regards other aspects of intra-family hatred latter aspects of hostility had no doubt free scope within certain limits. In the looser family conditions of the Totemic age it seems probable that passions based on mutual62 interference of different members of the family with each other's interests and desires would be a good deal less developed. In the patriarchal family of the later epoch63 conditions would seem however to become favourable55 once again to the development of hostility of this kind, particularly to that between father and son. The close and permanent organisation64 of the family under the patriarchal system brings it about that the interests of father and son continue to be to some extent antagonistic65 long after the son has reached maturity66, whereas in the state more nearly resembling that of nature the son would usually be free from paternal67 tutelage as soon as he had attained68 to full growth.
The family life of most modern civilised nations is less The hate-producing causes are still potent69 in modern civilisation70 closely organised than that of the patriarchal family at its full development; children as a rule becoming relatively or completely free from parental jurisdiction71, if not before, at least as soon as, they have married and founded a home of their own. Nevertheless the lessening of antagonism72 that is brought about by this relaxation73 of the family organisation is often to some extent counterbalanced by the increasing social and economic dependence of children on their parents that is apt to arise in advanced and complex societies, specially18 among the higher and wealthier classes (cp. above p. 58). The irksomeness of parental restrictions74 is apt to be increased too, as civilisation advances, by the fact that the rules of conduct and of morals inculcated by the parents tend to become in many respects increasingly remote from the behaviour to which the young child's primitive tendencies naturally impel75 him; so that a more violent friction76 is likely to arise between the authority of the parents and the will of the children in their early years[221].
[182]
For these reasons the antagonism between parents and children remains77, as we know, strong even in present day civilisation, though there are grounds for thinking that it may perhaps have been stronger in those earlier stages of society in which a more complex patriarchal system flourished.
As regards the negative or reactionary aspects of the hate Negative aspects of the hate attitude attitude, it is pretty clear that the influences which tend to produce repression78 or inhibition of the hate are in the main of two kinds:—(1) "moral" influences, such as the acceptance of a code of ethics80, or of a tradition, with which parent hatred is incompatible81; (2) the co-existence with the hate of a genuine love, admiration82 or respect towards the parent who is hated.
As regards the ultimate psychological nature of the first "Moral" influences of these factors, we are face to face with a problem concerning which there is at present no very great degree of certainty or unanimity83, i. e. the problem of the general nature of the forces of repression which inhibit79 the immoral84 or anti-social tendencies of the mind. Freud[222] is inclined to lay stress upon the impulses centering round the self (though more especially in connection with the repression of the sexual trends); others, like McCurdy[223] Trotter[224] and Hart[225], emphasize the importance of the gregarious85 tendencies in this connection. Whatever may be their ultimate basis in the mind, there can be little doubt however that these moral forces on the whole increase with advancing culture, thus tending always to substitute an indirect or negative for the more primitive direct or positive expression of the hate attitude towards the parents.
As regards the second factor, the arousal of love in opposition86 Love that conflicts with and represses hate to hate is evidently dependent partly (a) upon the child's[183] own innate87 capacities for affection, tenderness and gratitude88; partly (b) upon the extent to which these capacities are awakened89 and called into play by a kind and loving attitude on the part of the parent towards the child. As regards these factors it seems very difficult to say in the present state of our knowledge whether there has been any considerable or lasting90 change during the later period of human development. The extent to which tender feelings have been aroused between parents and children of the same sex (for it is of course with the relations between these that we are chiefly concerned here) has naturally varied91 from age to age and from one family system to another; the intensity and frequency of these feelings being as a rule in inverse92 proportion to the intensity of the hate attitude. Thus it is that those times and places which have produced the minimum of hatred between parents and children have also probably on the whole tended to bring about the greatest degree of repression of such hatred as did still exist—the repression being due to the influence of love tendencies which were opposed to those of hate. Nevertheless it is not easy to bring forward any evidence to show a general tendency towards increase of the tender feelings with which we are here concerned. Savage93 parents in many cases appear to exhibit a very considerable degree of affection towards their children, while the children are in their turn often not backward in their manifestations of love and respect. Parents in civilised communities, on the other hand, have often shown themselves (under a veneer94 of kindness or consideration) singularly brutal95 and selfish in the treatment of their children; the latter not infrequently manifesting a corresponding lack of genuine affection for their parents. Under these circumstances it would seem that we are perhaps justified in attributing the undoubted increase in the repression of the hate attitude to the more efficient operation of the "moral" factors, rather than to any growth of tenderness between parent and child which might have served more effectually to counter-act the hostile tendencies.
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1
transformations
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| n.变化( transformation的名词复数 )；转换；转换；变换 | |
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ramifications
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| n.结果，后果( ramification的名词复数 ) | |
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3
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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4
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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5
displacements
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| n.取代( displacement的名词复数 )；替代；移位；免职 | |
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6
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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7
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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mechanisms
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| n.机械( mechanism的名词复数 )；机械装置；[生物学] 机制；机械作用 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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anthropological
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| adj.人类学的 | |
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diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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correlation
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| n.相互关系，相关，关连 | |
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psychical
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| adj.有关特异功能现象的；有关特异功能官能的；灵魂的；心灵的 | |
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18
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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anthropology
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| n.人类学 | |
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induction
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| n.感应，感应现象 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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vistas
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| 长条形景色( vista的名词复数 )； 回顾； 展望； （未来可能发生的）一系列情景 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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underlie
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| v.位于...之下，成为...的基础 | |
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interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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unwillingly
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| adv.不情愿地 | |
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undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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30
infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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parental
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| adj.父母的；父的；母的 | |
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interferes
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| vi. 妨碍，冲突，干涉 | |
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transgressing
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| v.超越( transgress的现在分词 )；越过；违反；违背 | |
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prohibitions
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| 禁令，禁律( prohibition的名词复数 )； 禁酒； 禁例 | |
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susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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40
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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41
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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42
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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43
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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44
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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45
elastic
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| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
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46
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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47
diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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48
clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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49
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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50
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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51
lessening
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| 减轻，减少，变小 | |
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52
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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53
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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54
initiation
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| n.开始 | |
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55
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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56
infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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57
tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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58
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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59
unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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60
hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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61
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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62
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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63
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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64
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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65
antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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66
maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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67
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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68
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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69
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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70
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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71
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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72
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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73
relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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74
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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75
impel
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| v.推动；激励，迫使 | |
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76
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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77
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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78
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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inhibit
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| vt.阻止，妨碍，抑制 | |
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ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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gregarious
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| adj.群居的，喜好群居的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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inverse
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| adj.相反的，倒转的，反转的；n.相反之物；v.倒转 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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veneer
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| n.(墙上的)饰面，虚饰 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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