Difficulty of restraining the Liberty of the Press.—Particular reasons which some Nations have to cherish this Liberty.—The Liberty of the Press a necessary Consequence of the Sovereignty of the people as it is understood in America.—Violent Language of the periodical Press in the United States.—Propensities1 of the periodical Press.—Illustrated by the United States.—Opinion of the Americans upon the Repression2 of the Abuse of the Liberty of the Press by judicial3 Prosecutions4.—Reasons for which the Press is less powerful in America than in France.
The influence of the liberty of the press does not affect political opinions alone, but it extends to all the opinions of men, and it modifies customs as well as laws. In another part of this work I shall attempt to determine the degree of influence which the liberty of the press has exercised upon civil society in the United States, and to point out the direction which it has given to the ideas, as well as the tone which it has imparted to the character and the feelings of the Anglo-Americans, but at present I purpose simply to examine the effects produced by the liberty of the press in the political world.
I confess that I do not entertain that firm and complete attachment6 to the liberty of the press, which things that are supremely7 good in their very nature are wont9 to excite in the mind; and I approve of it more from a recollection of the evils it prevents, than from a consideration of the advantages it ensures.
If any one can point out an intermediate, and yet a tenable position, between the complete independence and the entire subjection of the public expression of opinion, I should perhaps be inclined to adopt it; but the difficulty is to discover this position. If it is your intention to correct the abuses of unlicensed printing, and to restore the use of orderly language, you may in the first instance try the offender11 by a jury; but if the jury acquits12 him, the opinion which was that of a single individual becomes the opinion of the country at large. Too much and too little has therefore hitherto been done; if you proceed, you must bring the delinquent13 before permanent magistrates14; but even here the cause must be heard before it can be decided15; and the very principles which no book would have ventured to avow16 are blazoned17 forth18 in the pleadings, and what was obscurely hinted at in a single composition is then repeated in a multitude of other publications. The language in which a thought is embodied19 is the mere20 carcase of the thought, and not the idea itself; tribunals may condemn21 the form, but the sense and spirit of the work is too subtle for their authority: too much has still been done to recede22, too little to attain23 your end: you must therefore proceed. If you establish a censorship of the press, the tongue of the public speaker will still make itself heard, and you have only increased the mischief24. The powers of thought do not rely, like the powers of physical strength, upon the number of their mechanical agents, nor can a host of authors be reckoned like the troops which compose an army; on the contrary, the authority of a principle is often increased by the smallness of the number of men by whom it is expressed. The words of a strong-minded man, which penetrate25 amid the passions of a listening assembly, have more weight than the vociferations of a thousand orators26; and if it be allowed to speak freely in any public place, the consequence is the same as if free speaking was allowed in every village. The liberty of discourse27 must therefore be destroyed as well as the liberty of the press; this is the necessary term of your efforts; but if your object was to repress the abuses of liberty, they have brought you to the feet of a despot. You have been led from the extreme of independence to the extreme of subjection, without meeting with a single tenable position for shelter or repose28.
There are certain nations which have peculiar29 reasons for cherishing the press, independently of the general motives30 which I have just pointed31 out. For in certain countries which profess32 to enjoy the privileges of freedom, every individual agent of the government may violate the laws with impunity33, since those whom he oppresses cannot prosecute35 him before the courts of justice. In this case the liberty of the press is not merely a guarantee, but it is the only guarantee of their liberty and their security which the citizens possess. If the rulers of these nations proposed to abolish the independence of the press, the people would be justified36 in saying: "Give us the right of prosecuting37 your offences before the ordinary tribunals, and perhaps we may then waive38 our right of appeal to the tribunal of public opinion."
But in the countries in which the doctrine39 of the sovereignty of the people ostensibly prevails, the censorship of the press is not only dangerous, but it is absurd. When the right of every citizen to co-operate in the government of society is acknowledged, every citizen must be presumed to possess the power of discriminating40 between the different opinions of his contemporaries, and of appreciating the different facts from which inferences may be drawn41. The sovereignty of the people and the liberty of the press may therefore be looked upon as correlative institutions; just as the censorship of the press and universal suffrage42 are two things which are irreconcileably opposed, and which cannot long be retained among the institutions of the same people. Not a single individual of the twelve millions who inhabit the territory of the United States has as yet dared to propose any restrictions43 to the liberty of the press. The first newspaper over which I cast my eyes, after my arrival in America, contained the following article:
"In all this affair, the language of Jackson has been that of a heartless despot, solely44 occupied with the preservation45 of his own authority. Ambition is his crime, and it will be his punishment too: intrigue46 is his native element, and intrigue will confound his tricks, and will deprive him of his power; he governs by means of corruption47, and his immoral48 practices will redound49 to his shame and confusion. His conduct in the political arena50 has been that of a shameless and lawless gamester. He succeeded at the time, but the hour of retribution approaches, and he will be obliged to disgorge his winnings, to throw aside his false dice51, and to end his days in some retirement52 where he may curse his madness at his leisure; for repentance53 is a virtue54 with which his heart is likely to remain for ever unacquainted."
It is not uncommonly55 imagined in France, that the virulence56 of the press originates in the uncertain social condition, in the political excitement, and the general sense of consequent evil which prevail in that country; and it is therefore supposed that as soon as society has resumed a certain degree of composure, the press will abandon its present vehemence57. I am inclined to think that the above causes explain the reason of the extraordinary ascendency it has acquired over the nation, but that they do not exercise much influence upon the tone of its language. The periodical press appears to me to be actuated by passions and propensities independent of the circumstances in which it is placed; and the present position of America corroborates58 this opinion.
America is, perhaps, at this moment, the country of the whole world which contains the fewest germs of revolution; but the press is not less destructive in its principles than in France, and it displays the same violence without the same reasons for indignation. In America, as in France, it constitutes a singular power, so strangely composed of mingled59 good and evil, that it is at the same time indispensable to the existence of freedom, and nearly incompatible60 with the maintenance of public order. Its power is certainly much greater in France than in the United States; though nothing is more rare in the latter country than to hear of a prosecution5 having been instituted against it. The reason of this is perfectly61 simple; the Americans having once admitted the doctrine of sovereignty of the people, apply it with perfect consistency62. It was never their intention to found a permanent state of things with elements which undergo daily modifications63; and there is consequently nothing criminal in an attack upon the existing laws, provided it be not attended with a violent infraction64 of them. They are moreover of opinion that courts of justice are unable to check the abuses of the press; and that as the subtlety65 of human language perpetually eludes66 the severity of judicial analysis, offences of this nature are apt to escape the hand which attempts to apprehend67 them. They hold that to act with efficacy upon the press, it would be necessary to find a tribunal, not only devoted68 to the existing order of things, but capable of surmounting69 the influence of public opinion; a tribunal which should conduct its proceedings70 without publicity71, which should pronounce its decrees without assigning its motives, and punish the intentions even more than the language of an author. Whosoever should have the power of creating and maintaining a tribunal of this kind, would waste his time in prosecuting the liberty of the press; for he would be the supreme8 master of the whole community, and he would be as free to rid himself of the authors as of their writings. In this question, therefore, there is no medium between servitude and extreme license10; in order to enjoy the inestimable benefits which the liberty of the press ensures, it is necessary to submit to the inevitable72 evils which it engenders73. To expect to acquire the former, and to escape the latter, is to cherish one of those illusions which commonly mislead nations in their times of sickness, when, tired with faction74 and exhausted75 by effort, they attempt to combine hostile opinions and contrary principles upon the same soil.
The small influence of the American journals is attributable to several reasons, among which are the following:—
The liberty of writing, like all other liberty, is most formidable when it is a novelty; for a people which has never been accustomed to co-operate in the conduct of state affairs, places implicit76 confidence in the first tribune who arouses its attention. The Anglo-Americans have enjoyed this liberty ever since the foundation of the settlements; moreover, the press cannot create human passions by its own power, however skilfully77 it may kindle78 them where they exist. In America politics are discussed with animation79 and a varied80 activity, but they rarely touch those deep passions which are excited whenever the positive interest of a part of the community is impaired81: but in the United States the interests of the community are in a most prosperous condition. A single glance upon a French and an American newspaper is sufficient to show the difference which exists between the two nations on this head. In France the space allotted82 to commercial advertisements is very limited, and the intelligence is not considerable, but the most essential part of the journal is that which contains the discussion of the politics of the day. In America three quarters of the enormous sheet which is set before the reader are filled with advertisements, and the remainder is frequently occupied by political intelligence or trivial anecdotes83: it is only from time to time that one finds a corner devoted to passionate84 discussions like those with which the journalists of France are wont to indulge their readers.
It has been demonstrated by observation, and discovered by the innate85 sagacity of the pettiest as well as the greatest of despots, that the influence of a power is increased in proportion as its direction is rendered more central. In France the press combines a twofold centralisation: almost all its power is centred in the same spot, and vested in the same hands, for its organs are far from numerous. The influence of a public press thus constituted, upon a sceptical nation, must be unbounded. It is an enemy with which a government may sign an occasional truce86, but which it is difficult to resist for any length of time.
Neither of these kinds of centralisation exists in America. The United States have no metropolis87; the intelligence as well as the power of the country is dispersed88 abroad, and instead of radiating from a point, they cross each other in every direction; the Americans have established no central control over the expression of opinion, any more than over the conduct of business. These are circumstances which do not depend on human foresight89; but it is owing to the laws of the union that there are no licenses90 to be granted to the printers, no securities demanded from editors, as in France, and no stamp duty as in France and England. The consequence of this is that nothing is easier than to set up a newspaper, and a small number of readers suffices to defray the expenses of the editor.
The number of periodical and occasional publications which appear in the United States actually surpasses belief. The most enlightened Americans attribute the subordinate influence of the press to this excessive dissemination91; and it is adopted as an axiom of political science in that country, that the only way to neutralise the effect of public journals is to multiply them indefinitely. I cannot conceive why a truth which is so self-evident has not already been more generally admitted in Europe; it is comprehensible that the persons who hope to bring about revolutions, by means of the press, should be desirous of confining its action to a few powerful organs; but it is perfectly incredible that the partisans92 of the existing state of things, and the natural supporters of the laws, should attempt to diminish the influence of the press by concentrating its authority. The governments of Europe seem to treat the press with the courtesy of the knights93 of old; they are anxious to furnish it with the same central power which they have found to be so trusty a weapon, in order to enhance the glory of their resistance to its attacks.
In America there is scarcely a hamlet which has not its own newspaper. It may readily be imagined that neither discipline nor unity34 of design can be communicated to so multifarious a host, and each one is constantly led to fight under his own standard. All the political journals of the United States are indeed arrayed on the side of the administration or against it; but they attack and defend it in a thousand different ways. They cannot succeed in forming those great currents of opinion which overwhelm the most solid obstacles. This division of the influence of the press produces a variety of other consequences which are scarcely less remarkable94. The facility with which journals can be established induces a multitude of individuals to take a part in them; but as the extent of competition precludes95 the possibility of considerable profit, the most distinguished96 classes of society are rarely led to engage in these undertakings97. But such is the number of the public prints, that even if they were a source of wealth, writers of ability could not be found to direct them all. The journalists of the United States are usually placed in a very humble98 position, with a scanty99 education, and a vulgar turn of mind. The will of the majority is the most general of laws, and it establishes certain habits which form the characteristics of each peculiar class of society; thus it dictates100 the etiquette101 practised at courts and the etiquette of the bar. The characteristics of the French journalist consist in a violent, but frequently an eloquent102 and lofty manner of discussing the politics of the day; and the exceptions to this habitual103 practice are only occasional. The characteristics of the American journalist consist in an open and coarse appeal to the passions of the populace; and he habitually104 abandons the principles of political science to assail105 the characters of individuals, to track them into private life, and disclose all their weaknesses and errors.
Nothing can be more deplorable than this abuse of the powers of thought; I shall have occasion to point out hereafter the influence of the newspapers upon the taste and the morality of the American people, but my present subject exclusively concerns the political world. It cannot be denied that the effects of this extreme license of the press tend indirectly106 to the maintenance of public order. The individuals who are already in possession of a high station in the esteem107 of their fellow citizens, are afraid to write in the newspapers, and they are thus deprived of the most powerful instrument which they can use to excite the passions of the multitude to their own advantage.{161}
The personal opinions of the editors have no kind of weight in the eyes of the public: the only use of a journal is, that it imparts the knowledge of certain facts, and it is only by altering or distorting those facts, that a journalist can contribute to the support of his own views.
But although the press is limited to these resources, its influence in America is immense. It is the power which impels108 the circulation of political life through all the districts of that vast territory. Its eye is constantly open to detect the secret springs of political designs, and to summon the leaders of all parties to the bar of public opinion. It rallies the interests of the community round certain principles, and it draws up the creed109 which factions110 adopt; for it affords a means of intercourse111 between parties which hear, and which address each other, without ever having been in immediate112 contact. When a great number of the organs of the press adopt the same line of conduct, their influence becomes irresistible113; and public opinion, when it is perpetually assailed114 from the same side, eventually yields to the attack. In the United States each separate journal exercises but little authority: but the power of the periodical press is only second to that of the people.{162}
In the United States the democracy perpetually raises fresh individuals to the conduct of public affairs; and the measures of the administration are consequently seldom regulated by the strict rules of consistency or of order. But the general principles of the government are more stable, and the opinions most prevalent in society are generally more durable115 than in many other countries. When once the Americans have taken up an idea, whether it be well or ill-founded, nothing is more difficult than to eradicate116 it from their minds. The same tenacity117 of opinion has been observed in England, where, for the last century, greater freedom of conscience, and more invincible118 prejudices have existed, than in all the other countries of Europe. I attribute this consequence to a cause which may at first sight appear to have a very opposite tendency, namely, to the liberty of the press. The nations among which this liberty exists are as apt to cling to their opinions from pride as from conviction. They cherish them because they hold them to be just, and because they exercised their own free will in choosing them; and they maintain them, not only because they are true, but because they are their own. Several other reasons conduce to the same end.
It was remarked by a man of genius, that "ignorance lies at the two ends of knowledge." Perhaps it would have been more correct to say that absolute convictions are to be met with at the two extremities119, and that doubt lies in the middle; for the human intellect may be considered in three distinct states, which frequently succeed one another.
A man believes implicitly120, because he adopts a proposition without inquiry121. He doubts as soon as he is assailed by the objections which his inquiries122 may have aroused. But he frequently succeeds in satisfying these doubts, and then he begins to believe afresh: he no longer lays hold on a truth in its most shadowy and uncertain form, but he sees it clearly before him, and he advances onward123 by the light it gives him.{163}
When the liberty of the press acts upon men who are in the first of these three states, it does not immediately disturb their habit of believing implicitly without investigation124, but it constantly modifies the objects of their intuitive convictions. The human mind continues to discern but one point upon the whole intellectual horizon, and that point is in continual motion. Such are the symptoms of sudden revolutions, and of the misfortunes that are sure to befall those generations which abruptly125 adopt the unconditional126 freedom of the press.
The circle of novel ideas is, however, soon terminated; the torch of experience is upon them, and the doubt and mistrust which their uncertainty127 produces, become universal. We may rest assured that the majority of mankind will either believe they know not wherefore, or will not know what to believe. Few are the beings who can ever hope to attain that state of rational and independent conviction which true knowledge can beget128, in defiance129 of the attacks of doubt.
It has been remarked that in times of great religious fervor130, men sometimes change their religious opinions; whereas, in times of general scepticism, every one clings to his own persuasion131. The same thing takes place in politics under the liberty of the press. In countries where all the theories of social science have been contested in their turn, the citizens who have adopted one of them, stick to it, not so much because they are assured of its excellence132, as because they are not convinced of the superiority of any other. In the present age men are not very ready to die in defence of their opinions, but they are rarely inclined to change them; and there are fewer martyrs133 as well as fewer apostates134.
Another still more valid135 reason may yet be adduced: when no abstract opinions are looked upon as certain, men cling to the mere propensities and external interest of their position, which are naturally more tangible136 and more permanent than any opinions in the world.
It is not a question of easy solution whether the aristocracy or the democracy is most fit to govern a country. But it is certain that democracy annoys one part of the community, and that aristocracy oppresses another part. When the question is reduced to the simple expression of the struggle between poverty and wealth, the tendency of each side of the dispute becomes perfectly evident without farther controversy137.
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1
propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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prosecutions
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| 起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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supremely
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| adv.无上地，崇高地 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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acquits
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的第三人称单数 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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delinquent
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| adj.犯法的，有过失的；n.违法者 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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blazoned
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| v.广布( blazon的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布；夸示；装饰 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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waive
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| vt.放弃，不坚持(规定、要求、权力等) | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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discriminating
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| a.有辨别能力的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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redound
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| v.有助于；提；报应 | |
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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55
uncommonly
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| adv. 稀罕(极，非常) | |
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virulence
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| n.毒力，毒性；病毒性；致病力 | |
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vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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58
corroborates
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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59
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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60
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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61
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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62
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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63
modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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64
infraction
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| n.违反；违法 | |
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65
subtlety
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| n.微妙，敏锐，精巧；微妙之处，细微的区别 | |
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66
eludes
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的第三人称单数 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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67
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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69
surmounting
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| 战胜( surmount的现在分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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70
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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71
publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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72
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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73
engenders
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的第三人称单数 ) | |
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74
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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76
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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78
kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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79
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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81
impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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82
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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86
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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88
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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licenses
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| n.执照( license的名词复数 )v.批准，许可，颁发执照( license的第三人称单数 ) | |
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dissemination
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| 传播,宣传,传染(病毒) | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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precludes
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| v.阻止( preclude的第三人称单数 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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100
dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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101
etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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102
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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103
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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104
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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105
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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106
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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107
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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108
impels
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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109
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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110
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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111
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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112
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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113
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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114
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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115
durable
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| adj.持久的，耐久的 | |
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116
eradicate
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| v.根除，消灭，杜绝 | |
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117
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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118
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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119
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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120
implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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121
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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122
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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123
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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124
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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125
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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126
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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127
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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128
beget
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| v.引起；产生 | |
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129
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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130
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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131
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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132
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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133
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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134
apostates
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| n.放弃原来信仰的人( apostate的名词复数 )；叛教者；脱党者；反叛者 | |
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135
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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136
tangible
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| adj.有形的，可触摸的，确凿的，实际的 | |
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137
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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