THE FRENCH, THE ENGLISH, AND THE INDIANS.
The French colonists1 of Canada held, from the beginning, a peculiar2 intimacy3 of relation with the Indian tribes. With the English colonists it was far otherwise; and the difference sprang from several causes. The fur-trade was the life of Canada; agriculture and commerce were the chief sources of wealth to the British provinces. The Romish zealots of Canada burned for the conversion5 of the heathen; their heretic rivals were fired with no such ardor6. And finally while the ambition of France grasped at empire over the farthest deserts of the west, the steady industry of the English colonists was contented7 to cultivate and improve a narrow strip of seaboard. Thus it happened that the farmer of Massachusetts and the Virginian planter were conversant8 with only a few bordering tribes, while the priests and emissaries of France were roaming the prairies with the buffalo-hunting Pawnees, or lodging9 in the winter cabins of the Dahcotah; and swarms10 of savages11, whose uncouth13 names were strange to English ears, descended14 yearly from the north, to bring their beaver15 and otter16 skins to the market of Montreal.
The position of Canada invited intercourse18 with the interior, and eminently19 favored her schemes of commerce and policy. The river St. Lawrence, and the chain of the great lakes, opened a vast extent of inland navigation; while their tributary20 streams, interlocking with the branches of the Mississippi, afforded ready access to that mighty21 river, and gave the restless voyager free range over half the continent. But these advantages were well nigh neutralized22. Nature opened the way, but a watchful23 and terrible enemy guarded the portal. The forests south of Lake Ontario gave harborage to the five tribes of the Iroquois, implacable foes25 of Canada. They waylaid26 her trading parties, routed her soldiers, murdered her missionaries27, and spread havoc28 and woe29 through all her settlements.
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It was an evil hour for Canada, when, on the twenty-eighth of May, 1609,[59] Samuel de Champlain, impelled30 by his own adventurous31 spirit, departed from the hamlet of Quebec to follow a war-party of Algonquins against their hated enemy, the Iroquois. Ascending32 the Sorel, and passing the rapids at Chambly, he embarked33 on the lake which bears his name, and with two French attendants, steered34 southward, with his savage12 associates, toward the rocky promontory35 of Ticonderoga. They moved with all the precaution of Indian warfare36, when, at length, as night was closing in, they descried37 a band of the Iroquois in their large canoes of elm bark approaching through the gloom. Wild yells from either side announced the mutual38 discovery. The Iroquois hastened to the shore, and all night long the forest resounded39 with their discordant40 war-songs and fierce whoops41 of defiance42. Day dawned, and the fight began. Bounding from tree to tree, the Iroquois pressed forward to the attack, but when Champlain advanced from among the Algonquins, and stood full in sight before them, with his strange attire43, his shining breastplate, and features unlike their own,—when they saw the flash of his arquebuse, and beheld44 two of their chiefs fall dead,—they could not contain their terror, but fled for shelter into the depths of the wood. The Algonquins pursued, slaying45 many in the flight, and the victory was complete.
Such was the first collision between the white men and the Iroquois, and Champlain flattered himself that the latter had learned for the future to respect the arms of France. He was fatally deceived. The Iroquois recovered from their terrors, but they never forgave the injury, and yet it would be unjust to charge upon Champlain the origin of the desolating46 wars which were soon to scourge47 the colony. The Indians of Canada, friends and neighbors of the French, had long been harassed48 by inroads of the fierce confederates, and under any circumstances the French must soon have become parties to the quarrel.
Whatever may have been its origin, the war was fruitful of misery49 to the youthful colony. The passes were beset50 by ambushed51 war-parties. The routes between Quebec and61 Montreal were watched with tiger-like vigilance. Bloodthirsty warriors52 prowled about the outskirts53 of the settlements. Again and again the miserable54 people, driven within the palisades of their forts, looked forth55 upon wasted harvests and blazing roofs. The Island of Montreal was swept with fire and steel. The fur-trade was interrupted, since for months together all communication was cut off with the friendly tribes of the west. Agriculture was checked; the fields lay fallow, and frequent famine was the necessary result.[60] The name of the Iroquois became a by-word of horror through the colony, and to the suffering Canadians they seemed troops of incarnate56 fiends. Revolting rites57 and monstrous58 superstitions59 were imputed60 to them; and, among the rest, it was currently believed that they cherished the custom of immolating61 young children, burning them, and drinking the ashes mixed with water to increase their bravery.[61] Yet the wildest imaginations could scarcely exceed the truth. At the attack of Montreal, they placed infants over the embers, and forced the wretched mothers to turn the spit;[62] and those who fell within their clutches endured torments62 too hideous63 for description. Their ferocity was equalled only by their courage and address.
At intervals64, the afflicted65 colony found respite66 from its sufferings; and, through the efforts of the Jesuits, fair hopes began to rise of propitiating67 the terrible foe24. At one time, the influence of the priests availed so far, that under their auspices68 a French colony was formed in the very heart of the Iroquois country; but the settlers were soon forced to a precipitate69 flight, and the war broke out afresh.[63] The French, on their part, were not idle; they faced their assailants with characteristic gallantry. Courcelles, Tracy, De la Barre, and De Nonville invaded by turns, with various success, the forest haunts of the confederates; and at length, in the year 1696, the veteran Count Frontenac marched upon their cantons with all the force of Canada. Stemming the surges of La Chine, gliding70 through the romantic channels of the Thousand Islands, and over the glimmering71 surface of Lake Ontario, and trailing62 in long array up the current of the Oswego, they disembarked on the margin72 of the Lake of Onondaga; and, startling the woodland echoes with the clangor of their trumpets73, urged their march through the mazes74 of the forest. Never had those solitudes75 beheld so strange a pageantry. The Indian allies, naked to the waist and horribly painted, adorned77 with streaming scalp-locks and fluttering plumes78, stole crouching79 among the thickets80, or peered with lynx-eyed vision through the labyrinths81 of foliage82. Scouts83 and forest-rangers scoured84 the woods in front and flank of the marching columns—men trained among the hardships of the fur-trade, thin, sinewy85, and strong, arrayed in wild costume of beaded moccason, scarlet86 leggin, and frock of buck-skin, fantastically garnished87 with many-colored embroidery88 of porcupine89. Then came the levies90 of the colony, in gray capotes and gaudy91 sashes, and the trained battalions92 from old France in cuirass and head-piece, veterans of European wars. Plumed93 cavaliers were there, who had followed the standards of Condé or Turenne, and who, even in the depths of a wilderness94, scorned to lay aside the martial95 foppery which bedecked the camp and court of Louis the Magnificent. The stern commander was borne along upon a litter in the midst, his locks bleached96 with years, but his eye kindling97 with the quenchless98 fire which, like a furnace, burned hottest when its fuel was almost spent. Thus, beneath the sepulchral99 arches of the forest, through tangled100 thickets, and over prostrate101 trunks, the aged102 nobleman advanced to wreak103 his vengeance104 upon empty wigwams and deserted105 maize106-fields.[64]
Even the fierce courage of the Iroquois began to quail107 before these repeated attacks, while the gradual growth of the colony, and the arrival of troops from France, at length convinced them that they could not destroy Canada. With the opening of the eighteenth century, their rancor108 showed signs of abating109; and in the year 1726, by dint110 of skilful111 intrigue112, the French succeeded in establishing a permanent military post at the important pass of Niagara, within the limits of the confederacy.[65] Meanwhile, in spite of every obstacle, the power of France had rapidly extended its boundaries in the63 west. French influence diffused113 itself through a thousand channels, among distant tribes, hostile, for the most part, to the domineering Iroquois. Forts, mission-houses, and armed trading stations secured the principal passes. Traders, and coureurs de bois pushed their adventurous traffic into the wildest deserts; and French guns and hatchets114, French beads116 and cloth, French tobacco and brandy, were known from where the stunted117 Esquimaux burrowed118 in their snow caves, to where the Camanches scoured the plains of the south with their banditti cavalry119. Still this far-extended commerce continued to advance westward120. In 1738, La Verandrye essayed to reach those mysterious mountains which, as the Indians alleged121, lay beyond the arid122 deserts of the Missouri and the Saskatchawan. Indian hostility123 defeated his enterprise, but not before he had struck far out into these unknown wilds, and formed a line of trading posts, one of which, Fort de la Reine, was planted on the Assinniboin, a hundred leagues beyond Lake Winnipeg. At that early period, France left her footsteps upon the dreary124 wastes which even now have no other tenants125 than the Indian buffalo-hunter or the roving trapper.
The fur-trade of the English colonists opposed but feeble rivalry126 to that of their hereditary127 foes. At an early period, favored by the friendship of the Iroquois, they attempted to open a traffic with the Algonquin tribes of the great lakes; and in the year 1687, Major McGregory ascended128 with a boat-load of goods to Lake Huron, where his appearance excited great commotion129, and where he was seized and imprisoned130 by the French.[66] From this time forward, the English fur-trade languished131, until the year 1725, when Governor Burnet, of New York, established a post on Lake Ontario, at the mouth of the river Oswego; whither, lured132 by the cheapness and excellence133 of the English goods, crowds of savages soon congregated134 from every side, to the unspeakable annoyance135 of the French.[67] Meanwhile, a considerable commerce was springing up with the Cherokees and other tribes of the south; and during the first half of the century, the people of Pennsylvania64 began to cross the Alleghanies, and carry on a lucrative136 traffic with the tribes of the Ohio. In 1749, La Jonquière, the Governor of Canada, learned, to his great indignation, that several English traders had reached Sandusky, and were exerting a bad influence upon the Indians of that quarter;[68] and two years later, he caused four of the intruders to be seized near the Ohio, and sent prisoners to Canada.[69]
These early efforts of the English, considerable as they were, can ill bear comparison with the vast extent of the French interior commerce. In respect also to missionary137 enterprise, and the political influence resulting from it, the French had every advantage over rivals whose zeal4 for conversion was neither kindled138 by fanaticism139 nor fostered by an ambitious government. Eliot labored140 within call of Boston, while the heroic Brebeuf faced the ghastly perils141 of the western wilderness; and the wanderings of Brainerd sink into insignificance142 compared with those of the devoted143 Rasles. Yet, in judging the relative merits of the Romish and Protestant missionaries, it must not be forgotten that while the former contented themselves with sprinkling a few drops of water on the forehead of the proselyte, the latter sought to wean him from his barbarism and penetrate144 his savage heart with the truths of Christianity.
In respect, also, to direct political influence, the advantage was wholly on the side of France. The English colonies, broken into separate governments, were incapable145 of exercising a vigorous and consistent Indian policy; and the measures of one government often clashed with those of another. Even in the separate provinces, the popular nature of the constitution and the quarrels of governors and assemblies were unfavorable to efficient action; and this was more especially the case in the province of New York, where the vicinity of the Iroquois rendered strenuous146 yet prudent147 measures of the utmost importance. The powerful confederates, hating the French with bitter enmity, naturally inclined to the English alliance; and a proper treatment would have secured their firm and lasting148 friendship. But, at the early periods of her history, the65 assembly of New York was made up in great measure of narrow-minded men, more eager to consult their own petty interests than to pursue any far-sighted scheme of public welfare.[70] Other causes conspired149 to injure the British interest in this quarter. The annual present sent from England to the Iroquois was often embezzled150 by corrupt151 governors or their favorites.[71] The proud chiefs were disgusted by the cold and haughty152 bearing of the English officials, and a pernicious custom prevailed of conducting Indian negotiations154 through the medium of the fur-traders, a class of men held in contempt by the Iroquois, and known among them by the significant title of “rum carriers.”[72] In short, through all the counsels of the province Indian affairs were grossly and madly neglected.[73]
With more or less emphasis, the same remark holds true of all the other English colonies.[74] With those of France, it was far otherwise; and this difference between the rival powers was naturally incident to their different forms of government, and different conditions of development. France labored with eager diligence to conciliate the Indians and win them to espouse155 her cause. Her agents were busy in every village, studying the language of the inmates156, complying with their usages, flattering their prejudices, caressing158 them, cajoling them, and whispering friendly warnings in their ears against the wicked designs of the English. When a party of Indian chiefs visited a French fort, they were greeted with the firing of cannon159 and66 rolling of drums; they were regaled at the tables of the officers, and bribed160 with medals and decorations, scarlet uniforms and French flags. Far wiser than their rivals, the French never ruffled161 the self-complacent dignity of their guests, never insulted their religious notions, nor ridiculed162 their ancient customs. They met the savage half way, and showed an abundant readiness to mould their own features after his likeness163.[75] Count Frontenac himself, plumed and painted like an Indian chief, danced the war-dance and yelled the war-song at the camp-fires of his delighted allies. It would have been well had the French been less exact in their imitations, for at times they copied their model with infamous164 fidelity165, and fell into excesses scarcely credible166 but for the concurrent167 testimony168 of their own writers. Frontenac caused an Iroquois prisoner to be burnt alive to strike terror into his countrymen; and Louvigny, French commandant at Michillimackinac, in 1695, tortured an Iroquois ambassador to death, that he might break off a negotiation153 between that people and the Wyandots.[76] Nor are these the only well-attested instances of such execrable inhumanity. But if the French were guilty of these cruelties against their Indian enemies, they were no less guilty of unworthy compliance169 with the demands of their Indian friends, in cases where Christianity and civilization would have dictated170 a prompt refusal. Even Montcalm stained his bright name by abandoning the hapless defenders171 of Oswego and William Henry to the tender mercies of an Indian mob.
In general, however, the Indian policy of the French cannot be charged with obsequiousness172. Complaisance173 was tempered with dignity. At an early period, they discerned the peculiarities174 of the native character, and clearly saw that while on the one hand it was necessary to avoid giving offence, it was not less necessary on the other to assume a bold demeanor175 and a show of power; to caress157 with one hand, and grasp a drawn67 sword with the other.[77] Every crime against a Frenchman was promptly177 chastised178 by the sharp agency of military law; while among the English, the offender179 could only be reached through the medium of the civil courts, whose delays, uncertainties180 and evasions181 excited the wonder and provoked the contempt of the Indians.
It was by observance of the course indicated above, that the French were enabled to maintain themselves in small detached posts, far aloof182 from the parent colony, and environed by barbarous tribes where an English garrison183 would have been cut off in a twelvemonth. They professed184 to hold these posts, not in their own right, but purely185 through the grace and condescension186 of the surrounding savages; and by this conciliating assurance they sought to make good their position, until, with their growing strength, conciliation187 should no more be needed.
In its efforts to win the friendship and alliance of the Indian tribes, the French government found every advantage in the peculiar character of its subjects—that pliant188 and plastic temper which forms so marked a contrast to the stubborn spirit of the Englishman. From the beginning, the French showed a tendency to amalgamate189 with the forest tribes. “The manners of the savages,” writes the Baron190 La Hontan, “are perfectly191 agreeable to my palate;” and many a restless adventurer of high or low degree might have echoed the words of the erratic192 soldier. At first, great hopes were entertained that, by the mingling193 of French and Indians, the latter would be won over to civilization and the church; but the effect was precisely194 the reverse; for, as Charlevoix observes, the savages did not become French, but the French became savages. Hundreds betook themselves to the forest, never more to return. These outflowings of French civilization were merged195 in the waste of barbarism, as a river is lost in the sands of the desert. The wandering Frenchman chose a wife or a concubine among his Indian friends; and, in a few generations, scarcely a tribe of the west was free from an infusion196 of Celtic blood. The French empire in America could exhibit among its68 subjects every shade of color from white to red, every gradation of culture from the highest civilization of Paris to the rudest barbarism of the wigwam.
The fur-trade engendered197 a peculiar class of men, known by the appropriate name of bush-rangers, or coureurs de bois, half-civilized vagrants198, whose chief vocation199 was conducting the canoes of the traders along the lakes and rivers of the interior; many of them, however, shaking loose every tie of blood and kindred, identified themselves with the Indians, and sank into utter barbarism. In many a squalid camp among the plains and forests of the west, the traveller would have encountered men owning the blood and speaking the language of France, yet, in their swarthy visages and barbarous costume, seeming more akin200 to those with whom they had cast their lot. The renegade of civilization caught the habits and imbibed201 the prejudices of his chosen associates. He loved to decorate his long hair with eagle feathers, to make his face hideous with vermilion, ochre, and soot202, and to adorn76 his greasy203 hunting-frock with horse-hair fringes. His dwelling204, if he had one, was a wigwam. He lounged on a bear-skin while his squaw boiled his venison and lighted his pipe. In hunting, in dancing, in singing, in taking a scalp, he rivalled the genuine Indian. His mind was tinctured with the superstitions of the forest. He had faith in the magic drum of the conjuror205; he was not sure that a thunder cloud could not be frightened away by whistling at it through the wing bone of an eagle; he carried the tail of a rattlesnake in his bullet pouch206 by way of amulet207; and he placed implicit208 trust in his dreams. This class of men is not yet extinct. In the cheerless wilds beyond the northern lakes, or among the mountain solitudes of the distant west, they may still be found, unchanged in life and character since the day when Louis the Great claimed sovereignty over this desert empire.
The borders of the English colonies displayed no such phenomena209 of mingling races; for here a thorny210 and impracticable barrier divided the white man from the red. The English fur-traders, and the rude men in their employ, showed it is true an ample alacrity211 to fling off the restraints of civilization; but though they became barbarians212, they did not become Indians; and scorn on the one side and hatred213 on the other still69 marked the intercourse of the hostile races. With the settlers of the frontier it was much the same. Rude, fierce and contemptuous, they daily encroached upon the hunting-grounds of the Indians, and then paid them for the injury with curses and threats. Thus the native population shrank back from before the English, as from before an advancing pestilence214; while, on the other hand, in the very heart of Canada, Indian communities sprang up, cherished by the government, and favored by the easy-tempered people. At Lorette, at Caughnawaga, at St. Francis, and elsewhere within the province, large bands were gathered together, consisting in part of fugitives215 from the borders of the hated English, and aiding in time of war to swell216 the forces of the French in repeated forays against the settlements of New York and New England.
There was one of the English provinces marked out from among the rest by the peculiar character of its founders217, and by the course of conduct which was there pursued towards the Indian tribes. William Penn, his mind warmed with a broad philanthropy, and enlightened by liberal views of human government and human rights, planted on the banks of the Delaware the colony which, vivified by the principles it embodied219, grew into the great commonwealth220 of Pennsylvania. Penn’s treatment of the Indians was equally prudent and humane221, and its results were of high advantage to the colony; but these results have been exaggerated, and the treatment which produced them made the theme of inordinate222 praise. It required no great benevolence223 to urge the Quakers to deal kindly224 with their savage neighbors. They were bound in common sense to propitiate225 them; since, by incurring226 their resentment227, they would involve themselves in the dilemma228 of submitting their necks to the tomahawk, or wielding229 the carnal weapon, in glaring defiance of their pacific principles. In paying the Indians for the lands which his colonists occupied,—a piece of justice which has been greeted with a general clamor of applause,—Penn, as he himself confesses, acted on the prudent counsel of Compton, Bishop230 of London.[78] Nor is there any truth in the representations of Raynal and70 other eulogists of the Quaker legislator, who hold him up to the world as the only European who ever acquired Indian lands by purchase, instead of seizing them by fraud or violence. The example of purchase had been set fifty years before by the Puritans of New England; and several of the other colonies had more recently pursued the same just and prudent course.[79]
With regard to the alleged results of the pacific conduct of the Quakers, our admiration231 will diminish on closely viewing the circumstances of the case. The position of the colony was a most fortunate one. Had the Quakers planted their colony on the banks of the St. Lawrence, or among the warlike tribes of New England, their shaking of hands and assurances of tender regard would not long have availed to save them from the visitations of the scalping-knife. But the Delawares, the people on whose territory they had settled, were like themselves debarred the use of arms. The Iroquois had conquered them, disarmed232 them, and forced them to adopt the opprobrious233 name of women. The humble234 Delawares were but too happy to receive the hand extended to them, and dwell in friendship with their pacific neighbors; since to have lifted the hatchet115 would have brought upon their heads the vengeance of their conquerors235, whose good will Penn had taken pains to secure.[80]
The sons of Penn, his successors in the proprietorship238 of the province, did not evince the same kindly feeling towards the Indians which had distinguished239 their father. Earnest to acquire new lands, they commenced through their agents a series of unjust measures, which gradually alienated240 the Indians, and, after a peace of seventy years, produced a disastrous241 rupture242. The Quaker population of the colony sympathized in the kindness which its founder218 had cherished towards71 the benighted243 race. This feeling was strengthened by years of friendly intercourse; and except where private interest was concerned, the Quakers made good their reiterated244 professions of attachment245. Kindness to the Indian was the glory of their sect246. As years wore on, this feeling was wonderfully re?nforced by the influence of party spirit. The time arrived when, alienated by English encroachment247 on the one hand and French seduction on the other, the Indians began to assume a threatening attitude towards the province; and many voices urged the necessity of a resort to arms. This measure, repugnant alike to their pacific principles and to their love of the Indians, was strenuously248 opposed by the Quakers. Their affection for the injured race was now inflamed249 into a sort of benevolent250 fanaticism. The more rabid of the sect would scarcely confess that an Indian could ever do wrong. In their view, he was always sinned against, always the innocent victim of injury and abuse; and in the days of the final rupture, when the woods were full of furious war-parties, and the German and Irish settlers on the frontier were butchered by hundreds; when the western sky was darkened with the smoke of burning settlements, and the wretched fugitives were flying in crowds across the Susquehanna, a large party among the Quaker, secure by their Philadelphia firesides, could not see the necessity of waging even a defensive251 war against their favorite people.[81]
The encroachments on the part of the proprietors236, which have been alluded252 to above, and which many of the Quakers viewed with disapproval253, consisted in the fraudulent interpretation254 of Indian deeds of conveyance255, and in the granting out of lands without any conveyance at all. The most notorious of these transactions, and the one most lamentable256 in its results, was commenced in the year 1737, and was known by the name of the walking purchase. An old, forgotten deed was raked out72 of the dust of the previous century; a deed which was in itself of doubtful validity, and which had been virtually cancelled by a subsequent agreement. On this rotten title the proprietors laid claim to a valuable tract257 of land on the right bank of the Delaware. Its western boundary was to be defined by a line drawn176 from a certain point on Neshaminey Creek258, in a north-westerly direction, as far as a man could walk in a day and a half. From the end of the walk, a line drawn eastward259 to the river Delaware was to form the northern limit of the purchase. The proprietors sought out the most active men who could be heard of, and put them in training for the walk; at the same time laying out a smooth road along the intended course, that no obstructions260 might mar17 their speed. By this means an incredible distance was accomplished261 within the limited time. And now it only remained to adjust the northern boundary. Instead of running the line directly to the Delaware, according to the evident meaning of the deed, the proprietors inclined it so far to the north as to form an acute angle with the river, and enclose many hundred thousand acres of valuable land, which would otherwise have remained in the hands of the Indians.[82] The land thus obtained lay in the Forks of the Delaware, above Easton, and was then occupied by a powerful branch of the Delawares, who, to their amazement262, now heard the summons to quit for ever their populous263 village and fields of half-grown maize. In rage and distress264 they refused to obey, and the proprietors were in a perplexing dilemma. Force was necessary; but a Quaker legislature would never consent to fight, and especially to fight against Indians. An expedient265 was hit upon, at once safe and effectual. The Iroquois were sent for. A deputation of their chiefs appeared at Philadelphia, and having been well bribed, and deceived by73 false accounts of the transaction, they consented to remove the refractory266 Delawares. The delinquents267 were summoned before their conquerors, and the Iroquois orator268, Canassatego, a man of tall stature269 and imposing270 presence,[83] looking with a grim countenance271 on his cowering272 auditors273, addressed them in the following words:—
“You ought to be taken by the hair of the head and shaken soundly till you recover your senses. You don’t know what you are doing. Our brother Onas’s[84] cause is very just. On the other hand, your cause is bad, and you are bent274 to break the chain of friendship. How came you to take upon you to sell land at all? We conquered you; we made women of you; you know you are women, and can no more sell land than women. This land you claim is gone down your throats; you have been furnished with clothes, meat, and drink, by the goods paid you for it, and now you want it again, like children as you are. What makes you sell land in the dark? Did you ever tell us you had sold this land? Did we ever receive any part, even the value of a pipe-shank, from you for it? We charge you to remove instantly; we don’t give you the liberty to think about it. You are women. Take the advice of a wise man and remove immediately. You may return to the other side of Delaware, where you came from; but we do not know whether, considering how you have demeaned yourselves, you will be permitted to live there; or whether you have not swallowed that land down your throats as well as the land on this side. We therefore assign you two places to go, either to Wyoming or Shamokin. We shall then have you more under our eye, and shall see how you behave. Don’t deliberate, but take this belt of wampum, and go at once.”[85]
The unhappy Delawares dared not disobey. They left their ancient homes, and removed, as they had been ordered, to the Susquehanna, where some settled at Shamokin, and some at Wyoming.[86] From an early period, the Indians had been annoyed by the unlicensed intrusion of settlers upon their lands,74 and, in 1728, they had bitterly complained of the wrong.[87] The evil continued to increase. Many families, chiefly German and Irish, began to cross the Susquehanna and build their cabins along the valleys of the Juniata and its tributary waters. The Delawares sent frequent remonstrances275 from their new abodes276, and the Iroquois themselves made angry complaints, declaring that the lands of the Juniata were theirs by right of conquest, and that they had given them to their cousins, the Delawares, for hunting-grounds. Some efforts at redress277 were made; but the remedy proved ineffectual, and the discontent of the Indians increased with every year. The Shawanoes, with many of the Delawares, removed westward, where for a time they would be safe from intrusion; and by the middle of the century, the Delaware tribe was separated into two divisions, one of which remained upon the Susquehanna, while the other, in conjunction with the Shawanoes, dwelt on the waters of the Alleghany and the Muskingum.
But now the French began to push their advanced posts into the valley of the Ohio. Unhappily for the English interest, they found the irritated minds of the Indians in a state which favored their efforts at seduction, and held forth a flattering promise that tribes so long faithful to the English might soon be won over to the cause of France.
While the English interests wore so inauspicious an aspect in this quarter, their prospects278 were not much better among the Iroquois. Since the peace of Utrecht, in 1713, these powerful tribes had so far forgotten their old malevolence279 against the French, that the latter were enabled to bring all their machinery280 of conciliation to bear upon them. They turned the opportunity to such good account, as not only to smooth away the asperity281 of the ancient grudge282, but also to rouse in the minds of their former foes a growing jealousy283 against the English. Several accidental circumstances did much to aggravate284 this feeling. The Iroquois were in the habit of sending out frequent war-parties against their enemies, the Cherokees and Catawbas, who dwelt near the borders of Carolina and Virginia; and in these forays the invaders285 often became so75 seriously embroiled286 with the white settlers, that sharp frays287 took place, and an open war seemed likely to ensue.[88]
It was with great difficulty that the irritation288 caused by these untoward289 accidents was allayed290; and even then enough remained in the neglect of governments, the insults of traders, and the haughty bearing of officials, to disgust the proud confederates with their English allies. In the war of 1745, they yielded but cold and doubtful aid; and fears were entertained of their final estrangement291.[89] This result became still more imminent292, when, in the year 1749, the French priest Picquet established his mission of La Présentation on the St. Lawrence, at the site of Ogdensburg.[90] This pious293 father, like the martial churchmen of an earlier day, deemed it no scandal to gird on earthly armor against the enemies of the faith. He built a fort and founded a settlement; he mustered295 the Indians about him from far and near, organized their governments, and marshalled their war-parties. From the crenelled walls of his mission-house the warlike apostle could look forth upon a military colony of his own creating, upon farms and clearings, white Canadian cabins, and the bark lodges296 of Indian hordes297 which he had gathered under his protecting wing. A chief object of the settlement was to form a barrier against the English; but the purpose dearest to the missionary’s heart was to gain over the Iroquois to the side of France; and in this he succeeded so well, that, as a writer of good authority declares, the number of their warriors within the circle of his influence surpassed the whole remaining force of the confederacy.[91]
Thoughtful men in the English colonies saw with anxiety the growing defection of the Iroquois, and dreaded298 lest, in the event of a war with France, her ancient foes might now be found her friends. But in this ominous299 conjuncture, one strong influence was at work to bind300 the confederates to their old alliance; and this influence was wielded301 by a man so remarkable76 in his character, and so conspicuous302 an actor in the scenes of the ensuing history, as to demand at least some passing notice.
About the year 1734, in consequence it is said of the hapless issue of a love affair, William Johnson, a young Irishman, came over to America at the age of nineteen, where he assumed the charge of an extensive tract of wild land in the province of New York, belonging to his uncle, Admiral Sir Peter Warren. Settling in the valley of the Mohawk, he carried on a prosperous traffic with the Indians; and while he rapidly rose to wealth, he gained, at the same time, an extraordinary influence over the neighboring Iroquois. As his resources increased, he built two mansions303 in the valley, known respectively by the names of Johnson Castle and Johnson Hall, the latter of which, a well-constructed building of wood and stone, is still standing304 in the village of Johnstown. Johnson Castle was situated305 at some distance higher up the river. Both were fortified306 against attack, and the latter was surrounded with cabins built for the reception of the Indians, who often came in crowds to visit the proprietor237, invading his dwelling at all unseasonable hours, loitering in the doorways307, spreading their blankets in the passages, and infecting the air with the fumes308 of stale tobacco.
Johnson supplied the place of his former love by a young Dutch damsel, who bore him several children; and, in justice to them, he married her upon her death-bed. Soon afterwards he found another favorite in the person of Molly Brant, sister of the celebrated309 Mohawk war-chief, whose black eyes and laughing face caught his fancy, as, fluttering with ribbons, she galloped310 past him at a muster294 of the Tryon county militia311.
Johnson’s importance became so conspicuous, that when the French war broke out in 1755, he was made a major-general; and, soon after, the colonial troops under his command gained the battle of Lake George against the French forces of Baron Dieskau. For this success, for which however he was entitled to little credit, he was raised to the rank of baronet, and rewarded with a gift of five thousand pounds from the king. About this time, he was appointed superintendent312 of Indian affairs for the northern tribes, a station in which he77 did signal service to the country. In 1759, when General Prideaux was killed by the bursting of a cohorn in the trenches313 before Niagara, Johnson succeeded to his command, routed the French in another pitched battle, and soon raised the red cross of England on the ramparts of the fort. After the peace of 1763, he lived for many years at Johnson Hall, constantly enriched by the increasing value of his vast estate, and surrounded by a hardy314 Highland315 tenantry, devoted to his interests; but when the tempest which had long been brewing316 seemed at length about to break, and signs of a speedy rupture with the mother country thickened with every day, he stood wavering in an agony of indecision, divided between his loyalty317 to the sovereign who was the source of all his honors, and his reluctance318 to become the agent of a murderous Indian warfare against his countrymen and friends. His final resolution was never taken. In the summer of 1774, he was attacked with a sudden illness, and died within a few hours, in the sixtieth year of his age, hurried to his grave by mental distress, or, as many believed, by the act of his own hand.
Nature had well fitted him for the position in which his propitious319 stars had cast his lot. His person was tall, erect320, and strong; his features grave and manly321. His direct and upright dealings, his courage, eloquence322, and address, were sure passports to favor in Indian eyes. He had a singular facility of adaptation. In the camp, or at the council-board, in spite of his defective323 education, he bore himself as became his station; but at home he was seen drinking flip324 and smoking tobacco with the Dutch boors325, his neighbors, and talking of improvements or the price of beaver-skins; while in the Indian villages he would feast on dog’s flesh, dance with the warriors, and harangue326 his attentive327 auditors with all the dignity of an Iroquois sachem. His temper was genial328; he encouraged rustic329 sports, and was respected and beloved alike by whites and Indians.
His good qualities, however, were alloyed with serious defects. His mind was as coarse as it was vigorous; he was vain of his rank and influence, and being quite free from any scruple330 of delicacy331, he lost no opportunity of proclaiming them. His nature was eager and ambitious; and in pushing his own78 way, he was never distinguished by an anxious solicitude332 for the rights of others.[92]
At the time of which we speak, his fortunes had not reached their zenith; yet his influence was great; and during the war of 1745, when he held the chief control of Indian affairs in New York, it was exercised in a manner most beneficial to the province. After the peace of Aix la Chapelle, in 1748, finding his measures ill supported, he threw up his office in disgust. Still his mere333 personal influence sufficed to embarrass the intrigues334 of the busy priest at La Présentation; and a few years later, when the public exigency335 demanded his utmost efforts, he resumed, under better auspices, the official management of Indian affairs.
And now, when the blindest could see that between the rival claimants to the soil of America nothing was left but the arbitration336 of the sword, no man friendly to the cause of England could observe without alarm how France had strengthened herself in Indian alliances. The Iroquois, it is true, had not quite gone over to her side; nor had the Delawares wholly forgotten their ancient league with William Penn. The Miamis, too, in the valley of the Ohio, had lately taken umbrage337 at the conduct of the French, and betrayed a leaning to the side of England, while several tribes of the south showed a similar disposition338. But, with few and slight exceptions, the numerous tribes of the great lakes and the Mississippi, besides a host of domiciliated savages in Canada itself, stood ready at the bidding of France to grind their tomahawks and turn loose their ravenous339 war-parties; while the British colonists had too much reason to fear that even those tribes which seemed most friendly to their cause, and which formed the sole barrier of their unprotected borders, might, at the first sound of the war-whoop, be found in arms against them.
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1
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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uncouth
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| adj.无教养的，粗鲁的 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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otter
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| n.水獭 | |
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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neutralized
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| v.使失效( neutralize的过去式和过去分词 )；抵消；中和；使（一个国家）中立化 | |
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watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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waylaid
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| v.拦截，拦路( waylay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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40
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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41
whoops
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| int.呼喊声 | |
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42
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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44
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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45
slaying
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| 杀戮。 | |
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46
desolating
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| 毁坏( desolate的现在分词 )； 极大地破坏； 使沮丧； 使痛苦 | |
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47
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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48
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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49
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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50
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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51
ambushed
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| v.埋伏( ambush的过去式和过去分词 )；埋伏着 | |
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52
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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53
outskirts
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| n.郊外，郊区 | |
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54
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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55
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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56
incarnate
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| adj.化身的，人体化的，肉色的 | |
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57
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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58
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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59
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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60
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
immolating
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| v.宰杀…作祭品( immolate的现在分词 ) | |
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62
torments
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| （肉体或精神上的）折磨，痛苦( torment的名词复数 )； 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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63
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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64
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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65
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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66
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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67
propitiating
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的现在分词 ) | |
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68
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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69
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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70
gliding
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| v. 滑翔 adj. 滑动的 | |
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71
glimmering
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| n.微光，隐约的一瞥adj.薄弱地发光的v.发闪光，发微光( glimmer的现在分词 ) | |
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72
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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73
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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74
mazes
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| 迷宫( maze的名词复数 )； 纷繁复杂的规则； 复杂难懂的细节； 迷宫图 | |
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75
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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76
adorn
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| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
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adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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78
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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79
crouching
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的现在分词 ) | |
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80
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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81
labyrinths
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| 迷宫( labyrinth的名词复数 )； （文字，建筑）错综复杂的 | |
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82
foliage
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| n.叶子，树叶，簇叶 | |
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83
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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84
scoured
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| 走遍（某地）搜寻（人或物）( scour的过去式和过去分词 )； （用力）刷； 擦净； 擦亮 | |
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85
sinewy
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| adj.多腱的，强壮有力的 | |
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86
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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87
garnished
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
embroidery
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| n.绣花，刺绣；绣制品 | |
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89
porcupine
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| n.豪猪， 箭猪 | |
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90
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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91
gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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92
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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plumed
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| 饰有羽毛的 | |
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94
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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bleached
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| 漂白的，晒白的，颜色变浅的 | |
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kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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98
quenchless
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| 不可熄灭的 | |
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99
sepulchral
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| adj.坟墓的，阴深的 | |
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100
tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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101
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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102
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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103
wreak
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| v.发泄；报复 | |
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104
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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105
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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106
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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107
quail
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| n.鹌鹑；vi.畏惧，颤抖 | |
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108
rancor
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| n.深仇，积怨 | |
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109
abating
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| 减少( abate的现在分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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110
dint
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| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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111
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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112
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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113
diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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114
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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115
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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116
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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117
stunted
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| adj.矮小的；发育迟缓的 | |
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118
burrowed
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| v.挖掘（洞穴），挖洞( burrow的过去式和过去分词 )；翻寻 | |
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119
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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120
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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121
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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122
arid
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| adj.干旱的；(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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123
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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124
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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125
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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126
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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127
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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128
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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130
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
languished
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| 长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 )； 受折磨； 变得（越来越）衰弱； 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
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132
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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133
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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134
congregated
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| （使）集合，聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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136
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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137
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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138
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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139
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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140
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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141
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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142
insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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143
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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144
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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145
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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146
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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147
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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148
lasting
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|
| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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149
conspired
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|
| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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150
embezzled
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| v.贪污，盗用（公款）( embezzle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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151
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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152
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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153
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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154
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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155
espouse
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| v.支持，赞成，嫁娶 | |
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156
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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157
caress
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| vt./n.爱抚，抚摸 | |
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158
caressing
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| 爱抚的，表现爱情的，亲切的 | |
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159
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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160
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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161
ruffled
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| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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162
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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163
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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164
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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165
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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166
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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167
concurrent
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| adj.同时发生的，一致的 | |
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168
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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169
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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170
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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171
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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172
obsequiousness
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| 媚骨 | |
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173
complaisance
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| n.彬彬有礼，殷勤，柔顺 | |
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174
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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175
demeanor
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| n.行为；风度 | |
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176
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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177
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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178
chastised
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|
| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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179
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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180
uncertainties
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| 无把握( uncertainty的名词复数 )； 不确定； 变化不定； 无把握、不确定的事物 | |
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181
evasions
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| 逃避( evasion的名词复数 )； 回避； 遁辞； 借口 | |
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182
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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183
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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184
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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185
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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186
condescension
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| n.自以为高人一等，贬低(别人) | |
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187
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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188
pliant
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| adj.顺从的；可弯曲的 | |
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189
amalgamate
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| v.(指业务等)合并，混合 | |
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190
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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191
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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192
erratic
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| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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193
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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194
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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195
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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196
infusion
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| n.灌输 | |
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197
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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198
vagrants
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| 流浪者( vagrant的名词复数 )； 无业游民； 乞丐； 无赖 | |
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199
vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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200
akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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201
imbibed
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| v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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202
soot
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| n.煤烟，烟尘；vt.熏以煤烟 | |
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203
greasy
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| adj. 多脂的，油脂的 | |
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204
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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205
conjuror
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| n.魔术师，变戏法者 | |
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206
pouch
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| n.小袋，小包，囊状袋；vt.装...入袋中，用袋运输；vi.用袋送信件 | |
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207
amulet
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| n.护身符 | |
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208
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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209
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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210
thorny
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| adj.多刺的，棘手的 | |
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211
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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212
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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213
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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214
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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215
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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216
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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217
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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218
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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219
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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220
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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221
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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222
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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223
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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224
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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225
propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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226
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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227
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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228
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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229
wielding
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的现在分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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230
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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231
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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232
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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233
opprobrious
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| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
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234
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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235
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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236
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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237
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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238
proprietorship
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| n.所有（权）；所有权 | |
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239
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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240
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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241
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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242
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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243
benighted
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| adj.蒙昧的 | |
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244
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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245
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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246
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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247
encroachment
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| n.侵入，蚕食 | |
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248
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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249
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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250
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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251
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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252
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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253
disapproval
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| n.反对，不赞成 | |
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254
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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255
conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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256
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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257
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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258
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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259
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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260
obstructions
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| n.障碍物( obstruction的名词复数 )；阻碍物；阻碍；阻挠 | |
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261
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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262
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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263
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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264
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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265
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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266
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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267
delinquents
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| n.（尤指青少年）有过失的人，违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
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268
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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269
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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270
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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271
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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272
cowering
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| v.畏缩，抖缩( cower的现在分词 ) | |
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273
auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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274
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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275
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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276
abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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277
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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278
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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279
malevolence
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| n.恶意，狠毒 | |
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280
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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281
asperity
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| n.粗鲁，艰苦 | |
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282
grudge
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| n.不满，怨恨，妒嫉；vt.勉强给，不情愿做 | |
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283
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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284
aggravate
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| vt.加重(剧)，使恶化；激怒，使恼火 | |
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285
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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286
embroiled
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| adj.卷入的；纠缠不清的 | |
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287
frays
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| n.（使布、绳等）磨损，磨破( fray的名词复数 )v.（使布、绳等）磨损，磨破( fray的第三人称单数 ) | |
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288
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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289
untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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290
allayed
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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291
estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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292
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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293
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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294
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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295
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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296
lodges
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| v.存放( lodge的第三人称单数 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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297
hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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298
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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299
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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300
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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301
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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302
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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303
mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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304
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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305
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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306
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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307
doorways
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| n.门口，门道( doorway的名词复数 ) | |
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308
fumes
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| n.(强烈而刺激的)气味，气体 | |
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309
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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310
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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311
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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312
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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313
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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314
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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315
highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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316
brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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317
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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318
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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319
propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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320
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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321
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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322
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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323
defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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324
flip
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| vt.快速翻动；轻抛；轻拍；n.轻抛；adj.轻浮的 | |
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325
boors
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| n.农民( boor的名词复数 )；乡下佬；没礼貌的人；粗野的人 | |
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326
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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327
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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328
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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329
rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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330
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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331
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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332
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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333
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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334
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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335
exigency
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| n.紧急；迫切需要 | |
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336
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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337
umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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338
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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339
ravenous
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| adj.极饿的，贪婪的 | |
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