THE PAXTON MEN.
Along the thinly settled borders, two thousand persons had been killed, or carried off, and nearly an equal number of families driven from their homes.[351] The frontier people of Pennsylvania, goaded1 to desperation by long-continued suffering, were divided between rage against the Indians, and resentment2 against the Quakers, who had yielded them cold sympathy and inefficient3 aid. The horror and fear, grief and fury, with which these men looked upon the mangled4 remains5 of friends and relatives, set language at defiance6. They were of a rude and hardy7 stamp, hunters, scouts8, rangers10, Indian traders, and backwoods farmers, who had grown up with arms in their hands, and been trained under all the influences of the warlike frontier. They fiercely complained that they were interposed as a barrier between the rest of the province and a ferocious11 enemy; and that they were sacrificed to the safety of men who looked with indifference12 on their miseries13, and lost no opportunity to extenuate14 and smooth away the cruelties of their destroyers.[352] They declared that the Quakers would go farther to befriend a murdering Delaware358 than to succor15 a fellow-countryman; that they loved red blood better than white, and a pagan better than a Presbyterian. The Pennsylvania borderers were, as we have seen, chiefly the descendants of Presbyterian emigrants16 from the north of Ireland. They had inherited some portion of their forefathers’ sectarian zeal18, which, while it did nothing to soften19 the barbarity of their manners, served to inflame20 their animosity against the Quakers, and added bitterness to their just complaints. It supplied, moreover, a convenient sanction for the indulgence of their hatred21 and vengeance22; for, in the general turmoil23 of their passions, fanaticism24 too was awakened26, and they interpreted the command that Joshua should destroy the heathen[353] into an injunction that they should exterminate27 the Indians.
The prevailing28 excitement was not confined to the vulgar. Even the clergy29 and the chief magistrates31 shared it; and while they lamented32 the excess of the popular resentment, they maintained that the general complaints were founded in justice. Viewing all the circumstances, it is not greatly to be wondered at that some of the more violent class were inflamed33 to the commission of atrocities34 which bear no very favorable comparison with those of the Indians themselves.
It is not easy for those living in the tranquillity35 of polished life fully36 to conceive the depth and force of that unquenchable, indiscriminate hate, which Indian outrages38 can awaken25 in those who have suffered them. The chronicles of the American borders are filled with the deeds of men, who, having lost all by the merciless tomahawk, have lived for vengeance alone; and such men will never cease to exist so long as a hostile tribe remains within striking distance of an American settlement.[354] Never was this hatred more deep or more general than on the Pennsylvania frontier at this period; and never,359 perhaps, did so many collateral39 causes unite to inflame it to madness. It was not long in finding a vent40.
Near the Susquehanna, and at no great distance from the town of Lancaster, was a spot known as the Manor41 of Conestoga; where a small band of Indians, speaking the Iroquois tongue, had been seated since the first settlement of the province. William Penn had visited and made a treaty with them, which had been confirmed by several succeeding governors, so that the band had always remained on terms of friendship with the English. Yet, like other Indian communities in the neighborhood of the whites, they had dwindled42 in numbers and prosperity, until they were reduced to twenty persons; who inhabited a cluster of squalid cabins, and lived by beggary and the sale of brooms, baskets, and wooden ladles, made by the women. The men spent a small part of their time in hunting, and lounged away the rest in idleness. In the immediate43 neighborhood, they were commonly regarded as harmless vagabonds; but elsewhere a more unfavorable opinion was entertained, and they were looked upon as secretly abetting44 the enemy, acting45 as spies, giving shelter to scalping-parties, and even aiding them in their depredations46. That these suspicions were not wholly unfounded is shown by a conclusive47 mass of evidence, though it is probable that the treachery was confined to one or two individuals.[355] The exasperated48 frontiersmen were not in a mood to discriminate37, and the innocent were destined49 to share the fate of the guilty.[356]
On the east bank of the Susquehanna, at some distance above Conestoga, stood the little town of Paxton; a place which, since the French war, had occupied a position of extreme exposure. In the year 1755 the Indians had burned it to the ground, killing50 many of the inhabitants, and reducing the rest to poverty. It had since been rebuilt; but its tenants51 were the relatives of those who had perished, and the bitterness of the recollection was enhanced by the sense of their own more360 recent sufferings. Mention has before been made of John Elder, the Presbyterian minister of this place; a man whose worth, good sense, and superior education gave him the character of counsellor and director throughout the neighborhood, and caused him to be known and esteemed52 even in Philadelphia. His position was a peculiar53 one. From the rough pulpit of his little church, he had often preached to an assembly of armed men, while scouts and sentinels were stationed without, to give warning of the enemy’s approach.[357] The men of Paxton, under the auspices54 of their pastor55, formed themselves into a body of rangers, who became noted56 for their zeal and efficiency in defending the borders. One of their principal leaders was Matthew Smith, a man who had influence and popularity among his associates, and was not without pretensions57 to education; while he shared a full proportion of the general hatred against Indians, and suspicion against the band of Conestoga.
Towards the middle of December, a scout9 came to the house of Smith, and reported that an Indian, known to have committed depredations in the neighborhood, had been traced to Conestoga. Smith’s resolution was taken at once. He called five of his companions; and, having armed and mounted, they set out for the Indian settlement. They reached it early in the night; and Smith, leaving his horse in charge of the others, crawled forward, rifle in hand, to reconnoitre; when he saw, or fancied he saw, a number of armed warriors58 in the cabins. Upon this discovery he withdrew, and rejoined his associates. Believing themselves too weak for an attack, the party returned to Paxton. Their blood was up, and they determined59 to extirpate60 the Conestogas. Messengers went abroad through the neighborhood; and, on the following day, about fifty armed and mounted men, chiefly from the towns of Paxton and Donegal, assembled at the place agreed361 upon. Led by Matthew Smith, they took the road to Conestoga, where they arrived a little before daybreak, on the morning of the fourteenth. As they drew near, they discerned the light of a fire in one of the cabins, gleaming across the snow. Leaving their horses in the forest, they separated into small parties, and advanced on several sides at once. Though they moved with some caution, the sound of their footsteps or their voices caught the ear of an Indian; and they saw him issue from one of the cabins, and walk forward in the direction of the noise. He came so near that one of the men fancied that he recognized him. “He is the one that killed my mother,” he exclaimed with an oath; and, firing his rifle, brought the Indian down. With a general shout, the furious ruffians burst into the cabins, and shot, stabbed, and hacked61 to death all whom they found there. It happened that only six Indians were in the place; the rest, in accordance with their vagrant62 habits, being scattered63 about the neighborhood. Thus baulked of their complete vengeance, the murderers seized upon what little booty they could find, set the cabins on fire, and departed at dawn of day.[358]
The morning was cold and murky64. Snow was falling, and already lay deep upon the ground; and, as they urged their horses through the drifts, they were met by one Thomas Wright, who, struck by their appearance, stopped to converse65 with them. They freely told him what they had done; and, on his expressing surprise and horror, one of them demanded if he believed in the Bible, and if the Scripture66 did not command that the heathen should be destroyed.
They soon after separated, dispersing67 among the farmhouses68, to procure69 food for themselves and their horses.362 Several rode to the house of Robert Barber, a prominent settler in the neighborhood; who, seeing the strangers stamping their feet and shaking the snow from their blanket coats, invited them to enter, and offered them refreshment70. Having remained for a short time seated before his fire, they remounted and rode off through the snowstorm. A boy of the family, who had gone to look at the horses of the visitors, came in and declared that he had seen a tomahawk, covered with blood, hanging from each man’s saddle; and that a small gun, belonging to one of the Indian children, had been leaning against the fence.[359] Barber at once guessed the truth, and, with several of his neighbors, proceeded to the Indian settlement, where they found the solid log cabins still on fire. They buried the remains of the victims, which Barber compared in appearance to half-burnt logs. While they were thus engaged, the sheriff of Lancaster, with a party of men, arrived on the spot; and the first care of the officer was to send through the neighborhood to collect the Indians, fourteen in number, who had escaped the massacre72. This was soon accomplished73. The unhappy survivors74, learning the fate of their friends and relatives, were in great terror for their own lives, and earnestly begged protection. They were conducted to Lancaster, where, amid great excitement, they were lodged75 in the county jail, a strong stone building, which it was thought would afford the surest refuge.
An express was despatched to Philadelphia with news of the massacre; on hearing which, the governor issued a proclamation denouncing the act, and offering a reward for the discovery of the perpetrators. Undaunted by this measure, and enraged76 that any of their victims should have escaped, the Paxton men determined to continue the work they had begun. In this resolution they were confirmed by the prevailing impression, that an Indian known to have murdered the relatives of one of their number was among those who had received the protection of the magistrates at Lancaster. They sent forward a spy to gain intelligence, and, on his return, once more met at their rendezvous77. On this occasion, their nominal78 leader was Lazarus Stewart, who was esteemed upon the363 borders as a brave and active young man; and who, there is strong reason to believe, entertained no worse design than that of seizing the obnoxious79 Indian, carrying him to Carlisle, and there putting him to death, in case he should be identified as the murderer.[360] Most of his followers80, however, hardened amidst war and bloodshed, were bent81 on indiscriminate slaughter82; a purpose which they concealed83 from their more moderate associates.
Early on the twenty-seventh of December, the party, about fifty in number, left Paxton on their desperate errand. Elder had used all his influence to divert them from their design; and now, seeing them depart, he mounted his horse, overtook them, and addressed them with the most earnest remonstrance84. Finding his words unheeded, he drew up his horse across the narrow road in front, and charged them, on his authority as their pastor, to return. Upon this, Matthew Smith rode forward, and, pointing his rifle at the breast of Elder’s horse, threatened to fire unless he drew him aside, and gave room to pass. The clergyman was forced to comply, and the party proceeded.[361]
At about three o’clock in the afternoon, the rioters, armed with rifle, knife, and tomahawk, rode at a gallop85 into Lancaster; turned their horses into the yard of the public house, ran to the jail, burst open the door, and rushed tumultuously in. The fourteen Indians were in a small yard adjacent to the building, surrounded by high stone walls. Hearing the shouts of the mob, and startled by the apparition86 of armed men in the doorway87, two or three of them snatched up billets of wood in self-defence. Whatever may have been the purpose of the Paxton men, this show of resistance banished88 every thought of forbearance; and the foremost, rushing forward, fired their rifles among the crowd of Indians. In a moment more, the yard was filled with ruffians, shouting, cursing, and firing upon the cowering89 wretches90; holding the muzzles91 of their pieces, in some instances, so near their victims’ heads that the brains were scattered by the explosion. The work was soon finished. The bodies of men, women, and children,364 mangled with outrageous92 brutality93, lay scattered about the yard; and the murderers were gone.[362]
When the first alarm was given, the magistrates were in the church, attending the Christmas service, which had been postponed94 on the twenty-fifth. The door was flung open, and the voice of a man half breathless was heard in broken exclamations95, “Murder—the jail—the Paxton Boys—the Indians.”
The assembly broke up in disorder96, and Shippen, the principal magistrate30, hastened towards the scene of riot; but, before he could reach it, all was finished, and the murderers were galloping97 in a body from the town.[363] The sheriff and the coroner had mingled98 among the rioters, aiding and abetting them, as their enemies affirm, but, according to their own365 statement, vainly risking their lives to restore order.[364] A company of Highland99 soldiers, on their way from Fort Pitt to Philadelphia, were encamped near the town. Their commander, Captain Robertson, afterwards declared that he put himself in the way of the magistrates, expecting that they would call upon him to aid the civil authority; while, on the contrary, several of the inhabitants testify, that, when they urged him to interfere100, he replied with an oath that his men had suffered enough from Indians already, and should not stir hand or foot to save them. Be this as it may, it seems certain that neither soldiers nor magistrates, with their best exertions101, could have availed to prevent the massacre; for so well was the plan concerted, that, within ten or twelve minutes after the alarm, the Indians were dead, and the murderers mounted to depart.
The people crowded into the jail-yard to gaze upon the miserable102 spectacle; and, when their curiosity was sated, the bodies were gathered together, and buried not far from the town, where they reposed103 three quarters of a century; until, at length, the bones were disinterred in preparing the foundation for a railroad.
The tidings of this massacre threw the country into a ferment104. Various opinions were expressed; but, in the border counties, even the most sober and moderate regarded it, not as a wilful105 and deliberate crime, but as the mistaken act of rash men, fevered to desperation by wrongs and sufferings.[365]
366
When the news reached Philadelphia, a clamorous106 outcry rose from the Quakers, who could find no words to express their horror and detestation. They assailed107 not the rioters only, but the whole Presbyterian sect17, with a tempest of abuse, not the less virulent108 for being vented109 in the name of philanthropy and religion. The governor again issued a proclamation, offering rewards for the detection and arrest of the murderers; but the latter, far from shrinking into concealment110, proclaimed their deed in the face of day, boasted the achievement, and defended it by reason and Scripture. So great was the excitement in the frontier counties, and so deep the sympathy with the rioters, that to arrest them would have required the employment of a strong military force, an experiment far too dangerous to be tried. Nothing of the kind was attempted until nearly eight years afterwards, when Lazarus Stewart was apprehended111 on the charge of murdering the Indians of Conestoga. Learning that his trial was to take place, not in the county where the act was committed, but in Philadelphia, and thence judging that his condemnation112 was certain, he broke jail and escaped. Having written a declaration to justify113 his conduct, he called his old associates around him, set the provincial114 government of Pennsylvania at defiance, and withdrew to Wyoming with his band. Here he joined the settlers recently arrived from Connecticut, and thenceforth played a conspicuous115 part in the eventful history of that remarkable116 spot.[366]
367
After the massacre at Conestoga, the excitement in the frontier counties, far from subsiding117, increased in violence daily; and various circumstances conspired118 to inflame it. The principal of these was the course pursued by the provincial government towards the Christian119 Indians attached to the Moravian missions. Many years had elapsed since the Moravians began the task of converting the Indians of Pennsylvania, and their steadfast120 energy and regulated zeal had been crowned with success. Several thriving settlements of their converts had sprung up in the valley of the Lehigh, when the opening of the French war, in 1755, involved them in unlooked-for calamities121. These unhappy neutrals, between the French and Indians on the one side, and the English on the other, excited the enmity of both; and while from the west they were threatened by the hatchets122 of their own countrymen, they were menaced on the east by the no less formidable vengeance of the white settlers, who, in their distress123 and terror, never doubted that the Moravian converts were in league with the enemy. The popular rage against them at length grew so furious, that their destruction was resolved upon. The settlers assembled and advanced against the Moravian community of Gnadenhutten; but the French and Indians gained the first blow, and, descending124 upon the doomed125 settlement, utterly126 destroyed it. This disaster, deplorable as it was in itself, proved the safety of the other Moravian settlements, by making it fully apparent that their inhabitants were not in league with the enemy. They were suffered to remain unmolested for several years; but with the murders that ushered127 in Pontiac’s war, in 1763, the former suspicion revived, and the expediency128 of destroying the Moravian Indians was openly debated. Towards the end of the summer, several outrages were committed upon the settlers in the neighborhood, and the Moravian Indians were loudly accused of taking part in them. These charges were never fully confuted; and, taking into view the harsh treatment which the converts had always experienced from the whites, it is highly probable that some of them were disposed to sympathize with their heathen countrymen, who are known to have courted their alliance. The Moravians had, however, excited in their converts a high degree of religious enthusiasm; which, directed as it was by368 the teachings of the missionaries129, went farther than any thing else could have done to soften their national prejudices, and wean them from their warlike habits.
About three months before the massacre at Conestoga, a party of drunken Rangers, fired by the general resentment against the Moravian Indians, murdered several of them, both men and women, whom they found sleeping in a barn. Not long after, the same party of Rangers were, in their turn, surprised and killed, some peaceful settlers of the neighborhood sharing their fate. This act was at once ascribed, justly or unjustly, to the vengeance of the converted Indians, relatives of the murdered; and the frontier people, who, like the Paxton men, were chiefly Scotch130 and Irish Presbyterians, resolved that the objects of their suspicion should live no longer. At this time, the Moravian converts consisted of two communities, those of Nain and Wecquetank, near the Lehigh; and to these may be added a third, at Wyalusing, near Wyoming. The latter, from its distant situation, was, for the present, safe; but the two former were in imminent131 peril132, and the inhabitants, in mortal terror for their lives, stood day and night on the watch.
At length, about the tenth of October, a gang of armed men approached Wecquetank, and encamped in the woods, at no great distance. They intended to make their attack under favor of the darkness; but before evening a storm, which to the missionaries seemed providential, descended133 with such violence, that the fires of the hostile camp were extinguished in a moment, the ammunition134 of the men wet, and the plan defeated.[367]
After so narrow an escape, it was apparent that flight was the only resource. The terrified congregation of Wecquetank broke up on the following day; and, under the charge of their missionary135, Bernard Grube, removed to the Moravian town of Nazareth, where it was hoped they might remain in safety.[368]
In the mean time, the charges against the Moravian converts had been laid before the provincial Assembly; and, to secure the safety of the frontier people, it was judged expedient369 to disarm136 the suspected Indians, and remove them to a part of the province where it would be beyond their power to do mischief137.[369] The motion was passed in the Assembly with little dissent138; the Quakers supporting it from regard to the safety of the Indians, and their opponents from regard to the safety of the whites. The order for removal reached its destination on the sixth of November; and the Indians, reluctantly yielding up their arms, prepared for departure. When a sermon had been preached before the united congregations, and a hymn139 sung in which all took part, the unfortunate exiles set out on their forlorn pilgrimage; the aged71, the young, the sick, and the blind, borne in wagons140, while the rest journeyed on foot.[370] Their total number, including the band from Wyalusing, which joined them after they reached Philadelphia, was about a hundred and forty. At every village and hamlet which they passed on their way, they were greeted with threats and curses; nor did the temper of the people improve as they advanced, for, when they came to Germantown, the mob could scarcely be restrained from attacking them. On reaching Philadelphia, they were conducted, amidst the yells and hootings of the rabble141, to the barracks, which had been intended to receive them; but the soldiers, who outdid the mob in their hatred of Indians, refused to admit them, and set the orders of the governor at defiance. From ten o’clock in the morning until three in the afternoon, the persecuted142 exiles remained drawn143 up in the square before the barracks, surrounded by a multitude who never ceased to abuse and threaten them; but wherever the broad hat of a Quaker was seen in the crowd, there they felt the assurance of a friend,—a friend, who, both out of love for them, and aversion to their enemies, would spare no efforts in their behalf. The soldiers continued refractory144, and the Indians were at length ordered to proceed. As they moved down the street, shrinking together in their terror, the mob about them grew so angry and clamorous, that to their missionaries they seemed like a flock of sheep in the midst of howling wolves.[371] A body-guard of Quakers gathered370 around, protecting them from the crowd, and speaking words of sympathy and encouragement. Thus they proceeded to Province Island, below the city, where they were lodged in waste buildings, prepared in haste for their reception, and where the Quakers still attended them, with every office of kindness and friendship.
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1
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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2
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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4
mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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8
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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scout
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| n.童子军，侦察员；v.侦察，搜索 | |
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rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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extenuate
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| v.减轻，使人原谅 | |
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succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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discriminate
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| v.区别，辨别，区分；有区别地对待 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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collateral
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| adj.平行的；旁系的；n.担保品 | |
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40
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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manor
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| n.庄园，领地 | |
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42
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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44
abetting
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| v.教唆（犯罪）( abet的现在分词 )；煽动；怂恿；支持 | |
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45
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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46
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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47
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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48
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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49
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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50
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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51
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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52
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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53
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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54
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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55
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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56
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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57
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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58
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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59
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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60
extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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61
hacked
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| 生气 | |
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62
vagrant
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| n.流浪者，游民；adj.流浪的，漂泊不定的 | |
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63
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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64
murky
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| adj.黑暗的，朦胧的；adv.阴暗地，混浊地；n.阴暗；昏暗 | |
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65
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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66
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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67
dispersing
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| adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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68
farmhouses
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| n.农舍，农场的主要住房( farmhouse的名词复数 ) | |
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69
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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70
refreshment
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| n.恢复，精神爽快，提神之事物；（复数）refreshments:点心，茶点 | |
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71
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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72
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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73
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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74
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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75
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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76
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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77
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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78
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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79
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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80
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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81
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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82
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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83
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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84
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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85
gallop
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| v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔；飞速发展 | |
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86
apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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87
doorway
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| n.门口，(喻)入门；门路，途径 | |
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88
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
cowering
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| v.畏缩，抖缩( cower的现在分词 ) | |
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90
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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91
muzzles
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| 枪口( muzzle的名词复数 )； （防止动物咬人的）口套； （四足动物的）鼻口部； （狗）等凸出的鼻子和口 | |
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92
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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93
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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94
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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95
exclamations
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| n.呼喊( exclamation的名词复数 )；感叹；感叹语；感叹词 | |
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96
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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97
galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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98
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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99
highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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100
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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101
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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102
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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103
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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105
wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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106
clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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107
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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108
virulent
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| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
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109
vented
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| 表达，发泄（感情，尤指愤怒）( vent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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111
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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112
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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113
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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114
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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115
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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116
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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117
subsiding
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的现在分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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118
conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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119
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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120
steadfast
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| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
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121
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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122
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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123
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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124
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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125
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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126
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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127
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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129
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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130
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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131
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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132
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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133
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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134
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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135
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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136
disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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137
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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138
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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139
hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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140
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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141
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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142
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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143
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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144
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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