THE RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA.
The Conestoga murders did not take place until some weeks after the removal of the Moravian converts to Philadelphia; and the rioters, as they rode, flushed with success, out of Lancaster, after the achievement of their exploit, were heard to boast that they would soon visit the city and finish their work, by killing1 the Indians whom it had taken under its protection. It was soon but too apparent that this design was seriously entertained by the people of the frontier. They had tasted blood, and they craved2 more. It seemed to them intolerable, that, while their sufferings were unheeded, and their wounded and destitute3 friends uncared for, they should be taxed to support those whom they regarded as authors of their calamities4, or, in their own angry words, “to maintain them through the winter, that they may scalp and butcher us in the spring.”[372] In their blind rage, they would not see that the Moravian Indians had been removed to Philadelphia, in part, at least, with a view to the safety of the borders. To their enmity against Indians was added a resentment5, scarcely less vehement6, against the Quakers, whose sectarian principles they hated and despised. They complained, too, of political grievances8, alleging9 that the five frontier counties were inadequately10 represented in the Assembly, and that from thence arose the undue11 influence of the Quakers in the councils of the province.
The excited people soon began to assemble at taverns12 and other places of resort, recounting their grievances, real or372 imaginary; relating frightful13 stories of Indian atrocities14, and launching fierce invectives against the Quakers.[373] Political agitators15 harangued16 them on their violated rights; self-constituted preachers urged the duty of destroying the heathen, forgetting that the Moravian Indians were Christians17, and their exasperated18 hearers were soon ripe for any rash attempt. They resolved to assemble and march in arms to Philadelphia. On a former occasion, they had sent thither19 a wagon20 laden21 with the mangled22 corpses23 of their friends and relatives, who had fallen by Indian butchery; but the hideous24 spectacle had failed of the intended effect, and the Assembly had still turned a deaf ear to their entreaties25 for more effective aid.[374] Appeals to sympathy had been thrown away, and they now resolved to try the efficacy of their rifles.
They mustered26 under their popular leaders, prominent among whom was Matthew Smith, who had led the murderers373 at Conestoga; and, towards the end of January, took the road to Philadelphia, in force variously estimated at from five hundred to fifteen hundred men. Their avowed27 purpose was to kill the Moravian Indians; but what vague designs they may have entertained to change the government, and eject the Quakers from a share in it, must remain a matter of uncertainty28. Feeble as they were in numbers, their enterprise was not so hopeless as might at first appear, for they counted on aid from the mob of the city, while a numerous party, comprising the members of the Presbyterian sect7, were expected to give them secret support, or at least to stand neutral in the quarrel. The Quakers, who were their most determined29 enemies, could not take arms against them without glaring violation30 of the principles which they had so often and loudly professed31; and even should they thus fly in the face of conscience, the warlike borderers would stand in little fear of such unpractised warriors32. They pursued their march in high confidence, applauded by the inhabitants, and hourly increasing in numbers.
Startling rumors35 of the danger soon reached Philadelphia, spreading alarm among the citizens. The Quakers, especially, had reason to fear, both for themselves and for the Indians, of whom it was their pride to be esteemed36 the champions. These pacific sectaries found themselves in a new and embarrassing position, for hitherto they had been able to assert their principles at no great risk to person or property. The appalling37 tempest, which, during the French war, had desolated38 the rest of the province, had been unfelt near Philadelphia; and while the inhabitants to the westward39 had been slaughtered40 by hundreds, scarcely a Quaker had been hurt. Under these circumstances, the aversion of the sect to warlike measures had been a fruitful source of difficulty. It is true that, on several occasions, they had voted supplies for the public defence; but unwilling42 to place on record such a testimony43 of inconsistency, they had granted the money, not for the avowed purpose of raising and arming soldiers, but under the title of a gift to the crown.[375] They were now to be deprived of even this poor subterfuge44, and subjected to the dilemma45 of suffering their374 friends to be slain46 and themselves to be plundered47, or openly appealing to arms.
Their embarrassment48 was increased by the exaggerated ideas which prevailed among the ignorant and timorous49 respecting the size and strength of the borderers, their ferocity of temper, and their wonderful skill as marksmen. Quiet citizens, whose knowledge was confined to the narrow limits of their firesides and shops, listened horror-stricken to these reports; the prevalence of which is somewhat surprising, when it is considered that, at the present day, the district whence the dreaded50 rioters came may be reached from Philadelphia within a few hours.
Tidings of the massacre52 in Lancaster jail had arrived at Philadelphia on the twenty-ninth of December, and with them came the rumor34 that numerous armed mobs were already on their march to the city. Terror and confusion were universal; and, as the place was defenceless, no other expedient53 suggested itself than the pitiful one of removing the objects of popular resentment beyond reach of danger. Boats were sent to Province Island, and the Indians ordered to embark54 and proceed with all haste down the river; but, the rumor proving groundless, a messenger was despatched to recall the fugitives56.[376] The assurance that, for a time at least, the city was safe, restored some measure of tranquillity57; but, as intelligence of an alarming kind came in daily from the country, Governor Penn sent to General Gage58 an earnest request for a detachment of regulars to repel59 the rioters;[377] and, in the interval60, means to avert61 the threatened danger were eagerly sought. A proposal was laid before the Assembly to embark the Indians and send them to England;[378] but the scheme was judged inexpedient, and another, of equal weakness, adopted in its place. It was determined to send the refugees to New York, and place them under the protection of the Indian Superintendent62, Sir William Johnson; a plan as hastily executed as timidly conceived.[379] At375 midnight, on the fourth of January, no measures having been taken to gain the consent of either the government of New York or Johnson himself, the Indians were ordered to leave the island and proceed to the city; where they arrived a little before daybreak, passing in mournful procession, thinly clad and shivering with cold, through the silent streets. The Moravian Brethren supplied them with food; and Fox, the commissary, with great humanity, distributed blankets among them. Before they could resume their progress, the city was astir; and as they passed the suburbs, they were pelted63 and hooted64 at by the mob. Captain Robertson’s Highlanders, who had just arrived from Lancaster, were ordered to escort them. These soldiers, who had their own reasons for hating Indians, treated them at first with no less insolence65 and rudeness than the populace; but at length, overcome by the meekness66 and patience of the sufferers, they changed their conduct, and assumed a tone of sympathy and kindness.[380]
Thus escorted, the refugees pursued their dreary67 progress through the country, greeted on all sides by the threats and curses of the people. When they reached Trenton, they were received by Apty, the commissary at that place, under whose charge they continued their journey towards Amboy, where several small vessels68 had been provided to carry them to New York. Arriving at Amboy, however, Apty, to his great surprise, received a letter from Governor Colden of New York, forbidding him to bring the Indians within the limits of that province. A second letter, from General Gage to Captain Robertson, conveyed orders to prevent their advance; and a third, to the owners of the vessels, threatened heavy penalties if they should bring the Indians to the city.[381] The charges of376 treachery against the Moravian Indians, the burden their presence would occasion, and the danger of popular disturbance69, were the chief causes which induced the government of New York to adopt this course; a course that might have been foreseen from the beginning.[382]
Thus disappointed in their hopes of escape, the hapless Indians remained several days lodged71 in the barracks at Amboy, where they passed much of their time in religious services. A message, however, soon came from the Governor of New Jersey72, requiring them to leave that province; and they were compelled reluctantly to retrace73 their steps to Philadelphia. A detachment of a hundred and seventy soldiers had arrived, sent by General Gage in compliance74 with the request of Governor Penn; and under the protection of these troops, the exiles began their backward journey. On the twenty-fourth of January, they reached Philadelphia, where they were lodged at the barracks within the city; the soldiers, forgetful of former prejudice, no longer refusing them entrance.
The return of the Indians, banishing75 the hope of repose76 with which the citizens had flattered themselves, and the tidings of danger coming in quick succession from the country, made it apparent that no time must be lost; and the Assembly, laying aside their scruples77, unanimously passed a bill providing means for the public defence. The pacific city displayed a scene of unwonted bustle78. All who held property, or regarded the public order, might, it should seem, have felt a deep interest in the issue; yet a numerous and highly respectable377 class stood idle spectators, or showed at best but a lukewarm zeal79. These were the Presbyterians, who had naturally felt a strong sympathy with their suffering brethren of the frontier. To this they added a deep bitterness against the Quaker, greatly increased by a charge, most uncharitably brought by the latter against the whole Presbyterian sect, of conniving80 at and abetting81 the murders at Conestoga and Lancaster. They regarded the Paxton men as victims of Quaker neglect and injustice82, and showed a strong disposition83 to palliate, or excuse altogether, the violence of which they had been guilty. Many of them, indeed, were secretly inclined to favor the designs of the advancing rioters; hoping that by their means the public grievances would be redressed85, the Quaker faction86 put down, and the social and political balance of the state restored.[383]
Whatever may have been the sentiments of the Presbyterians and of the city mob, the rest of the inhabitants bestirred themselves for defence with all the alacrity87 of fright. The Quakers were especially conspicuous88 for their zeal. Nothing more was heard of the duty of non-resistance. The city was ransacked89 for arms, and the Assembly passed a vote, extending the English riot act to the province, the Quaker members heartily90 concurring91 in the measure. Franklin, whose energy and practical talents made his services invaluable92, was the moving spirit of the day; and under his auspices93 the citizens were formed into military companies, six of which were of infantry94, one of artillery95, and two of horse. Besides this force, several thousands of the inhabitants, including many Quakers, held themselves ready to appear in arms at a moment’s notice.[384]
These preparations were yet incomplete, when, on the fourth of February, couriers came in with the announcement that the Paxton men, horse and foot, were already within a short distance of the city. Proclamation was made through the streets, and the people were called to arms. A mob of citizen soldiers repaired in great excitement to the barracks, where the Indians were lodged, under protection of the handful of378 regulars. Here the crowd remained all night, drenched96 with the rain, and in a dismal97 condition.[385]
On the following day, Sunday, a barricade98 was thrown up across the great square enclosed by the barracks; and eight cannon99, to which four more were afterwards added, were planted to sweep the adjacent streets. These pieces were discharged, to convey to the rioters an idea of the reception prepared for them; but whatever effect the explosion may have produced on the ears for which it was intended, the new and appalling sounds struck the Indians in the barracks with speechless terror.[386] While the city assumed this martial100 attitude, its rulers thought proper to adopt the safer though less glorious course of conciliation101; and a deputation of clergymen was sent out to meet the rioters, and pacify102 them by reason and Scripture103. Towards night, as all remained quiet and nothing was heard from the enemy, the turmoil104 began to subside105, the citizen soldiers dispersed106, the regulars withdrew into quarters, and the city recovered something of the ordinary repose of a Sabbath evening.
Through the early part of the night, the quiet was undisturbed; but at about two o’clock in the morning, the clang of bells and the rolling of drums startled the people from their slumbers107, and countless108 voices from the street echoed the alarm. Immediately, in obedience109 to the previous day’s orders, lighted candles were placed in every window, till the streets seemed illuminated110 for a festival. The citizen soldiers, with more zeal than order, mustered under their officers. The governor, dreading111 an irruption of the mob, repaired to the house of Franklin; and the city was filled with the jangling of bells, and the no less vehement clamor of tongues. A great multitude gathered before the barracks, where it was supposed the attack would be made; and among them was seen many a Quaker, with musket112 in hand. Some of the more consistent of the sect, unwilling to take arms with their less scrupulous113 brethren, went into the barracks to console and reassure114 the Indians; who, however, showed much more composure than their comforters, and sat waiting the result with379 invincible115 calmness. Several hours of suspense116 and excitement passed, when it was recollected117, that, though the other ferries of the Schuylkill had been secured, a crossing place, known as the Swedes’ Ford118, had been left open; and a party at once set out to correct this unlucky oversight119.[387] Scarcely were they gone, when a cry rose among the crowd before the barracks, and a general exclamation120 was heard that the Paxton Boys were coming. In fact, a band of horsemen was seen advancing up Second Street. The people crowded to get out of the way; the troops fell into such order as they could; a cannon was pointed70 full at the horsemen, and the gunner was about to apply the match, when a man ran out from the crowd, and covered the touch-hole with his hat. The cry of a false alarm was heard, and it was soon apparent to all that the supposed Paxton Boys were a troop of German butchers and carters, who had come to aid in defence of the city, and had nearly paid dear for their patriotic121 zeal.[388]
The tumult122 of this alarm was hardly over, when a fresh commotion123 was raised by the return of the men who had gone to secure the Swedes’ Ford, and who reported that they had been too late; that the rioters had crossed the river, and were already at Germantown. Those who had crossed proved to be the van of the Paxton men, two hundred in number, and commanded by Matthew Smith; who, learning what welcome was prepared for them, thought it prudent124 to remain quietly at Germantown, instead of marching forward to certain destruction. In the afternoon, many of the inhabitants380 gathered courage, and went out to visit them. They found nothing very extraordinary in the aspect of the rioters, who, in the words of a writer of the day, were “a set of fellows in blanket coats and moccasons, like our Indian traders or back country wagoners, all armed with rifles and tomahawks, and some with pistols stuck in their belts.”[389] They received their visitors with a courtesy which might doubtless be ascribed, in great measure, to their knowledge of the warlike preparations within the city; and the report made by the adventurers, on their return, greatly tended to allay125 the general excitement.
The alarm, however, was again raised on the following day; and the cry to arms once more resounded126 through the city of peace. The citizen soldiers mustered with exemplary despatch55; but their ardor127 was quenched128 by a storm of rain, which drove them all under shelter. A neighboring Quaker meeting-house happened to be open, and a company of the volunteers betook themselves in haste to this convenient asylum129. Forthwith, the place was bristling131 with bayonets; and the walls, which had listened so often to angry denunciations against war, now echoed the clang of weapons,—an unspeakable scandal to the elders of the sect, and an occasion of pitiless satire132 to the Presbyterians.[390]
This alarm proving groundless, like all the others, the governor and council proceeded to the execution of a design which they had formed the day before. They had resolved, in pursuance of their timid policy, to open negotiations133 with the rioters, and persuade them, if possible, to depart peacefully. Many of the citizens protested against the plan, and the soldiers volunteered to attack the Paxton men; but none were so vehement as the Quakers, who held that fire and steel were the only welcome that should be accorded to such violators of the public peace, and audacious blasphemers of the society of Friends.[391] The plan was nevertheless sustained; and Franklin, with three other citizens of character and influence, set out for Germantown. The rioters received them with marks of381 respect; and, after a long conference, the leaders of the mob were so far wrought135 upon as to give over their hostile designs, the futility136 of which was now sufficiently137 apparent.[392] An assurance was given, on the part of the government, that their complaints should have a hearing; and safety was guarantied to those of their number who should enter the city as their representatives and advocates. For this purpose, Matthew Smith and James Gibson were appointed by the general voice; and two papers, a “Declaration” and a “Remonstrance138,” were drawn139 up, addressed to the governor and Assembly. With this assurance that their cause should be represented, the rioters signified their willingness to return home, glad to escape so easily from an affair which had begun to threaten worse consequences.
Towards evening, the commissioners140, returning to the city, reported the success of their negotiations. Upon this, the citizen soldiers were convened141 in front of the court house, and addressed by a member of the council. He thanked them for their zeal, and assured them there was no farther occasion for their services; since the Paxton men, though falsely represented as enemies of government, were in fact its friends, entertaining no worse design than that of gaining relief to their sufferings, without injury to the city or its inhabitants. The people, ill satisfied with what they heard, returned in no placid142 temper to their homes.[393] On the morrow, the good effect of the treaty was apparent in a general reopening of schools, shops, and warehouses143, and a return to the usual activity of business, which had been wholly suspended for some days. The security was not of long duration. Before noon, an uproar144 more tumultuous than ever, a cry to arms, and a general exclamation that the Paxton Boys had broken the treaty and were entering the town, startled the indignant citizens. The streets were filled in an instant with a rabble145 of armed merchants and shopmen, who for once were fully134 bent146 on slaughter41, and resolved to put an end to the long-protracted evil. Quiet was again restored; when it was found that the alarm was caused by about thirty of the frontiersmen, who,382 with singular audacity147, were riding into the city on a visit of curiosity. As their deportment was inoffensive, it was thought unwise to molest148 them. Several of these visitors had openly boasted of the part they had taken in the Conestoga murders, and a large reward had been offered for their apprehension149; yet such was the state of factions150 in the city, and such the dread51 of the frontiersmen, that no man dared lay hand on the criminals. The party proceeded to the barracks, where they requested to see the Indians, declaring that they could point out several who had been in the battle against Colonel Bouquet151, or engaged in other acts of open hostility152. The request was granted, but no discovery made. Upon this, it was rumored153 abroad that the Quakers had removed the guilty individuals to screen them from just punishment; an accusation154 which, for a time, excited much ill blood between the rival factions.
The thirty frontiersmen withdrew from the city, and soon followed the example of their companions, who had begun to move homeward, leaving their leaders, Smith and Gibson, to adjust their differences with the government. Their departure gave great relief to the people of the neighborhood, to whom they had, at times, conducted themselves after a fashion somewhat uncivil and barbarous; uttering hideous outcries, in imitation of the war-whoop; knocking down peaceable citizens, and pretending to scalp them; thrusting their guns in at windows, and committing unheard-of ravages155 among hen-roosts and hog-pens.[394]
Though the city was now safe from all external danger, contentions156 sprang up within its precincts, which, though by no means as perilous158, were not less clamorous159 and angry than those menaced from an irruption of the rioters.[395] The rival383 factions turned savagely160 upon each other; while the more philosophic161 citizens stood laughing by, and ridiculed163 them both. The Presbyterians grew furious, the Quakers dogged and spiteful. Pamphlets, farces164, dialogues, and poems came forth130 in quick succession. These sometimes exhibited a few traces of wit, and even of reasoning; but abuse was the favorite weapon, and it is difficult to say which of the combatants handled it with the greater freedom and dexterity165.[396] The Quakers accused the Presbyterians of conniving at the act of384 murderers, of perverting166 Scripture for their defence, and of aiding the rioters with counsel and money in their audacious attempt against the public peace. The Presbyterians, on their part, with about equal justice, charged the Quakers with leaguing themselves with the common enemy and exciting them to war. They held up to scorn those accommodating principles which denied the aid of arms to suffering fellow-countrymen, but justified167 their use at the first call of self-interest. The Quaker warrior33, in his sober garb168 of ostentatious simplicity169, his prim170 person adorned171 with military trappings, and his hands grasping a musket which threatened more peril157 to himself than to his enemy, was a subject of ridicule162 too tempting172 to be overlooked.
While this paper warfare173 was raging in the city, the representatives of the frontiersmen, Smith and Gibson, had laid before the Assembly the memorial, entitled the Remonstrance; and to this a second paper, styled a Declaration, was soon afterwards added.[397] Various grievances were specified174, for which redress84 was demanded. It was urged that those counties where the Quaker interest prevailed sent to the Assembly more than their due share of representatives. The memorialists bitterly complained of a law, then before the Assembly, by which those charged with murdering Indians were to be brought to trial, not in the district where the act was committed, but in one of the three eastern counties. They represented the Moravian converts as enemies in disguise, and denounced the policy which yielded them protection and support while the sick and wounded of the frontiers were cruelly abandoned to their misery175. They begged that a suitable reward might be offered for scalps, since the want of such encouragement had “damped the spirits of many brave men.” Angry invectives against the Quakers succeeded. To the “villany, infatuation, and influence of a certain faction, that have got the political reins176 in their hands, and tamely tyrannize over the other good subjects of the province,” were to be ascribed, urged the memorialists, the intolerable evils which afflicted177 the people. The Quakers, they insisted, had held private treaties with the Indians, encouraged them to hostile acts, and excused their385 cruelties on the charitable plea that this was their method of making war.
The memorials were laid before a committee, who recommended that a public conference should be held with Smith and Gibson, to consider the grounds of complaint. To this the governor, in view of the illegal position assumed by the frontiersmen, would not give his consent; an assertion of dignity that would have done him more honor had he made it when the rioters were in arms before the city, at which time he had shown an abundant alacrity to negotiate. It was intimated to Smith and Gibson that they might leave Philadelphia; and the Assembly soon after became involved in its inevitable179 quarrels with the governor, relative to the granting of supplies for the service of the ensuing campaign. The supply bill passed, as mentioned in a former chapter; and the consequent military preparations, together with a threatened renewal180 of the war on the part of the enemy, engrossed181 the minds of the frontier people, and caused the excitements of the winter to be forgotten. No action on the two memorials was ever taken by the Assembly; and the memorable182 Paxton riots had no other definite result than that of exposing the weakness and distraction183 of the provincial184 government, and demonstrating the folly185 and absurdity186 of all principles of non-resistance.
Yet to the student of human nature these events supply abundant food for reflection. In the frontiersman, goaded187 by the madness of his misery to deeds akin178 to those by which he suffered, and half believing that, in the perpetration of these atrocities, he was but the minister of divine vengeance188; in the Quaker, absorbed by one narrow philanthropy, and closing his ears to the outcries of his wretched countrymen; in the Presbyterian, urged by party spirit and sectarian zeal to countenance189 the crimes of rioters and murderers,—in each and all of these lies an embodied190 satire, which may find its application in every age of the world, and every condition of society.
The Moravian Indians, the occasion—and, at least, as regards most of them, the innocent occasion—of the tumult, remained for a full year in the barracks of Philadelphia. There they endured frightful sufferings from the small-pox, which destroyed more than a third of their number. After the conclusion of peace, they were permitted to depart; and, having386 thanked the governor for his protection and care, they withdrew to the banks of the Susquehanna, where, under the direction of the missionaries191, they once more formed a prosperous settlement.
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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craved
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| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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inadequately
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| ad.不够地；不够好地 | |
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undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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taverns
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| n.小旅馆，客栈，酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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wagon
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| n.四轮马车，手推车，面包车；无盖运货列车 | |
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laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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35
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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36
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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37
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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38
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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39
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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40
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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42
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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43
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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44
subterfuge
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| n.诡计；藉口 | |
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45
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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46
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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47
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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49
timorous
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| adj.胆怯的，胆小的 | |
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50
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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51
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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52
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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53
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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54
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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55
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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56
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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57
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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58
gage
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| n.标准尺寸，规格；量规，量表 [=gauge] | |
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59
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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60
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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61
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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62
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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63
pelted
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| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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64
hooted
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| （使）作汽笛声响，作汽车喇叭声( hoot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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66
meekness
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| n.温顺，柔和 | |
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67
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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68
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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69
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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70
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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71
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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72
jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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73
retrace
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| v.折回；追溯，探源 | |
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74
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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75
banishing
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的现在分词 ) | |
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76
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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77
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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78
bustle
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| v.喧扰地忙乱，匆忙，奔忙；n.忙碌；喧闹 | |
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79
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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80
conniving
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| v.密谋 ( connive的现在分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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81
abetting
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| v.教唆（犯罪）( abet的现在分词 )；煽动；怂恿；支持 | |
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82
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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83
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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84
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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85
redressed
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| v.改正( redress的过去式和过去分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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86
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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87
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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88
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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89
ransacked
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的过去式和过去分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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90
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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91
concurring
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| 同时发生的，并发的 | |
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92
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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93
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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94
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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95
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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96
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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97
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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98
barricade
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| n.路障，栅栏，障碍；vt.设路障挡住 | |
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99
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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100
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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101
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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102
pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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103
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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104
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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105
subside
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| vi.平静，平息；下沉，塌陷，沉降 | |
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106
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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107
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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108
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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109
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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110
illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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111
dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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112
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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113
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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114
reassure
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| v.使放心，使消除疑虑 | |
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115
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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116
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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117
recollected
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| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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119
oversight
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| n.勘漏，失察，疏忽 | |
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120
exclamation
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| n.感叹号，惊呼，惊叹词 | |
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121
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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122
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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123
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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124
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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125
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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126
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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127
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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128
quenched
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| 解（渴）( quench的过去式和过去分词 )； 终止（某事物）； （用水）扑灭（火焰等）； 将（热物体）放入水中急速冷却 | |
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129
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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130
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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131
bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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132
satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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133
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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134
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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135
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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136
futility
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| n.无用 | |
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137
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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138
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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139
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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140
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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141
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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142
placid
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| adj.安静的，平和的 | |
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143
warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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144
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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145
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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146
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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147
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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148
molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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149
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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150
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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151
bouquet
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| n.花束，酒香 | |
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152
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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153
rumored
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| adj.传说的，谣传的v.传闻( rumor的过去式和过去分词 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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154
accusation
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|
| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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155
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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156
contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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157
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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158
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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159
clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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160
savagely
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| adv. 野蛮地，残酷地 | |
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161
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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162
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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163
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
farces
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| n.笑剧( farce的名词复数 )；闹剧；笑剧剧目；作假的可笑场面 | |
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165
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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166
perverting
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| v.滥用( pervert的现在分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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167
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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168
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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169
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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170
prim
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| adj.拘泥形式的，一本正经的；n.循规蹈矩，整洁；adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
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171
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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172
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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173
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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174
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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175
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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176
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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177
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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179
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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180
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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182
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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183
distraction
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| n.精神涣散，精神不集中，消遣，娱乐 | |
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184
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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185
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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186
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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187
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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188
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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189
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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190
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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191
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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