BRADSTREET’S ARMY ON THE LAKES.
The campaign of 1763, a year of disaster to the English colonies, was throughout of a defensive1 nature, and no important blow had been struck against the enemy. With the opening of the following spring, preparations were made to renew the war on a more decisive plan. Before the commencement of hostilities2, Sir William Johnson and his deputy, George Croghan, severally addressed to the lords of trade memorials, setting forth3 the character, temper, and resources of the Indian tribes, and suggesting the course of conduct which they judged it expedient4 to pursue. They represented that, before the conquest of Canada, all the tribes, jealous of French encroachment5, had looked to the English to befriend and protect them; but that now one general feeling of distrust and hatred6 filled them all. They added that the neglect and injustice7 of the British government, the outrages8 of ruffian borderers and debauched traders, and the insolence9 of English soldiers, had aggravated10 this feeling, and given double effect to the restless machinations of the defeated French; who, to revenge themselves on their conquerors11, were constantly stirring up the Indians to war. A race so brave and tenacious12 of liberty, so wild and erratic13 in their habits, dwelling14 in a country so savage15 and inaccessible16, could not be exterminated17 or reduced to subjection without an immoderate expenditure18 of men, money, and time. The true policy of the British government was therefore to conciliate; to soothe19 their jealous pride, galled21 by injuries and insults; to gratify them by presents, and treat them with a respect and attention to which their haughty23 spirit would not fail to respond. We ought, they said, to make the Indians our friends; and, by a just, consistent, and straightforward24 course, seek to gain their esteem25, and wean them from their partiality to the French. To remove the constant irritation26 which arose from the intrusion of the white inhabitants on their territory, Croghan urged the expediency27 of purchasing a large tract28 of land to the westward29 of388 the English settlements; thus confining the tribes to remoter hunting-grounds. For a moderate sum the Indians would part with as much land as might be required. A little more, laid out in annual presents, would keep them in good temper; and by judicious30 management all hostile collision might be prevented, till, by the extension of the settlements, it should become expedient to make yet another purchase.[399]
This plan was afterwards carried into execution by the British government. Founded as it is upon the supposition that the Indian tribes must gradually dwindle31 and waste away, it might well have awakened32 the utmost fears of that unhappy people. Yet none but an enthusiast33 or fanatic34 could condemn35 it as iniquitous36. To reclaim37 the Indians from their savage state has again and again been attempted, and each attempt has failed. Their intractable, unchanging character leaves no other alternative than their gradual extinction38, or the abandonment of the western world to eternal barbarism; and of this and other similar plans, whether the offspring of British or American legislation, it may alike be said that sentimental39 philanthropy will find it easier to cavil40 at than to amend41 them.
Now, turning from the Indians, let us observe the temper of those whose present business it was to cudgel them into good behavior; that is to say, the British officers, of high and low degree. They seem to have been in a mood of universal discontent, not in the least surprising when one considers that they were forced to wage, with crippled resources, an arduous42, profitless, and inglorious war; while perverse43 and jealous legislatures added gall20 to their bitterness, and taxed their patience to its utmost endurance. The impossible requirements of the commander-in-chief were sometimes joined to their other vexations. Sir Jeffrey Amherst, who had, as we have seen, but a slight opinion of Indians, and possibly of everybody else except a British nobleman and a British soldier, expected much of his officers; and was at times unreasonable44 in his anticipations45 of a prompt “vengeance46 on the barbarians47.” Thus he had no sooner heard of the loss of Michillimackinac, Miami, and other western outposts, than he sent orders to Gladwyn to re-establish them at once. Gladwyn, who had389 scarcely force enough to maintain himself at Detroit, thereupon writes to his friend Bouquet48: “The last I received from the General is of the second July, in which I am ordered to establish the outposts immediately. At the time I received these orders, I knew it was impossible to comply with any part of them: the event shows I was right. I am heartily49 wearied of my command, and I have signified the same to Colonel Amherst (Sir Jeffrey’s adjutant). I hope I shall be relieved soon; if not, I intend to quit the service, for I would not choose to be any longer exposed to the villany and treachery of the settlement and Indians.”
Two or three weeks before the above was written, George Croghan, Sir William Johnson’s deputy, who had long lived on the frontier, and was as well versed50 in Indian affairs as the commander-in-chief was ignorant of them, wrote to Colonel Bouquet:—“Seven tribes in Canada have offered their services to act with the King’s troops; but the General seems determined51 to neither accept of Indians’ services, nor provincials52’.... I have resigned out of the service, and will start for England about the beginning of December. Sir Jeffrey Amherst would not give his consent; so I made my resignation in writing, and gave my reasons for so doing. Had I continued, I could be of no more service than I have been these eighteen months past; which was none at all, as no regard was had to any intelligence I sent, no more than to my opinion.” Croghan, who could not be spared, was induced, on Gage53’s accession to the command, to withdraw his resignation and retain his post.
Next, we have a series of complaints from Lieutenant54 Blane of Fort Ligonier; who congratulates Bouquet on his recent victory at Bushy Run, and adds: “I have now to beg that I may not be left any longer in this forlorn way, for I can assure you the fatigue55 I have gone through begins to get the better of me. I must therefore beg that you will appoint me, by the return of the convoy56, a proper garrison57.... My present situation is fifty times worse than ever.” And again, on the seventeenth of September: “I must beg leave to recommend to your particular attention the sick soldiers here; as there is neither surgeon nor medicine, it would really be charity to order them up. I must also beg leave to ask what you intend to do390 with the poor starved militia58, who have neither shirts, shoes, nor any thing else. I am sorry you can do nothing for the poor inhabitants.... I really get heartily tired of this post.” He endured it some two months more, and then breaks out again on the twenty-fourth of November: “I intend going home by the first opportunity, being pretty much tired of a service that’s so little worth any man’s time; and the more so, as I cannot but think I have been particularly unlucky in it.”
Now follow the letters, written in French, of the gallant59 Swiss, Captain Ecuyer, always lively and entertaining even in his discontent. He writes to Bouquet from Bedford, on the thirteenth of November. Like other officers on the frontier, he complains of the settlers, who, notwithstanding their fear of the enemy, always did their best to shelter deserters; and he gives a list of eighteen soldiers who had deserted60 within five days:[400] “I have been twenty-two years in service, and I never in my life saw any thing equal to it,—a gang of mutineers, bandits, cut-throats, especially the grenadiers. I have been obliged, after all the patience imaginable, to have two of them whipped on the spot, without court-martial. One wanted to kill the sergeant61 and the other wanted to kill me.... For God’s sake, let me go and raise cabbages. You can do it if you will, and I shall thank you eternally for it. Don’t refuse, I beg you. Besides, my health is not very good; and I don’t know if I can go up again to Fort Pitt with this convoy.”
Bouquet himself was no better satisfied than his correspondents. On the twentieth of June, 1764, he wrote to Gage, Amherst’s successor: “I flatter myself that you will do me the favor to have me relieved from this command, the burden and fatigues62 of which I begin to feel my strength very unequal to.”
Gage knew better than to relieve him, and Bouquet was391 forced to resign himself to another year of bush-fighting. The plan of the summer’s campaign had been settled; and he was to be the most important, if not the most conspicuous63, actor in it. It had been resolved to march two armies from different points into the heart of the Indian country. The first, under Bouquet, was to advance from Fort Pitt into the midst of the Delaware and Shawanoe settlements of the valley of the Ohio. The other, under Colonel Bradstreet, was to pass up the lakes, and force the tribes of Detroit, and the regions beyond, to unconditional64 submission65.
The name of Bradstreet was already well known in America. At a dark and ill-omened period of the French war, he had crossed Lake Ontario with a force of three thousand provincials, and captured Fort Frontenac, a formidable stronghold of the French, commanding the outlet66 of the lake. He had distinguished67 himself, moreover, by his gallant conduct in a skirmish with the French and Indians on the River Oswego. These exploits had gained for him a reputation beyond his merits. He was a man of more activity than judgment68, self-willed, vain, and eager for notoriety; qualities which became sufficiently69 apparent before the end of the campaign.[401]
Several of the northern provinces furnished troops for the expedition; but these levies70 did not arrive until after the appointed time; and, as the service promised neither honor nor advantage, they were of very indifferent quality, looking, according to an officer of the expedition, more like candidates for a hospital than like men fit for the arduous duty before them. The rendezvous71 of the troops was at Albany, and thence they took their departure about the end of June. Adopting the usual military route to the westward, they passed up the Mohawk, crossed the Oneida Lake, and descended392 the Onondaga. The boats and bateaux, crowded with men, passed between the war-worn defences of Oswego, which guarded the mouth of the river on either hand, and, issuing forth upon Lake Ontario, steered73 in long procession over its restless waters. A storm threw the flotilla into confusion; and several days elapsed before the ramparts of Fort Niagara rose in sight, breaking the tedious monotony of the forest-covered shores. The troops landed beneath its walls. The surrounding plains were soon dotted with the white tents of the little army, whose strength, far inferior to the original design, did not exceed twelve hundred men.
A striking spectacle greeted them on their landing. Hundreds of Indian cabins were clustered along the skirts of the forest, and a countless75 multitude of savages76, in all the picturesque77 variety of their barbaric costume, were roaming over the fields, or lounging about the shores of the lake. Towards the close of the previous winter, Sir William Johnson had despatched Indian messengers to the tribes far and near, warning them of the impending78 blow; and urging all who were friendly to the English, or disposed to make peace while there was yet time, to meet him at Niagara, and listen to his words. Throughout the winter, the sufferings of the Indians had been great and general. The suspension of the fur-trade; the consequent want of ammunition79, clothing, and other articles of necessity; the failure of expected aid from the French; and, above all, the knowledge that some of their own people had taken up arms for the English, combined to quench80 their thirst for war. Johnson’s messengers had therefore been received with unexpected favor, and many had complied with his invitation. Some came to protest their friendship for the English; others hoped, by an early submission, to atone81 for past misconduct. Some came as spies; while others, again, were lured82 by the hope of receiving presents, and especially a draught83 of English milk, that is to say, a dram of whiskey. The trader, Alexander Henry, the same who so narrowly escaped the massacre84 at Michillimackinac, was with a party of Ojibwas at the Sault Ste. Marie, when a canoe, filled with warriors85, arrived, bringing the message of Sir William Johnson. A council was called; and the principal messenger, offering a belt of wampum, spoke87 as follows: “My friends and393 brothers, I am come with this belt from our great father, Sir William Johnson. He desired me to come to you, as his ambassador, and tell you that he is making a great feast at Fort Niagara; that his kettles are all ready, and his fires lighted. He invites you to partake of the feast, in common with your friends, the Six Nations, who have all made peace with the English. He advises you to seize this opportunity of doing the same, as you cannot otherwise fail of being destroyed; for the English are on their march with a great army, which will be joined by different nations of Indians. In a word, before the fall of the leaf they will be at Michillimackinac, and the Six Nations with them.”
The Ojibwas had been debating whether they should go to Detroit, to the assistance of Pontiac, who had just sent them a message to that effect; but the speech of Johnson’s messenger turned the current of their thoughts. Most of them were in favor of accepting the invitation; but, distrusting mere88 human wisdom in a crisis so important, they resolved, before taking a decisive step, to invoke89 the superior intelligence of the Great Turtle, the chief of all the spirits. A huge wigwam was erected90, capable of containing the whole population of the little village. In the centre, a sort of tabernacle was constructed by driving posts into the ground, and closely covering them with hides. With the arrival of night, the propitious91 time for consulting their oracle92, all the warriors assembled in the spacious93 wigwam, half lighted by the lurid94 glare of fires, and waited, in suspense95 and awe96, the issue of the invocation. The medicine man, or magician, stripped almost naked, now entered the central tabernacle, which was barely large enough to receive him, and carefully closed the aperture98. At once the whole structure began to shake with a violence which threatened its demolition99; and a confusion of horrible sounds, shrieks100, howls, yells, and moans of anguish101, mingled102 with articulate words, sounded in hideous103 discord104 from within. This outrageous105 clamor, which announced to the horror-stricken spectators the presence of a host of evil spirits, ceased as suddenly as it had begun. A low, feeble sound, like the whine106 of a young puppy, was next heard within the recess107; upon which the warriors raised a cry of joy, and hailed it as the voice of the Great Turtle—the spirit who never lied. The magician394 soon announced that the spirit was ready to answer any question which might be proposed. On this, the chief warrior86 stepped forward; and, having propitiated108 the Great Turtle by a present of tobacco thrust through a small hole in the tabernacle, inquired if the English were in reality preparing to attack the Indians, and if the troops were already come to Niagara. Once more the tabernacle was violently shaken, a loud yell was heard, and it was apparent to all that the spirit was gone. A pause of anxious expectation ensued; when, after the lapse74 of a quarter of an hour, the weak, puppy-like voice of the Great Turtle was again heard addressing the magician in a language unknown to the auditors109. When the spirit ceased speaking, the magician interpreted his words. During the short interval110 of his departure, he had crossed Lake Huron, visited Niagara, and descended72 the St. Lawrence to Montreal. Few soldiers had as yet reached Niagara; but as he flew down the St. Lawrence, he had seen the water covered with boats, all filled with English warriors, coming to make war on the Indians. Having obtained this answer to his first question, the chief ventured to propose another; and inquired if he and his people, should they accept the invitation of Sir William Johnson, would be well received at Niagara. The answer was most satisfactory. “Sir William Johnson,” said the spirit, “will fill your canoes with presents; with blankets, kettles, guns, gunpowder111 and shot; and large barrels of rum, such as the stoutest112 of the Indians will not be able to lift; and every man will return in safety to his family.” This grateful response produced a general outburst of acclamations; and, with cries of joy, many voices were heard to exclaim, “I will go too! I will go too!”[402]
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They set out, accordingly, for Niagara; and thither113 also numerous bands of warriors were tending, urged by similar messages, and encouraged, it may be, by similar responses of their oracles114. Crossing fresh-water oceans in their birch canoes, and threading the devious115 windings116 of solitary117 streams, they came flocking to the common centre of attraction. Such a concourse of savages has seldom been seen in America. Menomonies, Ottawas, Ojibwas, Mississaugas, from the north; Caughnawagas from Canada, even Wyandots from Detroit, together with a host of Iroquois, were congregated118 round Fort Niagara to the number of more than two thousand warriors; many of whom had brought with them their women and children.[403] Even the Sacs, the Foxes, and the Winnebagoes had sent their deputies; and the Osages, a tribe beyond the Mississippi, had their representative in this general meeting.
396
Though the assembled multitude consisted, for the most part, of the more pacific members of the tribes represented, yet their friendly disposition119 was by no means certain. Several straggling soldiers were shot at in the neighborhood, and it397 soon became apparent that the utmost precaution must be taken to avert120 a rupture121. The troops were kept always on their guard; while the black muzzles122 of the cannon123, thrust from the bastions of the fort, struck a wholesome124 awe into the savage throng125 below.
Although so many had attended the meeting, there were still numerous tribes, and portions of tribes, who maintained a rancorous, unwavering hostility126. The Delawares and Shawanoes, however, against whom Bouquet, with the army of the south, was then in the act of advancing, sent a message to the effect, that, though they had no fear of the English, and though they regarded them as old women, and held them in contempt, yet, out of pity for their sufferings, they were willing to treat of peace. To this insolent127 missive Johnson made no answer; and, indeed, those who sent it were, at this very time, renewing the bloody128 work of the preceding year along the borders of Pennsylvania and Virginia. The Senecas, that numerous and warlike people, to whose savage enmity were to be ascribed the massacre at the Devil’s Hole, and other disasters of the last summer, had recently made a preliminary treaty with Sir William Johnson, and at the same time pledged themselves to appear at Niagara to ratify22 and complete it. They broke their promise; and it soon became known that they had leagued themselves with a large band of hostile Delawares, who had visited their country. Upon this, a messenger was sent to them, threatening that, unless they instantly came to Niagara, the English would march upon them and burn their villages. The menace had full effect; and a large body of these formidable warriors appeared at the English camp, bringing fourteen prisoners, besides several deserters and runaway129 slaves. A peace was concluded, on condition that they should never again attack the English, and that they should cede130 to the British crown a strip of land, between the Lakes Erie and Ontario, four miles in width, on both sides of the River, or Strait, of Niagara.[404] A treaty was next made with a deputation of Wyandots from Detroit, on condition of the delivery of prisoners, and the preservation131 of friendship for the future.
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Councils were next held, in turn, with each of the various tribes assembled around the fort, some of whom craved132 forgiveness for the hostile acts they had committed, and deprecated the vengeance of the English; while others alleged133 their innocence134, urged their extreme wants and necessities, and begged that English traders might once more be allowed to visit them. The council-room in the fort was crowded from morning till night; and the wearisome formalities of such occasions, the speeches made and replied to, and the final shaking of hands, smoking of pipes, and serving out of whiskey, engrossed135 the time of the superintendent136 for many successive days.
Among the Indians present were a band of Ottawas from Michillimackinac, and remoter settlements, beyond Lake Michigan, and a band of Menomonies from Green Bay. The former, it will be remembered, had done good service to the English, by rescuing the survivors137 of the garrison of Michillimackinac from the clutches of the Ojibwas; and the latter had deserved no less at their hands, by the protection they had extended to Lieutenant Gorell, and the garrison at Green Bay. Conscious of their merits, they had come to Niagara in full confidence of a favorable reception. Nor were they disappointed; for Johnson met them with a cordial welcome, and greeted them as friends and brothers. They, on their part, were not wanting in expressions of pleasure; and one of their orators138 exclaimed, in the figurative language of his people, “When our brother came to meet us, the storms ceased, the lake became smooth, and the whole face of nature was changed.”
They disowned all connection or privity with the designs of Pontiac. “Brother,” said one of the Ottawa chiefs, “you must not imagine I am acquainted with the cause of the war. I only heard a little bird whistle an account of it, and, on going to Michillimackinac, I found your people killed; upon which I sent our priest to inquire into the matter. On the priest’s return, he brought me no favorable account, but a war-hatchet140 from Pontiac, which I scarcely looked on, and immediately threw away.”
Another of the Ottawas, a chief of the remoter band of Lake Michigan, spoke to a similar effect, as follows: “We are not of the same people as those residing about Michillimackinac;399 we only heard at a distance that the enemy were killing141 your soldiers, on which we covered our heads, and I resolved not to suffer my people to engage in the war. I gathered them together, and made them sit still. In the spring, on uncovering my head, I perceived that they had again begun a war, and that the sky was all cloudy in that quarter.”
The superintendent thanked them for their fidelity142 to the English; reminded them that their true interest lay in the preservation of peace, and concluded with a gift of food and clothing, and a permission, denied to all the rest, to open a traffic with the traders, who had already begun to assemble at the fort. “And now, my brother,” said a warrior, as the council was about to break up, “we beg that you will tell us where we can find some rum to comfort us; for it is long since we have tasted any, and we are very thirsty.” This honest request was not refused. The liquor was distributed, and a more copious143 supply promised for the future; upon which the deputation departed, and repaired to their encampment, much pleased with their reception.[405]
Throughout these conferences, one point of policy was constantly adhered to. No general council was held. Separate treaties were made, in order to promote mutual144 jealousies145 and rivalries146, and discourage the feeling of union, and of a common cause among the widely scattered147 tribes. Johnson at length completed his task, and, on the sixth of August, set sail for Oswego. The march of the army had hitherto been delayed by rumors148 of hostile designs on the part of the Indians, who, it was said, had formed a scheme for attacking Fort Niagara, as soon as the troops should have left the ground. Now, however, when the concourse was melting away, and the tribes departing for their distant homes, it was thought that the danger was past, and that the army might safely resume its progress. They advanced, accordingly, to Fort Schlosser, above the cataract149, whither their boats and bateaux had been sent before them, craned up the rocks at Lewiston, and dragged by oxen over the rough portage road. The troops had been joined by three hundred friendly Indians, and an400 equal number of Canadians. The appearance of the latter in arms would, it was thought, have great effect on the minds of the enemy, who had always looked upon them as friends and supporters. Of the Indian allies, the greater part were Iroquois, and the remainder, about a hundred in number, Ojibwas and Mississaugas; the former being the same who had recently arrived from the Sault Ste. Marie, bringing with them their prisoner, Alexander Henry. Henry was easily persuaded to accompany the expedition; and the command of the Ojibwas and Mississaugas was assigned to him—“To me,” writes the adventurous150 trader, “whose best hope it had lately been to live by their forbearance.” His long-continued sufferings and dangers hardly deserved to be rewarded by so great a misfortune as that of commanding a body of Indian warriors; an evil from which, however, he was soon to be relieved. The army had hardly begun its march, when nearly all his followers151 ran off, judging it wiser to return home with the arms and clothing given them for the expedition, than to make war against their own countrymen and relatives. Fourteen warriors still remained; but on the following night, when the army lay at Fort Schlosser, having contrived152 by some means to obtain liquor, they created such a commotion153 in the camp, by yelling and firing their guns, as to excite the utmost indignation of the commander. They received from him, in consequence, a reproof154 so harsh and ill judged, that most of them went home in disgust; and Henry found his Indian battalion155 suddenly dwindled156 to four or five vagabond hunters.[406] A large number of Iroquois still followed the army, the strength of which, farther increased by a re-enforcement of Highlanders, was now very considerable.
The troops left Fort Schlosser on the eighth. Their boats and bateaux pushed out into the Niagara, whose expanded waters reposed157 in a serenity158 soon to be exchanged for the wild roar and tumultuous struggle of the rapids and the cataract. They coasted along the southern shore of Lake Erie until the twelfth, when, in the neighborhood of Presqu’ Isle159, they were overtaken by a storm of rain, which forced them to drag401 their boats on shore, and pitch their tents in the dripping forest. Before the day closed, word was brought that strange Indians were near the camp. They soon made their appearance, proclaiming themselves to be chiefs and deputies of the Delawares and Shawanoes, empowered to beg for peace in the name of their respective tribes. Various opinions were entertained of the visitors. The Indian allies wished to kill them, and many of the officers believed them to be spies. There was no proof of their pretended character of deputies; and, for all that appeared to the contrary, they might be a mere straggling party of warriors. Their professions of an earnest desire for peace were contradicted by the fact that they brought with them but one small belt of wampum; a pledge no less indispensable in a treaty with these tribes than seals and signatures in a convention of European sovereigns.[407] Bradstreet knew, or ought to have known, the character of the treacherous160 enemy with whom he had to deal. He knew that the Shawanoes and Delawares had shown, throughout the war, a ferocious161 and relentless162 hostility; that they had sent an insolent message to Niagara; and, finally, that in his own instructions he was enjoined163 to deal sternly with them, and not be duped by pretended overtures164. Yet, in spite of the suspicious character of the self-styled deputies, in spite of the sullen165 wrath166 of his Indian allies, and the murmured dissent167 of his officers, he listened to their proposals, and entered into a preliminary treaty. He pledged himself to refrain from attacking the Delawares and Shawanoes, on condition that within twenty-five days the deputies should again meet him at Sandusky, in order to yield up their prisoners, and conclude a definite treaty of peace.[408] It afterwards appeared—and402 this, indeed, might have been suspected at the time—that the sole object of the overtures was to retard168 the action of the army until the season should be too far advanced to prosecute169 the campaign. At this very moment, the Delaware and Shawanoe war-parties were murdering and scalping along the frontiers; and the work of havoc170 continued for weeks, until it was checked at length by the operations of Colonel Bouquet.
Bradstreet was not satisfied with the promise he had made to abandon his own hostile designs. He consummated171 his folly172 and presumption173 by despatching a messenger to his superior officer, Colonel Bouquet, informing him that the Delawares and Shawanoes had been reduced to submission without his aid, and that he might withdraw his troops, as there was no need of his advancing farther. Bouquet, astonished and indignant, paid no attention to this communication, but pursued his march as before.[409]
The course pursued by Bradstreet in this affair—a course which can only be ascribed to the vain ambition of finishing the war without the aid of others—drew upon him the severe censures174 of the commander-in-chief, who, on hearing of the treaty, at once annulled175 it.[410] Bradstreet has been accused of403 having exceeded his orders, in promising176 to conclude a definite treaty with the Indians, a power which was vested in Sir William Johnson alone; but as upon this point his instructions were not explicit177, he may be spared the full weight of this additional charge.[411]
Having, as he thought, accomplished178 not only a great part of his own task, but also the whole of that which had been assigned to Colonel Bouquet, Bradstreet resumed his progress westward, and in a few days reached Sandusky. He had been ordered to attack the Wyandots, Ottawas, and Miamis, dwelling near this place; but at his approach, these Indians, hastening to avert the danger, sent a deputation to meet him, promising that, if he would refrain from attacking them, they would follow him to Detroit, and there conclude a treaty. Bradstreet thought proper to trust this slippery promise; though, with little loss of time, he might have reduced them, on the spot, to a much more effectual submission. He now bent179 his course for Detroit, leaving the Indians of Sandusky much delighted, and probably no less surprised, at the success of their embassy. Before his departure, however, he despatched Captain Morris, with several Canadians and friendly Indians, to the Illinois, in order to persuade the savages of that region to treat of peace with the English. The measure was in a high degree ill advised and rash, promising but doubtful advantage, and exposing the life of a valuable officer to imminent180 risk. The sequel of Morris’s adventure will soon appear.
The English boats now entered the mouth of the Detroit, and on the twenty-sixth of August came within sight of the404 fort and adjacent settlements. The inhabitants of the Wyandot village on the right, who, it will be remembered, had recently made a treaty of peace at Niagara, ran down to the shore, shouting, whooping181, and firing their guns,—a greeting more noisy than sincere,—while the cannon of the garrison echoed salutation from the opposite shore, and cheer on cheer, deep and heartfelt, pealed182 welcome from the crowded ramparts.
Well might Gladwyn’s beleaguered183 soldiers rejoice at the approaching succor184. They had been beset185 for more than fifteen months by their wily enemy; and though there were times when not an Indian could be seen, yet woe186 to the soldier who should wander into the forest in search of game, or stroll too far beyond range of the cannon. Throughout the preceding winter, they had been left in comparative quiet; but with the opening spring the Indians had resumed their pertinacious187 hostilities; not, however, with the same activity and vigor188 as during the preceding summer. The messages of Sir William Johnson, and the tidings of Bradstreet’s intended expedition, had had great effect upon their minds, and some of them had begged abjectly189 for peace; but still the garrison were harassed190 by frequent alarms, and days and nights of watchfulness191 were their unvarying lot. Cut off for months together from all communication with their race; pent up in an irksome imprisonment192; ill supplied with provisions, and with clothing worn threadbare, they hailed with delight the prospect193 of a return to the world from which they had been banished194 so long. The army had no sooner landed than the garrison was relieved, and fresh troops substituted in their place. Bradstreet’s next care was to inquire into the conduct of the Canadian inhabitants of Detroit, and punish such of them as had given aid to the Indians. A few only were found guilty, the more culpable195 having fled to the Illinois on the approach of the army.
Pontiac too was gone. The great war-chief, his vengeance unslaked, and his purpose unshaken, had retired196, as we have seen, to the banks of the Maumee, whence he sent a haughty defiance197 to the English commander. The Indian villages near Detroit were half emptied of their inhabitants, many of whom still followed the desperate fortunes of their indomitable405 leader. Those who remained were, for the most part, brought by famine and misery198 to a sincere desire for peace, and readily obeyed the summons of Bradstreet to meet him in council.
The council was held in the open air, on the morning of the seventh of September, with all the accompaniments of military display which could inspire awe and respect among the assembled savages. The tribes, or rather fragments of tribes, represented at this meeting, were the Ottawas, Ojibwas, Pottawattamies, Miamis, Sacs, and Wyandots. The Indians of Sandusky kept imperfectly the promise they had made, the Wyandots of that place alone sending a full deputation; while the other tribes were merely represented by the Ojibwa chief Wasson. This man, who was the principal chief of his tribe, and the most prominent orator139 on the present occasion, rose and opened the council.
“My brother,” he said, addressing Bradstreet, “last year God forsook200 us. God has now opened our eyes, and we desire to be heard. It is God’s will our hearts are altered. It was God’s will you had such fine weather to come to us. It is God’s will also there should be peace and tranquillity201 over the face of the earth and of the waters.”
Having delivered this exordium, Wasson frankly203 confessed that the tribes which he represented were all justly chargeable with the war, and now deeply regretted their delinquency. It is common with Indians, when accused of acts of violence, to lay the blame upon the unbridled recklessness of their young warriors; and this excuse is often perfectly199 sound and valid204; but since, in the case of a premeditated and long-continued war, it was glaringly inadmissible, they now reversed the usual course, and made scapegoats205 of the old chiefs and warriors, who, as they declared, had led the people astray by sinister206 counsel and bad example.[412]
Bradstreet would grant peace only on condition that they should become subjects of the King of England, and acknowledge that he held over their country a sovereignty as ample and complete as over any other part of his dominions207. Nothing406 could be more impolitic and absurd than this demand. The smallest attempt at an invasion of their liberties has always been regarded by the Indians with extreme jealousy208, and a prominent cause of the war had been an undue209 assumption of authority on the part of the English. This article of the treaty, could its purport210 have been fully97 understood, might have kindled211 afresh the quarrel which it sought to extinguish; but happily not a savage present was able to comprehend it. Subjection and sovereignty are ideas which never enter into the mind of an Indian, and therefore his language has no words to express them. Most of the western tribes, it is true, had been accustomed to call themselves children of the King of France; but the words were a mere compliment, conveying no sense of any political relation whatever. Yet it was solely212 by means of this harmless metaphor213 that the condition in question could be explained to the assembled chiefs. Thus interpreted, it met with a ready assent214; since, in their eyes, it involved no concession215 beyond a mere unmeaning change of forms and words. They promised, in future, to call the English king father, instead of brother; unconscious of any obligation which so trifling216 a change could impose, and mentally reserving a full right to make war on him or his people, whenever it should suit their convenience. When Bradstreet returned from his expedition, he boasted that he had reduced the tribes of Detroit to terms of more complete submission than any other Indians had ever before yielded; but the truth was soon detected and exposed by those conversant217 with Indian affairs.[413]
At this council, Bradstreet was guilty of the bad policy and bad taste of speaking through the medium of a French interpreter; so that most of his own officers, as well as the Iroquois allies, who were strangers to the Algonquin language, remained in ignorance of all that passed. The latter were highly indignant, and refused to become parties to the treaty, or go through the usual ceremony of shaking hands with the chiefs of Detroit, insisting that they had not heard their speeches, and knew not whether they were friends or enemies. In another particular, also, Bradstreet gave great407 offence. From some unexplained impulse or motive218, he cut to pieces, with a hatchet, a belt of wampum which was about to be used in the council; and all the Indians present, both friends and enemies, were alike incensed220 at this rude violation221 of the ancient pledge of faith, which, in their eyes, was invested with something of a sacred character.[414]
Having settled the affairs of Detroit, Bradstreet despatched Captain Howard, with a strong detachment, to take possession of Michillimackinac, which had remained unoccupied since its capture in the preceding summer. Howard effected his object without resistance, and, at the same time, sent parties of troops to reoccupy the deserted posts of Green Bay and Sault Ste. Marie. Thus, after the interval of more than a year, the flag of England was again displayed among the solitudes222 of the northern wilderness223.[415]
While Bradstreet’s army lay encamped on the fields near Detroit, Captain Morris, with a few Iroquois and Canadian attendants, was pursuing his adventurous embassy to the country of the Illinois. Morris, who has left us his portrait, prefixed to a little volume of prose and verse, was an officer of literary tastes, whose round English face did not indicate any especial degree of enterprise or resolution. He seems, however, to have had both; for, on a hint from the General, he had offered himself for the adventure, for which he was better fitted than most of his brother officers, inasmuch as he spoke French. He was dining, on the eve of his departure, in the tent of Bradstreet, when his host suddenly remarked, in the bluff225 way habitual226 to him, that he had a French fellow, a prisoner, whom he meant to hang; but that, if Morris would like him for an interpreter, he might have him. The prisoner in question was the Canadian Godefroy, who was presently led into the tent; and who, conscious of many misdemeanors, thought that his hour was come, and fell on his knees to beg his life. Bradstreet told him that he should be pardoned if he would promise to “go with this gentleman, and take good408 care of him,” pointing to his guest. Godefroy promised; and, to the best of his power, he kept his word, for he imagined that Morris had saved his life.
Morris set out on the following afternoon with Godefroy, another Canadian, two servants, and a party of Indians, ascended227 the Maumee, and soon approached the camp of Pontiac; who, as already mentioned, had withdrawn228 to this river with his chosen warriors. The party disembarked from their canoes; and an Ottawa chief, who had joined them, lent them three horses. Morris and the Canadians mounted, and, preceded by their Indian attendants, displaying an English flag, advanced in state towards the camp, which was two leagues or more distant. As they drew near, they were met by a rabble229 of several hundred Indians, called by Morris “Pontiac’s army.” They surrounded him, beat his horse, and crowded between him and his followers, apparently230 trying to separate them. At the outskirts231 of the camp stood Pontiac himself, who met the ambassador with a scowling232 brow, and refused to offer his hand. Here, too, stood a man, in the uniform of a French officer, holding his gun with the butt233 resting on the ground, and assuming an air of great importance; while two Pawnee slaves stood close behind him. He proved to be a French drummer, calling himself St. Vincent, one of those renegades of civilization to be found in almost every Indian camp. He now took upon himself the office of a master of ceremonies; desired Morris to dismount, and seated himself at his side on a bear-skin. Godefroy took his place near them; and the throng of savages, circle within circle, stood crowded around. “Presently,” says Morris, “came Pontiac, and squatted234 himself, after his fashion, opposite to me.” He opened the interview by observing that the English were liars235, and demanding of the ambassador if he had come to lie to them, like the rest. “This Indian,” pursues Morris, “has a more extensive power than ever was known among that people, for every chief used to command his own tribe; but eighteen nations, by French intrigue236, had been brought to unite and choose this man for their commander.”
Pontiac now produced a letter directed to himself, and sent from New Orleans, though purporting237 to be written by the409 King of France. It contained, according to Morris, the grossest calumnies238 that the most ingenious malice239 could devise to incense219 the Indians against the English. The old falsehood was not forgotten: “Your French Father,” said the writer, “is neither dead nor asleep; he is already on his way, with sixty great ships, to revenge himself on the English, and drive them out of America.” Much excitement followed the reading of the letter, and Morris’s situation became more than unpleasant; but St. Vincent befriended him, and hurried him off to his wigwam to keep him out of harm’s way.
On the next day there was a grand council. Morris made a speech, in which he indiscreetly told the Indians that the King of France had given all the country to the King of England. Luckily, his auditors received the announcement with ridicule240 rather than anger. The chiefs, however, wished to kill him; but Pontiac interposed, on the ground that the life of an ambassador should be held sacred. “He made a speech,” says Morris, “which does him honor, and shows that he was acquainted with the law of nations.” He seemed in a mood more pacific than could have been expected, and said privately241 to Godefroy: “I will lead the nations to war no more. Let them be at peace if they choose; but I will never be a friend to the English. I shall be a wanderer in the woods; and, if they come there to seek me, I will shoot at them while I have an arrow left.” Morris thinks that he said this in a fit of despair, and that, in fact, he was willing to come to terms.
The day following was an unlucky one. One of Morris’s Indians, a Mohawk chief, ran off, having first stolen all he could lay hands on, and sold the ambassador’s stack of rum, consisting of two barrels, to the Ottawas. A scene of frenzy242 ensued. A young Indian ran up to Morris, and stabbed at him savagely243; but Godefroy caught the assassin’s hand, and saved his patron’s life. Morris escaped from the camp, and lay hidden in a cornfield till the howling and screeching244 subsided245, and the Indians slept themselves sober. When he returned, an Indian, called the Little Chief, gave him a volume of Shakespeare,—the spoil of some slaughtered246 officer,—and then begged for gunpowder.
Having first gained Pontiac’s consent, Morris now resumed410 his journey to the Illinois. The river was extremely low, and it was with much ado that they pushed their canoe against the shallow current, or dragged it over stones and sandbars. On the fifth day, they met an Indian mounted on a handsome white horse, said to have belonged to General Braddock, and to have been captured at the defeat of his army, nine years before. On the morning of the seventh day, they reached the neighborhood of Fort Miami. This post, captured during the preceding year, had since remained without a garrison; and its only tenants247 were the Canadians, who had built their houses within its palisades, and a few Indians, who thought fit to make it their temporary abode248. The meadows about the fort were dotted with the lodges249 of the Kickapoos, a large band of whom had recently arrived; but the great Miami village was on the opposite side of the stream, screened from sight by the forest which intervened.
The party landed a little below the fort; and, while his followers were making their way through the border of woods that skirted the river, Morris remained in the canoe, solacing250 himself by reading Antony and Cleopatra in the volume he had so oddly obtained. It was fortunate that he did so; for his attendants had scarcely reached the open meadow, which lay behind the woods, when they were encountered by a mob of savages, armed with spears, hatchets251, and bows and arrows, and bent on killing the Englishman. Being, for the moment, unable to find him, the chiefs had time to address the excited rabble, and persuade them to postpone252 their intended vengeance. The ambassador, buffeted253, threatened, and insulted, was conducted to the fort, where he was ordered to remain; though, at the same time, the Canadian inhabitants were forbidden to admit him into their houses. Morris soon discovered that this unexpected rough treatment was owing to the influence of a deputation of Delaware and Shawanoe chiefs, who had recently arrived, bringing fourteen war-belts of wampum, and exciting the Miamis to renew their hostilities against the common enemy. Thus it was fully apparent that while the Delawares and Shawanoes were sending one deputation to treat of peace with Bradstreet on Lake Erie, they were sending another to rouse the tribes of the Illinois to411 war.[416] From Fort Miami, the deputation had proceeded westward, spreading the contagion254 among all the tribes between the Mississippi and the Ohio; declaring that they would never make peace with the English, but would fight them as long as the sun should shine, and calling on their brethren of the Illinois to follow their example.
They had been aware of the approach of Morris, and had urged the Miamis to put him to death when he arrived. Accordingly, he had not been long at the fort when two warriors, with tomahawks in their hands, entered, seized him by the arms, and dragged him towards the river. Godefroy stood by, pale and motionless. “Eh bien, vous m’abandonnez donc!” said Morris. “Non, mon capitaine,” the Canadian answered, “je ne vous abandonnerai jamais;” and he followed, as the two savages dragged their captive into the water. Morris thought that they meant to drown and scalp him, but soon saw his mistake; for they led him through the stream, which was fordable, and thence towards the Miami village. As they drew near, they stopped, and began to strip him, but grew angry at the difficulty of the task; till, in rage and despair, he tore off his clothes himself. They then bound his arms behind him with his own sash, and drove him before them to the village, where they made him sit on a bench. A whooping, screeching mob of savages was instantly about him, and a hundred voices clamored together in dispute as to what should be done with him. Godefroy stood by him with a courageous255 fidelity that redeemed256 his past rascalities. He urged a nephew of Pontiac, who was present, to speak for the prisoner. The young Indian made a bold harangue258 to the crowd; and Godefroy added that, if Morris were killed, the English would take revenge on those who were in their power at Detroit. A Miami chief, called the Swan, now declared for the Englishman, untied259 his arms, and gave him a pipe to smoke; whereupon another chief, called the White Cat, snatched it from him, seized him, and bound him fast by the neck to a post. Naked, helpless,412 and despairing, he saw the crowd gathering260 around to torture him. “I had not the smallest hope of life,” he says, “and I remember that I conceived myself as if going to plunge261 into a gulf262, vast, immeasurable; and that, a few moments after, the thought of torture occasioned a sort of torpor263 and insensibility. I looked at Godefroy, and, seeing him exceedingly distressed264, I said what I could to encourage him; but he desired me not to speak. I supposed it gave offence to the savages; and therefore was silent; when Pacanne, chief of the Miami nation, and just out of his minority, having mounted a horse and crossed the river, rode up to me. When I heard him calling to those about me, and felt his hand behind my neck, I thought he was going to strangle me, out of pity; but he untied me, saying, as it was afterwards interpreted to me: ‘I give that man his life. If you want English meat, go to Detroit, or to the lake, and you’ll find enough. What business have you with this man’s flesh, who is come to speak with us?’ I fixed224 my eyes steadfastly265 on this young man, and endeavored by looks to express my gratitude266.”
An Indian now offered him a pipe, and he was then pushed with abuse and blows out of the village. He succeeded in crossing the river and regaining267 the fort, after receiving a sharp cut of a switch from a mounted Indian whom he met on the way.
He found the Canadians in the fort disposed to befriend him. Godefroy and the metamorphosed drummer, St. Vincent, were always on the watch to warn him of danger; and one l’Esperance gave him an asylum268 in his garret. He seems to have found some consolation269 in the compassion270 of two handsome young squaws, sisters, he was told, of his deliverer, Pacanne; but the two warriors who had stripped and bound him were constantly lurking271 about the fort, watching an opportunity to kill him; and the Kickapoos, whose lodges were pitched on the meadow, sent him a message to the effect that, if the Miamis did not put him to death, they themselves would do so, whenever he should pass their camp. He was still on the threshold of his journey, and his final point of destination was several hundred miles distant; yet, with great resolution, he determined to persevere272, and, if possible, fulfil his mission. His Indian and Canadian attendants used every413 means to dissuade273 him, and in the evening held a council with the Miami chiefs, the result of which was most discouraging. Morris received message after message, threatening his life, should he persist in his design; and word was brought him that several of the Shawanoe deputies were returning to the fort, expressly to kill him. Under these circumstances, it would have been madness to persevere; and, abandoning his mission, he set out for Detroit. The Indian attendants, whom he had brought from Sandusky, after behaving with the utmost insolence, abandoned him in the woods; their ringleader being a Christian274 Huron, of the Mission of Lorette, whom Morris pronounces the greatest rascal257 he ever knew. With Godefroy and two or three others who remained with him, he reached Detroit on the seventeenth of September, half dead with famine and fatigue. He had expected to find Bradstreet; but that agile275 commander had decamped, and returned to Sandusky. Morris, too ill and exhausted276 to follow, sent him his journal, together with a letter, in which he denounced the Delaware and Shawanoe ambassadors, whom he regarded, and no doubt with justice, as the occasion of his misfortunes. The following is his amiable277 conclusion:—
“The villains278 have nipped our fairest hopes in the bud. I tremble for you at Sandusky; though I was greatly pleased to find you have one of the vessels279 with you, and artillery281. I wish the chiefs were assembled on board the vessel280, and that she had a hole in her bottom. Treachery should be paid with treachery; and it is a more than ordinary pleasure to deceive those who would deceive us.”[417]
Bradstreet had retraced282 his course to Sandusky, to keep his engagement with the Delaware and Shawanoe deputies, and414 await the fulfilment of their worthless promise to surrender their prisoners, and conclude a definitive283 treaty of peace. His hopes were defeated. The appointed time expired, and not a chief was seen; though, a few days after, several warriors came to the camp, with a promise that, if Bradstreet would remain quiet, and refrain from attacking their villages, they would bring in the prisoners in the course of the following week. Bradstreet accepted their excuses; and, having removed his camp to the carrying-place of Sandusky, lay waiting in patient expectation. It was here that he received, for the first time, a communication from General Gage, respecting the preliminary treaty, concluded several weeks before. Gage condemned284 his conduct in severe terms, and ordered him to break the engagements he had made, and advance at once upon the enemy, choosing for his first objects of attack the Indians living upon the plains of the Scioto. The fury of Bradstreet was great on receiving this message; and it was not diminished when the journal of Captain Morris was placed in his hands, fully proving how signally he had been duped. He was in no temper to obey the orders of the commander-in-chief; and, to justify285 himself for his inaction, he alleged the impossibility of reaching the Scioto plains at that advanced season. Two routes thither were open to his choice, one by the River Sandusky, and the other by Cayahoga Creek286. The water in the Sandusky was sunk low with the drought, and the carrying-place at the head of Cayahoga Creek was a few miles longer than had been represented; yet the army were ready for the attempt, and these difficulties could not have deterred287 a vigorous commander. Under cover of such excuses, Bradstreet remained idle at Sandusky for several days, while sickness and discontent were rife288 in his camp. The soldiers complained of his capricious, peremptory289 temper, his harshness to his415 troops, and the unaccountable tenderness with which he treated the Sandusky Indians, some of whom had not yet made their submission; while he enraged290 his Iroquois allies by his frequent rebukes291 and curses.
At length, declaring that provisions were failing and the season growing late, he resolved to return home; and broke up his camp with such precipitancy that two soldiers, who had gone out in the morning to catch fish for his table, were inhumanly292 left behind;[418] the colonel remarking that they might stay and be damned. Soon after leaving Sandusky, he saw fit to encamp one evening on an open, exposed beach, on the south shore of Lake Erie, though there was in the neighborhood a large river, “wherein,” say his critics, “a thousand boats could lie with safety.” A storm came on: half his boats were dashed to pieces; and six pieces of cannon, with ammunition, provisions, arms, and baggage, were lost or abandoned. For three days the tempest raged unceasingly; and, when the angry lake began to resume its tranquillity, it was found that the remaining boats were insufficient293 to convey the troops. A body of Indians, together with a detachment of provincials, about a hundred and fifty in all, were therefore ordered to make their way to Niagara along the pathless borders of the lake. They accordingly set out, and, after many days of hardship, reached their destination; though such had been their sufferings, from fatigue, cold, and hunger; from wading294 swamps, swimming creeks295 and rivers, and pushing416 their way through tangled296 thickets297, that many of the provincials perished miserably298 in the woods. On the fourth of November, seventeen days after their departure from Sandusky, the main body of the little army arrived in safety at Niagara; and the whole, re-embarking on Lake Ontario, proceeded towards Oswego.[419] Fortune still seemed adverse299; for a second tempest arose, and one of the schooners300, crowded with troops, foundered301 in sight of Oswego, though most of the men were saved. The route to the settlements was now a short and easy one. On their arrival, the regulars went into quarters; while the troops levied302 for the campaign were sent home to their respective provinces.
This expedition, ill conducted as it was, produced some beneficial results. The Indians at Detroit had been brought to reason, and for the present, at least, would probably remain tranquil202; while the re-establishment of the posts on the upper lakes must necessarily have great effect upon the natives of that region. At Sandusky, on the other hand, the work had been but half done. The tribes of that place felt no respect for the English; while those to the southward and westward had been left in a state of turbulence303, which promised an abundant harvest of future mischief304.[420] In one particular, at least, Bradstreet had occasioned serious detriment305 to the English interest. The Iroquois allies, who had joined his army, were disgusted by his treatment of them, while they were roused to contempt by the imbecility of his conduct towards the enemy; and thus the efforts of Sir William Johnson to secure the attachment306 of these powerful tribes were in no small degree counteracted307 and neutralized308.[421]
While Bradstreet’s troops were advancing upon the lakes, or lying idle in their camp at Sandusky, another expedition was in progress at the southward, with abler conduct and a more auspicious309 result.
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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encroachment
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| n.侵入，蚕食 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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erratic
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| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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galled
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| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
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ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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straightforward
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| adj.正直的，坦率的；易懂的，简单的 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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dwindle
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| v.逐渐变小（或减少） | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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reclaim
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| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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cavil
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| v.挑毛病，吹毛求疵 | |
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amend
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| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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45
anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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46
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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47
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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48
bouquet
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| n.花束，酒香 | |
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49
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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50
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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51
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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52
provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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53
gage
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| n.标准尺寸，规格；量规，量表 [=gauge] | |
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54
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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55
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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56
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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57
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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58
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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59
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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60
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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61
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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62
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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63
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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64
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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65
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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66
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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67
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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68
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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69
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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70
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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71
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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72
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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73
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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74
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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75
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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76
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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77
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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78
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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79
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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80
quench
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| vt.熄灭，扑灭；压制 | |
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81
atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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82
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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83
draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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84
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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85
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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86
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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87
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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88
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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89
invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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90
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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91
propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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92
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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93
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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94
lurid
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| adj.可怕的；血红的；苍白的 | |
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95
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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96
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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97
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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98
aperture
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| n.孔，隙，窄的缺口 | |
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99
demolition
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| n.破坏,毁坏,毁坏之遗迹 | |
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100
shrieks
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| n.尖叫声( shriek的名词复数 )v.尖叫( shriek的第三人称单数 ) | |
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101
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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102
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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103
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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104
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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105
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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106
whine
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| v.哀号，号哭；n.哀鸣 | |
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107
recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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108
propitiated
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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110
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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111
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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112
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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113
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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114
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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115
devious
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| adj.不坦率的，狡猾的；迂回的，曲折的 | |
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116
windings
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| （道路、河流等）蜿蜒的，弯曲的( winding的名词复数 )； 缠绕( wind的现在分词 )； 卷绕； 转动（把手） | |
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117
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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118
congregated
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| （使）集合，聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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120
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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121
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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122
muzzles
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| 枪口( muzzle的名词复数 )； （防止动物咬人的）口套； （四足动物的）鼻口部； （狗）等凸出的鼻子和口 | |
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123
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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124
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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125
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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126
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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127
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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128
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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129
runaway
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| n.逃走的人，逃亡，亡命者；adj.逃亡的，逃走的 | |
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130
cede
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| v.割让，放弃 | |
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131
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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132
craved
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| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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133
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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134
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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135
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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136
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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137
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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138
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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139
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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140
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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141
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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142
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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143
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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144
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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145
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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146
rivalries
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| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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147
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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148
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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149
cataract
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| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
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150
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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151
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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152
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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153
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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154
reproof
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| n.斥责，责备 | |
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155
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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156
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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157
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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158
serenity
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| n.宁静，沉着，晴朗 | |
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159
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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160
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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161
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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162
relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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163
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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165
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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166
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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167
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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168
retard
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| n.阻止，延迟；vt.妨碍，延迟，使减速 | |
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169
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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170
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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171
consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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172
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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173
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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174
censures
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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175
annulled
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| v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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176
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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177
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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178
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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179
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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180
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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181
whooping
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| 发嗬嗬声的，发咳声的 | |
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182
pealed
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| v.（使）（钟等）鸣响，（雷等）发出隆隆声( peal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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183
beleaguered
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| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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184
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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185
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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186
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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187
pertinacious
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| adj.顽固的 | |
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188
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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189
abjectly
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| 凄惨地； 绝望地； 糟透地； 悲惨地 | |
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190
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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191
watchfulness
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| 警惕，留心； 警觉（性） | |
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192
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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193
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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194
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195
culpable
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| adj.有罪的，该受谴责的 | |
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196
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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197
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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198
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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199
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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200
forsook
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| forsake的过去式 | |
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201
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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202
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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203
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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204
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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205
scapegoats
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| n.代人受过的人，替罪羊( scapegoat的名词复数 )v.使成为替罪羊( scapegoat的第三人称单数 ) | |
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206
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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207
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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208
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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209
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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210
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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211
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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212
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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213
metaphor
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| n.隐喻，暗喻 | |
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214
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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215
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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216
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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217
conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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218
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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219
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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220
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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221
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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222
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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223
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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224
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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225
bluff
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| v.虚张声势，用假象骗人；n.虚张声势，欺骗 | |
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226
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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227
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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228
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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229
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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230
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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231
outskirts
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| n.郊外，郊区 | |
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232
scowling
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| 怒视，生气地皱眉( scowl的现在分词 ) | |
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233
butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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234
squatted
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的过去式和过去分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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235
liars
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| 说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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236
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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237
purporting
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| v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的现在分词 ) | |
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238
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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239
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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240
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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241
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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242
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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243
savagely
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| adv. 野蛮地，残酷地 | |
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244
screeching
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| v.发出尖叫声( screech的现在分词 )；发出粗而刺耳的声音；高叫 | |
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245
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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246
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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247
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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248
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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249
lodges
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| v.存放( lodge的第三人称单数 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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250
solacing
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| v.安慰，慰藉( solace的现在分词 ) | |
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251
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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252
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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253
buffeted
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| 反复敲打( buffet的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续猛击； 打来打去； 推来搡去 | |
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254
contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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255
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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256
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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257
rascal
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| n.流氓；不诚实的人 | |
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258
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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259
untied
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| 松开，解开( untie的过去式和过去分词 )； 解除，使自由； 解决 | |
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260
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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261
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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262
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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263
torpor
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| n.迟钝；麻木；（动物的）冬眠 | |
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264
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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265
steadfastly
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| adv.踏实地，不变地；岿然；坚定不渝 | |
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266
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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267
regaining
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| 复得( regain的现在分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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268
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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269
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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270
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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271
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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272
persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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273
dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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274
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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275
agile
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| adj.敏捷的，灵活的 | |
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276
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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277
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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278
villains
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| n.恶棍( villain的名词复数 )；罪犯；（小说、戏剧等中的）反面人物；淘气鬼 | |
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279
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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280
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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281
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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282
retraced
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| v.折回( retrace的过去式和过去分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
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283
definitive
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| adj.确切的，权威性的；最后的，决定性的 | |
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284
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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285
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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286
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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287
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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288
rife
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| adj.(指坏事情)充斥的，流行的，普遍的 | |
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289
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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290
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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291
rebukes
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的第三人称单数 ) | |
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292
inhumanly
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| adv.无人情味地，残忍地 | |
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293
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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294
wading
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的现在分词 ) | |
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295
creeks
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| n.小湾( creek的名词复数 )；小港；小河；小溪 | |
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296
tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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297
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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298
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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299
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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300
schooners
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| n.（有两个以上桅杆的）纵帆船( schooner的名词复数 ) | |
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301
foundered
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| v.创始人( founder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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302
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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303
turbulence
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| n.喧嚣，狂暴，骚乱，湍流 | |
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304
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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305
detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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306
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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307
counteracted
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的过去式 ) | |
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308
neutralized
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| v.使失效( neutralize的过去式和过去分词 )；抵消；中和；使（一个国家）中立化 | |
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309
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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