The success of the Reform Ministry5 on their first appeal to the new constituency which they had created, had been fatally complete. But the triumph was as destructive to the victors as to the vanquished6.
‘We are too strong,’ prophetically exclaimed one of the fortunate cabinet, which found itself supported by an inconceivable majority of three hundred. It is to be hoped that some future publisher of private memoirs7 may have preserved some of the traits of that crude and short-lived parliament, when old Cobbett insolently8 thrust Sir Robert from the prescriptive seat of the chief of opposition9, and treasury10 understrappers sneered11 at the ‘queer lot’ that had arrived from Ireland, little foreseeing what a high bidding that ‘queer lot’ would eventually command. Gratitude12 to Lord Grey was the hustings-cry at the end of 1832, the pretext13 that was to return to the new-modelled House of Commons none but men devoted14 to the Whig cause. The successful simulation, like everything that is false, carried within it the seeds of its own dissolution. Ingratitude15 to Lord Grey was more the fashion at the commencement of 1834, and before the close of that eventful year, the once popular Reform Ministry was upset, and the eagerly-sought Reformed Parliament dissolved!
It can scarcely be alleged16 that the public was altogether unprepared for this catastrophe17. Many deemed it inevitable18; few thought it imminent19. The career of the Ministry, and the existence of the Parliament, had indeed from the first been turbulent and fitful. It was known, from authority, that there were dissensions in the cabinet, while a House of Commons which passed votes on subjects not less important than the repeal20 of a tax, or the impeachment21 of a judge, on one night, and rescinded22 its resolutions on the following, certainly established no increased claims to the confidence of its constituents23 in its discretion24. Nevertheless, there existed at this period a prevalent conviction that the Whig party, by a great stroke of state, similar in magnitude and effect to that which in the preceding century had changed the dynasty, had secured to themselves the government of this country for, at least, the lives of the present generation. And even the well-informed in such matters were inclined to look upon the perplexing circumstances to which we have alluded25 rather as symptoms of a want of discipline in a new system of tactics, than as evidences of any essential and deeply-rooted disorder26.
The startling rapidity, however, of the strange incidents of 1834; the indignant, soon to become vituperative27, secession of a considerable section of the cabinet, some of them esteemed28 too at that time among its most efficient members; the piteous deprecation of ‘pressure from without,’ from lips hitherto deemed too stately for entreaty29, followed by the Trades’ union, thirty thousand strong, parading in procession to Downing-street; the Irish negotiations30 of Lord Hatherton, strange blending of complex intrigue31 and almost infantile ingenuousness32; the still inexplicable33 resignation of Lord Althorp, hurriedly followed by his still more mysterious resumption of power, the only result of his precipitate34 movements being the fall of Lord Grey himself, attended by circumstances which even a friendly historian could scarcely describe as honourable35 to his party or dignified36 to himself; latterly, the extemporaneous37 address of King William to the Bishops39; the vagrant40 and grotesque41 apocalypse of the Lord Chancellor42; and the fierce recrimination and memorable43 defiance44 of the Edinburgh banquet, all these impressive instances of public affairs and public conduct had combined to create a predominant opinion that, whatever might be the consequences, the prolonged continuance of the present party in power was a clear impossibility.
It is evident that the suicidal career of what was then styled the Liberal party had been occasioned and stimulated45 by its unnatural46 excess of strength. The apoplectic47 plethora48 of 1834 was not less fatal than the paralytic49 tenuity of 1841. It was not feasible to gratify so many ambitions, or to satisfy so many expectations. Every man had his double; the heels of every placeman were dogged by friendly rivals ready to trip them up. There were even two cabinets; the one that met in council, and the one that met in cabal50. The consequence of destroying the legitimate51 Opposition of the country was, that a moiety52 of the supporters of Government had to discharge the duties of Opposition.
Herein, then, we detect the real cause of all that irregular and unsettled carriage of public men which so perplexed53 the nation after the passing of the Reform Act. No government can be long secure without a formidable Opposition. It reduces their supporters to that tractable54 number which can be managed by the joint55 influences of fruition and of hope. It offers vengeance56 to the discontented, and distinction to the ambitious; and employs the energies of aspiring57 spirits, who otherwise may prove traitors58 in a division or assassins in a debate.
The general election of 1832 abrogated59 the Parliamentary Opposition of England, which had practically existed for more than a century and a half. And what a series of equivocal transactions and mortifying60 adventures did the withdrawal61 of this salutary restraint entail62 on the party which then so loudly congratulated themselves and the country that they were at length relieved from its odious63 repression64! In the hurry of existence one is apt too generally to pass over the political history of the times in which we ourselves live. The two years that followed the Reform of the House of Commons are full of instruction, on which a young man would do well to ponder. It is hardly possible that he could rise from the study of these annals without a confirmed disgust for political intrigue; a dazzling practice, apt at first to fascinate youth, for it appeals at once to our invention and our courage, but one which really should only be the resource of the second-rate. Great minds must trust to great truths and great talents for their rise, and nothing else.
While, however, as the autumn of 1834 advanced, the people of this country became gradually sensible of the necessity of some change in the councils of their Sovereign, no man felt capable of predicting by what means it was to be accomplished65, or from what quarry66 the new materials were to be extracted. The Tory party, according to those perverted67 views of Toryism unhappily too long prevalent in this country, was held to be literally68 defunct69, except by a few old battered70 crones of office, crouched71 round the embers of faction72 which they were fanning, and muttering ‘reaction’ in mystic whispers. It cannot be supposed indeed for a moment, that the distinguished73 personage who had led that party in the House of Commons previously74 to the passing of the act of 1832, ever despaired in consequence of his own career. His then time of life, the perfection, almost the prime, of manhood; his parliamentary practice, doubly estimable in an inexperienced assembly; his political knowledge; his fair character and reputable position; his talents and tone as a public speaker, which he had always aimed to adapt to the habits and culture of that middle class from which it was concluded the benches of the new Parliament were mainly to be recruited, all these were qualities the possession of which must have assured a mind not apt to be disturbed in its calculations by any intemperate75 heats, that with time and patience the game was yet for him.
Unquestionably, whatever may have been insinuated76, this distinguished person had no inkling that his services in 1834 might be claimed by his Sovereign. At the close of the session of that year he had quitted England with his family, and had arrived at Rome, where it was his intention to pass the winter. The party charges that have imputed77 to him a previous and sinister78 knowledge of the intentions of the Court, appear to have been made not only in ignorance of the personal character, but of the real position, of the future minister.
It had been the misfortune of this eminent79 gentleman when he first entered public life, to become identified with a political connection which, having arrogated80 to itself the name of an illustrious historical party, pursued a policy which was either founded on no principle whatever, or on principles exactly contrary to those which had always guided the conduct of the great Tory leaders. The chief members of this official confederacy were men distinguished by none of the conspicuous81 qualities of statesmen. They had none of the divine gifts that govern senates and guide councils. They were not orators82; they were not men of deep thought or happy resource, or of penetrative and sagacious minds. Their political ken83 was essentially84 dull and contracted. They expended85 some energy in obtaining a defective86, blundering acquaintance with foreign affairs; they knew as little of the real state of their own country as savages87 of an approaching eclipse. This factious88 league had shuffled89 themselves into power by clinging to the skirts of a great minister, the last of Tory statesmen, but who, in the unparalleled and confounding emergencies of his latter years, had been forced, unfortunately for England, to relinquish90 Toryism. His successors inherited all his errors without the latent genius, which in him might have still rallied and extricated91 him from the consequences of his disasters. His successors did not merely inherit his errors; they exaggerated, they caricatured them. They rode into power on a springtide of all the rampant92 prejudices and rancorous passions of their time. From the King to the boor93 their policy was a mere1 pandering94 to public ignorance. Impudently95 usurping96 the name of that party of which nationality, and therefore universality, is the essence, these pseudo-Tories made Exclusion97 the principle of their political constitution, and Restriction98 the genius of their commercial code.
The blind goddess that plays with human fortunes has mixed up the memory of these men with traditions of national glory. They conducted to a prosperous conclusion the most renowned99 war in which England has ever been engaged. Yet every military conception that emanated101 from their cabinet was branded by their characteristic want of grandeur102. Chance, however, sent them a great military genius, whom they treated for a long time with indifference103, and whom they never heartily104 supported until his career had made him their master. His transcendent exploits, and European events even greater than his achievements, placed in the manikin grasp of the English ministry, the settlement of Europe.
The act of the Congress of Vienna remains105 the eternal monument of their diplomatic knowledge and political sagacity. Their capital feats106 were the creation of two kingdoms, both of which are already erased107 from the map of Europe. They made no single preparation for the inevitable, almost impending108, conjunctures of the East. All that remains of the pragmatic arrangements of the mighty109 Congress of Vienna is the mediatisation of the petty German princes.
But the settlement of Europe by the pseudo-Tories was the dictate110 of inspiration compared with their settlement of England. The peace of Paris found the government of this country in the hands of a body of men of whom it is no exaggeration to say that they were ignorant of every principle of every branch of political science. So long as our domestic administration was confined merely to the raising of a revenue, they levied111 taxes with gross facility from the industry of a country too busy to criticise112 or complain. But when the excitement and distraction113 of war had ceased, and they were forced to survey the social elements that surrounded them, they seemed, for the first time, to have become conscious of their own incapacity. These men, indeed, were the mere children of routine. They prided themselves on being practical men. In the language of this defunct school of statesmen, a practical man is a man who practises the blunders of his predecessors114.
Now commenced that Condition-of-England Question of which our generation hears so much. During five-and-twenty years every influence that can develop the energies and resources of a nation had been acting115 with concentrated stimulation116 on the British Isles117. National peril118 and national glory; the perpetual menace of invasion, the continual triumph of conquest; the most extensive foreign commerce that was ever conducted by a single nation; an illimitable currency; an internal trade supported by swarming119 millions whom manufacturers and inclosure-bills summoned into existence; above all, the supreme120 control obtained by man over mechanic power, these are some of the causes of that rapid advance of material civilisation121 in England, to which the annals of the world can afford no parallel. But there was no proportionate advance in our moral civilisation. In the hurry-skurry of money-making, men-making, and machine-making, we had altogether outgrown122, not the spirit, but the organisation123, of our institutions.
The peace came; the stimulating124 influences suddenly ceased; the people, in a novel and painful position, found themselves without guides. They went to the ministry; they asked to be guided; they asked to be governed. Commerce requested a code; trade required a currency; the unfranchised subject solicited125 his equal privilege; suffering labour clamoured for its rights; a new race demanded education. What did the ministry do?
They fell into a panic. Having fulfilled during their lives the duties of administration, they were frightened because they were called upon, for the first time, to perform the functions of government. Like all weak men, they had recourse to what they called strong measures. They determined126 to put down the multitude. They thought they were imitating Mr. Pitt, because they mistook disorganisation for sedition127.
Their projects of relief were as ridiculous as their system of coercion128 was ruthless; both were alike founded in intense ignorance. When we recall Mr. Vansittart with his currency resolutions; Lord Castlereagh with his plans for the employment of labour; and Lord Sidmouth with his plots for ensnaring the laborious129; we are tempted130 to imagine that the present epoch131 has been one of peculiar132 advances in political ability, and marvel133 how England could have attained134 her present pitch under a series of such governors.
We should, however, be labouring under a very erroneous impression. Run over the statesmen that have figured in England since the accession of the present family, and we may doubt whether there be one, with the exception perhaps of the Duke of Newcastle, who would have been a worthy135 colleague of the council of Mr. Perceval, or the early cabinet of Lord Liverpool. Assuredly the genius of Bolingbroke and the sagacity of Walpole would have alike recoiled136 from such men and such measures. And if we take the individuals who were governing England immediately before the French Revolution, one need only refer to the speeches of Mr. Pitt, and especially to those of that profound statesman and most instructed man, Lord Shelburne, to find that we can boast no remarkable138 superiority either in political justice or in political economy. One must attribute this degeneracy, therefore, to the long war and our insular139 position, acting upon men naturally of inferior abilities, and unfortunately, in addition, of illiterate140 habits.
In the meantime, notwithstanding all the efforts of the political Panglosses who, in evening Journals and Quarterly Reviews were continually proving that this was the best of all possible governments, it was evident to the ministry itself that the machine must stop. The class of Rigbys indeed at this period, one eminently141 favourable142 to that fungous tribe, greatly distinguished themselves. They demonstrated in a manner absolutely convincing, that it was impossible for any person to possess any ability, knowledge, or virtue143, any capacity of reasoning, any ray of fancy or faculty144 of imagination, who was not a supporter of the existing administration. If any one impeached145 the management of a department, the public was assured that the accuser had embezzled146; if any one complained of the conduct of a colonial governor, the complainant was announced as a returned convict. An amelioration of the criminal code was discountenanced because a search in the parish register of an obscure village proved that the proposer had not been born in wedlock148. A relaxation149 of the commercial system was denounced because one of its principal advocates was a Socinian. The inutility of Parliamentary Reform was ever obvious since Mr. Rigby was a member of the House of Commons.
To us, with our Times newspaper every morning on our breakfast-table, bringing, on every subject which can interest the public mind, a degree of information and intelligence which must form a security against any prolonged public misconception, it seems incredible that only five-and-twenty years ago the English mind could have been so ridden and hoodwinked, and that, too, by men of mean attainments150 and moderate abilities. But the war had directed the energies of the English people into channels by no means favourable to political education. Conquerors152 of the world, with their ports filled with the shipping153 of every clime, and their manufactories supplying the European continent, in the art of self-government, that art in which their fathers excelled, they had become literally children; and Rigby and his brother hirelings were the nurses that frightened them with hideous154 fables155 and ugly words.
Notwithstanding, however, all this successful mystification, the Arch-Mediocrity who presided, rather than ruled, over this Cabinet of Mediocrities, became hourly more conscious that the inevitable transition from fulfilling the duties of an administration to performing the functions of a government could not be conducted without talents and knowledge. The Arch-Mediocrity had himself some glimmering156 traditions of political science. He was sprung from a laborious stock, had received some training, and though not a statesman, might be classed among those whom the Lord Keeper Williams used to call ‘statemongers.’ In a subordinate position his meagre diligence and his frigid157 method might not have been without value; but the qualities that he possessed158 were misplaced; nor can any character be conceived less invested with the happy properties of a leader. In the conduct of public affairs his disposition159 was exactly the reverse of that which is the characteristic of great men. He was peremptory160 in little questions, and great ones he left open.
In the natural course of events, in 1819 there ought to have been a change of government, and another party in the state should have entered into office; but the Whigs, though they counted in their ranks at that period an unusual number of men of great ability, and formed, indeed, a compact and spirited opposition, were unable to contend against the new adjustment of borough161 influence which had occurred during the war, and under the protracted162 administration by which that war had been conducted. New families had arisen on the Tory side that almost rivalled old Newcastle himself in their electioneering management; and it was evident that, unless some reconstruction163 of the House of Commons could be effected, the Whig party could never obtain a permanent hold of official power. Hence, from that period, the Whigs became Parliamentary Reformers.
It was inevitable, therefore, that the country should be governed by the same party; indispensable that the ministry should be renovated164 by new brains and blood. Accordingly, a Mediocrity, not without repugnance165, was induced to withdraw, and the great name of Wellington supplied his place in council. The talents of the Duke, as they were then understood, were not exactly of the kind most required by the cabinet, and his colleagues were careful that he should not occupy too prominent a post; but still it was an impressive acquisition, and imparted to the ministry a semblance166 of renown100.
There was an individual who had not long entered public life, but who had already filled considerable, though still subordinate offices. Having acquired a certain experience of the duties of administration, and distinction for his mode of fulfilling them, he had withdrawn167 from his public charge; perhaps because he found it a barrier to the attainment151 of that parliamentary reputation for which he had already shown both a desire and a capacity; perhaps because, being young and independent, he was not over-anxious irremediably to identify his career with a school of politics of the infallibility of which his experience might have already made him a little sceptical. But he possessed the talents that were absolutely wanted, and the terms were at his own dictation. Another, and a very distinguished Mediocrity, who would not resign, was thrust out, and Mr. Peel became Secretary of State.
From this moment dates that intimate connection between the Duke of Wellington and the present First Minister, which has exercised a considerable influence over the career of individuals and the course of affairs. It was the sympathetic result of superior minds placed among inferior intelligences, and was, doubtless, assisted by a then mutual168 conviction, that the difference of age, the circumstance of sitting in different houses, and the general contrast of their previous pursuits and accomplishments169, rendered personal rivalry170 out of the question. From this moment, too, the domestic government of the country assumed a new character, and one universally admitted to have been distinguished by a spirit of enlightened progress and comprehensive amelioration.
A short time after this, a third and most distinguished Mediocrity died; and Canning, whom they had twice worried out of the cabinet, where they had tolerated him some time in an obscure and ambiguous position, was recalled just in time from his impending banishment171, installed in the first post in the Lower House, and intrusted with the seals of the Foreign Office. The Duke of Wellington had coveted172 them, nor could Lord Liverpool have been insensible to his Grace’s peculiar fitness for such duties; but strength was required in the House of Commons, where they had only one Secretary of State, a young man already distinguished, yet untried as a leader, and surrounded by colleagues notoriously incapable173 to assist him in debate.
The accession of Mr. Canning to the cabinet, in a position, too, of surpassing influence, soon led to a further weeding of the Mediocrities, and, among other introductions, to the memorable entrance of Mr. Huskisson. In this wise did that cabinet, once notable only for the absence of all those qualities which authorise the possession of power, come to be generally esteemed as a body of men, who, for parliamentary eloquence174, official practice, political information, sagacity in council, and a due understanding of their epoch, were inferior to none that had directed the policy of the empire since the Revolution.
If we survey the tenor175 of the policy of the Liverpool Cabinet during the latter moiety of its continuance, we shall find its characteristic to be a partial recurrence176 to those frank principles of government which Mr. Pitt had revived during the latter part of the last century from precedents178 that had been set us, either in practice or in dogma, during its earlier period, by statesmen who then not only bore the title, but professed179 the opinions, of Tories. Exclusive principles in the constitution, and restrictive principles in commerce, have grown up together; and have really nothing in common with the ancient character of our political settlement, or the manners and customs of the English people. Confidence in the loyalty180 of the nation, testified by munificent181 grants of rights and franchises182, and favour to an expansive system of traffic, were distinctive183 qualities of the English sovereignty, until the House of Commons usurped184 the better portion of its prerogatives185. A widening of our electoral scheme, great facilities to commerce, and the rescue of our Roman Catholic fellow-subjects from the Puritanic yoke186, from fetters188 which have been fastened on them by English Parliaments in spite of the protests and exertions189 of English Sovereigns; these were the three great elements and fundamental truths of the real Pitt system, a system founded on the traditions of our monarchy190, and caught from the writings, the speeches, the councils of those who, for the sake of these and analogous191 benefits, had ever been anxious that the Sovereign of England should never be degraded into the position of a Venetian Doge.
It is in the plunder192 of the Church that we must seek for the primary cause of our political exclusion, and our commercial restraint. That unhallowed booty created a factitious aristocracy, ever fearful that they might be called upon to regorge their sacrilegious spoil. To prevent this they took refuge in political religionism, and paltering with the disturbed consciences, or the pious193 fantasies, of a portion of the people, they organised them into religious sects195. These became the unconscious Praetorians of their ill-gotten domains196. At the head of these religionists, they have continued ever since to govern, or powerfully to influence this country. They have in that time pulled down thrones and churches, changed dynasties, abrogated and remodelled197 parliaments; they have disfranchised Scotland and confiscated198 Ireland. One may admire the vigour199 and consistency200 of the Whig party, and recognise in their career that unity201 of purpose that can only spring from a great principle; but the Whigs introduced sectarian religion, sectarian religion led to political exclusion, and political exclusion was soon accompanied by commercial restraint.
It would be fanciful to assume that the Liverpool Cabinet, in their ameliorating career, was directed by any desire to recur177 to the primordial202 tenets of the Tory party. That was not an epoch when statesmen cared to prosecute203 the investigation204 of principles. It was a period of happy and enlightened practice. A profounder policy is the offspring of a time like the present, when the original postulates205 of institutions are called in question. The Liverpool Cabinet unconsciously approximated to these opinions, because from careful experiment they were convinced of their beneficial tendency, and they thus bore an unintentional and impartial206 testimony207 to their truth. Like many men, who think they are inventors, they were only reproducing ancient wisdom.
But one must ever deplore208 that this ministry, with all their talents and generous ardour, did not advance to principles. It is always perilous209 to adopt expediency210 as a guide; but the choice may be sometimes imperative211. These statesmen, however, took expediency for their director, when principle would have given them all that expediency ensured, and much more.
This ministry, strong in the confidence of the sovereign, the parliament, and the people, might, by the courageous212 promulgation213 of great historical truths, have gradually formed a public opinion, that would have permitted them to organise194 the Tory party on a broad, a permanent, and national basis. They might have nobly effected a complete settlement of Ireland, which a shattered section of this very cabinet was forced a few years after to do partially214, and in an equivocating215 and equivocal manner. They might have concluded a satisfactory reconstruction of the third estate, without producing that convulsion with which, from its violent fabrication, our social system still vibrates. Lastly, they might have adjusted the rights and properties of our national industries in a manner which would have prevented that fierce and fatal rivalry that is now disturbing every hearth216 of the United Kingdom.
We may, therefore, visit on the laches of this ministry the introduction of that new principle and power into our constitution which ultimately may absorb all, AGITATION217. This cabinet, then, with so much brilliancy on its surface, is the real parent of the Roman Catholic Association, the Political unions, the Anti-Corn-Law League.
There is no influence at the same time so powerful and so singular as that of individual character. It arises as often from the weakness of the character as from its strength. The dispersion of this clever and showy ministry is a fine illustration of this truth. One morning the Arch-Mediocrity himself died. At the first blush, it would seem that little difficulties could be experienced in finding his substitute. His long occupation of the post proved, at any rate, that the qualification was not excessive. But this cabinet, with its serene218 and blooming visage, had been all this time charged with fierce and emulous ambitions. They waited the signal, but they waited in grim repose219. The death of the nominal220 leader, whose formal superiority, wounding no vanity, and offending no pride, secured in their councils equality among the able, was the tocsin of their anarchy221. There existed in this cabinet two men, who were resolved immediately to be prime ministers; a third who was resolved eventually to be prime minister, but would at any rate occupy no ministerial post without the lead of a House of Parliament; and a fourth, who felt himself capable of being prime minister, but despaired of the revolution which could alone make him one; and who found an untimely end when that revolution had arrived.
Had Mr. Secretary Canning remained leader of the House of Commons under the Duke of Wellington, all that he would have gained by the death of Lord Liverpool was a master. Had the Duke of Wellington become Secretary of State under Mr. Canning he would have materially advanced his political position, not only by holding the seals of a high department in which he was calculated to excel, but by becoming leader of the House of Lords. But his Grace was induced by certain court intriguers to believe that the King would send for him, and he was also aware that Mr. Peel would no longer serve under any ministry in the House of Commons. Under any circumstances it would have been impossible to keep the Liverpool Cabinet together. The struggle, therefore, between the Duke of Wellington and ‘my dear Mr. Canning’ was internecine222, and ended somewhat unexpectedly.
And here we must stop to do justice to our friend Mr. Rigby, whose conduct on this occasion was distinguished by a bustling223 dexterity224 which was quite charming. He had, as we have before intimated, on the credit of some clever lampoons225 written during the Queen’s trial, which were, in fact, the effusions of Lucian Gay, wriggled226 himself into a sort of occasional unworthy favour at the palace, where he was half butt227 and half buffoon228. Here, during the interregnum occasioned by the death, or rather inevitable retirement229, of Lord Liverpool, Mr. Rigby contrived230 to scrape up a conviction that the Duke was the winning horse, and in consequence there appeared a series of leading articles in a notorious evening newspaper, in which it was, as Tadpole231 and Taper232 declared, most ‘slashingly’ shown, that the son of an actress could never be tolerated as a Prime Minister of England. Not content with this, and never doubting for a moment the authentic234 basis of his persuasion235, Mr. Rigby poured forth236 his coarse volubility on the subject at several of the new clubs which he was getting up in order to revenge himself for having been black-balled at White’s.
What with arrangements about Lord Monmouth’s boroughs237, and the lucky bottling of some claret which the Duke had imported on Mr. Rigby’s recommendation, this distinguished gentleman contrived to pay almost hourly visits at Apsley House, and so bullied238 Tadpole and Taper that they scarcely dared address him. About four-and-twenty hours before the result, and when it was generally supposed that the Duke was in, Mr. Rigby, who had gone down to Windsor to ask his Majesty239 the date of some obscure historical incident, which Rigby, of course, very well knew, found that audiences were impossible, that Majesty was agitated240, and learned, from an humble241 but secure authority, that in spite of all his slashing233 articles, and Lucian Gay’s parodies242 of the Irish melodies, Canning was to be Prime Minister.
This would seem something of a predicament! To common minds; there are no such things as scrapes for gentlemen with Mr. Rigby’s talents for action. He had indeed, in the world, the credit of being an adept243 in machinations, and was supposed ever to be involved in profound and complicated contrivances. This was quite a mistake. There was nothing profound about Mr. Rigby; and his intellect was totally incapable of devising or sustaining an intricate or continuous scheme. He was, in short, a man who neither felt nor thought; but who possessed, in a very remarkable degree, a restless instinct for adroit244 baseness. On the present occasion he got into his carriage, and drove at the utmost speed from Windsor to the Foreign Office. The Secretary of State was engaged when he arrived; but Mr. Rigby would listen to no difficulties. He rushed upstairs, flung open the door, and with agitated countenance147, and eyes suffused245 with tears, threw himself into the arms of the astonished Mr. Canning.
‘All is right,’ exclaimed the devoted Rigby, in broken tones; ‘I have convinced the King that the First Minister must be in the House of Commons. No one knows it but myself; but it is certain.’
We have seen that at an early period of his career, Mr. Peel withdrew from official life. His course had been one of unbroken prosperity; the hero of the University had become the favourite of the House of Commons. His retreat, therefore, was not prompted by chagrin246. Nor need it have been suggested by a calculating ambition, for the ordinary course of events was fast bearing to him all to which man could aspire247. One might rather suppose, that he had already gained sufficient experience, perhaps in his Irish Secretaryship, to make him pause in that career of superficial success which education and custom had hitherto chalked out for him, rather than the creative energies of his own mind. A thoughtful intellect may have already detected elements in our social system which required a finer observation, and a more unbroken study, than the gyves and trammels of office would permit. He may have discovered that the representation of the University, looked upon in those days as the blue ribbon of the House of Commons, was a sufficient fetter187 without unnecessarily adding to its restraint. He may have wished to reserve himself for a happier occasion, and a more progressive period. He may have felt the strong necessity of arresting himself in his rapid career of felicitous248 routine, to survey his position in calmness, and to comprehend the stirring age that was approaching.
For that, he could not but be conscious that the education which he had consummated249, however ornate and refined, was not sufficient. That age of economical statesmanship which Lord Shelburne had predicted in 1787, when he demolished250, in the House of Lords, Bishop38 Watson and the Balance of Trade, which Mr. Pitt had comprehended; and for which he was preparing the nation when the French Revolution diverted the public mind into a stronger and more turbulent current, was again impending, while the intervening history of the country had been prolific251 in events which had aggravated252 the necessity of investigating the sources of the wealth of nations. The time had arrived when parliamentary preeminence253 could no longer be achieved or maintained by gorgeous abstractions borrowed from Burke, or shallow systems purloined254 from De Lolme, adorned255 with Horatian points, or varied256 with Virgilian passages. It was to be an age of abstruse257 disquisition, that required a compact and sinewy258 intellect, nurtured259 in a class of learning not yet honoured in colleges, and which might arrive at conclusions conflicting with predominant prejudices.
Adopting this view of the position of Mr. Peel, strengthened as it is by his early withdrawal for a while from the direction of public affairs, it may not only be a charitable but a true estimate of the motives260 which influenced him in his conduct towards Mr. Canning, to conclude that he was not guided in that transaction by the disingenuous261 rivalry usually imputed to him. His statement in Parliament of the determining circumstances of his conduct, coupled with his subsequent and almost immediate137 policy, may perhaps always leave this a painful and ambiguous passage in his career; but in passing judgment262 on public men, it behoves us ever to take large and extended views of their conduct; and previous incidents will often satisfactorily explain subsequent events, which, without their illustrating263 aid, are involved in misapprehension or mystery.
It would seem, therefore, that Sir Robert Peel, from an early period, meditated264 his emancipation265 from the political confederacy in which he was implicated266, and that he has been continually baffled in this project. He broke loose from Lord Liverpool; he retired267 from Mr. Canning. Forced again into becoming the subordinate leader of the weakest government in parliamentary annals, he believed he had at length achieved his emancipation, when he declared to his late colleagues, after the overthrow268 of 1830, that he would never again accept a secondary position in office. But the Duke of Wellington was too old a tactician269 to lose so valuable an ally. So his Grace declared after the Reform Bill was passed, as its inevitable result, that thenceforth the Prime Minister must be a member of the House of Commons; and this aphorism270, cited as usual by the Duke’s parasites271 as demonstration272 of his supreme sagacity, was a graceful273 mode of resigning the preeminence which had been productive of such great party disasters. It is remarkable that the party who devised and passed the Reform Bill, and who, in consequence, governed the nation for ten years, never once had their Prime Minister in the House of Commons: but that does not signify; the Duke’s maxim274 is still quoted as an oracle275 almost equal in prescience to his famous query276, ‘How is the King’s government to be carried on?’ a question to which his Grace by this time has contrived to give a tolerably practical answer.
Sir Robert Peel, who had escaped from Lord Liverpool, escaped from Mr. Canning, escaped even from the Duke of Wellington in 1832, was at length caught in 1834; the victim of ceaseless intriguers, who neither comprehended his position, nor that of their country.
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1
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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2
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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3
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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insolently
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| adv.自豪地，自傲地 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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sneered
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| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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14
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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17
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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18
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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19
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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20
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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21
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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22
rescinded
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| v.废除，取消( rescind的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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26
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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27
vituperative
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| adj.谩骂的；斥责的 | |
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28
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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29
entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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31
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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32
ingenuousness
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| n.率直；正直；老实 | |
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33
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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34
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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35
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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36
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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37
extemporaneous
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| adj.即席的，一时的 | |
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38
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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40
vagrant
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| n.流浪者，游民；adj.流浪的，漂泊不定的 | |
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41
grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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42
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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43
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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44
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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45
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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46
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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47
apoplectic
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| adj.中风的；愤怒的；n.中风患者 | |
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48
plethora
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| n.过量，过剩 | |
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49
paralytic
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| adj. 瘫痪的 n. 瘫痪病人 | |
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50
cabal
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| n.政治阴谋小集团 | |
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51
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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52
moiety
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| n.一半；部分 | |
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53
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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54
tractable
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| adj.易驾驭的；温顺的 | |
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55
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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56
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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57
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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58
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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59
abrogated
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的过去式和过去分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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60
mortifying
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| adj.抑制的，苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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61
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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62
entail
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| vt.使承担，使成为必要，需要 | |
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63
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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64
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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65
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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66
quarry
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| n.采石场；v.采石；费力地找 | |
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67
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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68
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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69
defunct
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| adj.死亡的；已倒闭的 | |
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70
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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71
crouched
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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73
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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74
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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75
intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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76
insinuated
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| v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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arrogated
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| v.冒称，妄取( arrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；没来由地把…归属（于） | |
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81
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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82
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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83
ken
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| n.视野，知识领域 | |
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84
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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85
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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86
defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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87
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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88
factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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89
shuffled
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| v.洗（纸牌）( shuffle的过去式和过去分词 )；拖着脚步走；粗心地做；摆脱尘世的烦恼 | |
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90
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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91
extricated
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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93
boor
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| n.举止粗野的人；乡下佬 | |
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94
pandering
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| v.迎合（他人的低级趣味或淫欲）( pander的现在分词 )；纵容某人；迁就某事物 | |
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impudently
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96
usurping
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的现在分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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97
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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100
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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101
emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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102
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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103
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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107
erased
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| v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；清除 | |
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impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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113
distraction
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| n.精神涣散，精神不集中，消遣，娱乐 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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115
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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116
stimulation
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| n.刺激，激励，鼓舞 | |
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117
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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118
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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119
swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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120
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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121
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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122
outgrown
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| 长[发展] 得超过（某物）的范围( outgrow的过去分词 )； 长[发展]得不能再要（某物）； 长得比…快； 生长速度超过 | |
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123
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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124
stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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125
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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126
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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127
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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128
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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129
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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130
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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131
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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132
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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133
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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134
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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135
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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136
recoiled
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| v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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137
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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138
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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139
insular
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| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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140
illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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141
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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142
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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143
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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144
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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145
impeached
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| v.控告（某人）犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 )；弹劾；对（某事物）怀疑；提出异议 | |
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146
embezzled
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| v.贪污，盗用（公款）( embezzle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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148
wedlock
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| n.婚姻，已婚状态 | |
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149
relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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150
attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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151
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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152
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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153
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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154
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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155
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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156
glimmering
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| n.微光，隐约的一瞥adj.薄弱地发光的v.发闪光，发微光( glimmer的现在分词 ) | |
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157
frigid
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| adj.寒冷的，凛冽的；冷淡的；拘禁的 | |
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158
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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159
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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160
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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161
borough
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| n.享有自治权的市镇；(英)自治市镇 | |
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162
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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163
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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164
renovated
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| 翻新，修复，整修( renovate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165
repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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166
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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167
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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168
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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169
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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170
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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171
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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172
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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173
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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174
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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175
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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176
recurrence
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| n.复发，反复，重现 | |
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177
recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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178
precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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179
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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180
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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181
munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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182
franchises
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| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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183
distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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184
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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185
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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186
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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187
fetter
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| n./vt.脚镣，束缚 | |
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188
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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189
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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190
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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191
analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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192
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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193
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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194
organise
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| vt.组织，安排，筹办 | |
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195
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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196
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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197
remodelled
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| v.改变…的结构[形状]( remodel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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198
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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199
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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200
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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201
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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202
primordial
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| adj.原始的；最初的 | |
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203
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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204
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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205
postulates
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| v.假定，假设( postulate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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206
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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207
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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208
deplore
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| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
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209
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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210
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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211
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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212
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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213
promulgation
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| n.颁布 | |
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214
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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215
equivocating
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| v.使用模棱两可的话隐瞒真相( equivocate的现在分词 ) | |
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216
hearth
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| n.壁炉炉床，壁炉地面 | |
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217
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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218
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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219
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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220
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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221
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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222
internecine
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| adj.两败俱伤的 | |
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223
bustling
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| adj.喧闹的 | |
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224
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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225
lampoons
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| n.讽刺文章或言辞( lampoon的名词复数 )v.冷嘲热讽，奚落( lampoon的第三人称单数 ) | |
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226
wriggled
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| v.扭动，蠕动，蜿蜒行进( wriggle的过去式和过去分词 )；（使身体某一部位）扭动；耍滑不做，逃避（应做的事等） | |
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227
butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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228
buffoon
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| n.演出时的丑角 | |
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229
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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230
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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231
tadpole
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| n.[动]蝌蚪 | |
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232
taper
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| n.小蜡烛，尖细，渐弱；adj.尖细的；v.逐渐变小 | |
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233
slashing
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| adj.尖锐的；苛刻的；鲜明的；乱砍的v.挥砍( slash的现在分词 )；鞭打；割破；削减 | |
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234
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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235
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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236
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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237
boroughs
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| （尤指大伦敦的）行政区( borough的名词复数 )； 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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238
bullied
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| adj.被欺负了v.恐吓，威逼( bully的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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239
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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240
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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241
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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242
parodies
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| n.拙劣的模仿( parody的名词复数 )；恶搞；滑稽的模仿诗文；表面上模仿得笨拙但充满了机智用来嘲弄别人作品的作品v.滑稽地模仿，拙劣地模仿( parody的第三人称单数 ) | |
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243
adept
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| adj.老练的，精通的 | |
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244
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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245
suffused
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| v.（指颜色、水气等）弥漫于，布满( suffuse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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246
chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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felicitous
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| adj.恰当的，巧妙的；n.恰当，贴切 | |
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consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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preeminence
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| n.卓越,杰出 | |
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purloined
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| v.偷窃( purloin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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abstruse
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| adj.深奥的，难解的 | |
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sinewy
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| adj.多腱的，强壮有力的 | |
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nurtured
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| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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disingenuous
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| adj.不诚恳的，虚伪的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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tactician
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| n. 战术家, 策士 | |
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aphorism
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| n.格言，警语 | |
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parasites
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| 寄生物( parasite的名词复数 )； 靠他人为生的人； 诸虫 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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query
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| n.疑问，问号，质问；vt.询问，表示怀疑 | |
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