‘You take, then, a dark view of our position?’
‘Troubled, not dark. I do not ascribe to political institutions that paramount12 influence which it is the feeling of this age to attribute to them. The Senate that confronted Brennus in the Forum13 was the same body that registered in an after-age the ribald decrees of a Nero. Trial by jury, for example, is looked upon by all as the Palladium of our liberties; yet a jury, at a very recent period of our own history, the reign14 of Charles II., was a tribunal as iniquitous15 as the Inquisition.’ And a graver expression stole over the countenance16 of Sidonia as he remembered what that Inquisition had operated on his own race and his own destiny. ‘There are families in this country,’ he continued, ‘of both the great historical parties, that in the persecution17 of their houses, the murder and proscription18 of some of their most illustrious members, found judges as unjust and relentless19 in an open jury of their countrymen as we did in the conclaves20 of Madrid and Seville.’
‘Where, then, would you look for hope?’
‘In what is more powerful than laws and institutions, and without which the best laws and the most skilful21 institutions may be a dead letter, or the very means of tyranny in the national character. It is not in the increased feebleness of its institutions that I see the peril22 of England; it is in the decline of its character as a community.’
‘And yet you could scarcely describe this as an age of corruption23?’
‘Not of political corruption. But it is an age of social disorganisation, far more dangerous in its consequences, because far more extensive. You may have a corrupt24 government and a pure community; you may have a corrupt community and a pure administration. Which would you elect?’
Neither,’ said Coningsby; ‘I wish to see a people full of faith, and a government full of duty.’
‘Rely upon it,’ said Sidonia, ‘that England should think more of the community and less of the government.’
‘But tell me, what do you understand by the term national character?’
‘A character is an assemblage of qualities; the character of England should be an assemblage of great qualities.’
‘The civilisation27 of a thousand years must produce great virtues; but we are speaking of the decline of public virtue25, not its existence.’
‘In what, then, do you trace that decline?’
‘In the fact that the various classes of this country are arrayed against each other.’
‘But to what do you attribute those reciprocal hostilities28?’
‘Not entirely29, not even principally, to those economical causes of which we hear so much. I look upon all such as secondary causes, which, in a certain degree, must always exist, which obtrude30 themselves in troubled times, and which at all times it is the business of wise statesmen to watch, to regulate, to ameliorate, to modify.’
‘I am speaking to elicit31 truth, not to maintain opinions,’ said Coningsby; ‘for I have none,’ he added, mournfully.
‘I think,’ said Sidonia, ‘that there is no error so vulgar as to believe that revolutions are occasioned by economical causes. They come in, doubtless, very often to precipitate32 a catastrophe33; very rarely do they occasion one. I know no period, for example, when physical comfort was more diffused34 in England than in 1640. England had a moderate population, a very improved agriculture, a rich commerce; yet she was on the eve of the greatest and most violent changes that she has as yet experienced.’
‘That was a religious movement.’
‘Admit it; the cause, then, was not physical. The imagination of England rose against the government. It proves, then, that when that faculty35 is astir in a nation, it will sacrifice even physical comfort to follow its impulses.’
‘Do you think, then, there is a wild desire for extensive political change in the country?’
‘Hardly that: England is perplexed36 at the present moment, not inventive. That will be the next phasis in her moral state, and to that I wish to draw your thoughts. For myself, while I ascribe little influence to physical causes for the production of this perplexity, I am still less of opinion that it can be removed by any new disposition37 of political power. It would only aggravate38 the evil. That would be recurring39 to the old error of supposing you can necessarily find national content in political institutions. A political institution is a machine; the motive40 power is the national character. With that it rests whether the machine will benefit society, or destroy it. Society in this country is perplexed, almost paralysed; in time it will move, and it will devise. How are the elements of the nation to be again blended together? In what spirit is that reorganisation to take place?’
‘To know that would be to know everything.’
‘At least let us free ourselves from the double ignorance of the Platonists. Let us not be ignorant that we are ignorant.’
‘I have emancipated41 myself from that darkness for a long time,’ said Coningsby. ‘Long has my mind been musing42 over these thoughts, but to me all is still obscurity.’
‘In this country,’ said Sidonia, ‘since the peace, there has been an attempt to advocate a reconstruction of society on a purely43 rational basis. The principle of Utility has been powerfully developed. I speak not with lightness of the labours of the disciples44 of that school. I bow to intellect in every form: and we should be grateful to any school of philosophers, even if we disagree with them; doubly grateful in this country, where for so long a period our statesmen were in so pitiable an arrear45 of public intelligence. There has been an attempt to reconstruct society on a basis of material motives46 and calculations. It has failed. It must ultimately have failed under any circumstances; its failure in an ancient and densely-peopled kingdom was inevitable47. How limited is human reason, the profoundest inquirers are most conscious. We are not indebted to the Reason of man for any of the great achievements which are the landmarks48 of human action and human progress. It was not Reason that besieged49 Troy; it was not Reason that sent forth50 the Saracen from the Desert to conquer the world; that inspired the Crusades; that instituted the Monastic orders; it was not Reason that produced the Jesuits; above all, it was not Reason that created the French Revolution. Man is only truly great when he acts from the passions; never irresistible51 but when he appeals to the imagination. Even Mormon counts more votaries52 than Bentham.’
‘Man is made to adore and to obey: but if you will not command him, if you give him nothing to worship, he will fashion his own divinities, and find a chieftain in his own passions.’
‘But where can we find faith in a nation of sectaries? Who can feel loyalty54 to a sovereign of Downing Street?’
‘I speak of the eternal principles of human nature, you answer me with the passing accidents of the hour. Sects55 rise and sects disappear. Where are the Fifth-Monarchy men? England is governed by Downing Street; once it was governed by Alfred and Elizabeth.’
点击收听单词发音
1 barons | |
男爵( baron的名词复数 ); 巨头; 大王; 大亨 | |
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2 bribing | |
贿赂 | |
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3 plundered | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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4 administrative | |
adj.行政的,管理的 | |
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5 reconstruction | |
n.重建,再现,复原 | |
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6 regain | |
vt.重新获得,收复,恢复 | |
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7 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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8 devoured | |
吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 ); 耗尽; 津津有味地看; 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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9 devourer | |
吞噬者 | |
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10 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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11 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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12 paramount | |
a.最重要的,最高权力的 | |
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13 forum | |
n.论坛,讨论会 | |
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14 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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15 iniquitous | |
adj.不公正的;邪恶的;高得出奇的 | |
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16 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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17 persecution | |
n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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18 proscription | |
n.禁止,剥夺权利 | |
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19 relentless | |
adj.残酷的,不留情的,无怜悯心的 | |
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20 conclaves | |
n.秘密会议,教皇选举会议,红衣主教团( conclave的名词复数 ) | |
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21 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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22 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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23 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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24 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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25 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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26 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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27 civilisation | |
n.文明,文化,开化,教化 | |
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28 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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29 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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30 obtrude | |
v.闯入;侵入;打扰 | |
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31 elicit | |
v.引出,抽出,引起 | |
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32 precipitate | |
adj.突如其来的;vt.使突然发生;n.沉淀物 | |
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33 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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34 diffused | |
散布的,普及的,扩散的 | |
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35 faculty | |
n.才能;学院,系;(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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36 perplexed | |
adj.不知所措的 | |
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37 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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38 aggravate | |
vt.加重(剧),使恶化;激怒,使恼火 | |
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39 recurring | |
adj.往复的,再次发生的 | |
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40 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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41 emancipated | |
adj.被解放的,不受约束的v.解放某人(尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚)( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42 musing | |
n. 沉思,冥想 adj. 沉思的, 冥想的 动词muse的现在分词形式 | |
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43 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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44 disciples | |
n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 );门徒;耶稣的信徒;(尤指)耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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45 arrear | |
n.欠款 | |
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46 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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47 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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48 landmarks | |
n.陆标( landmark的名词复数 );目标;(标志重要阶段的)里程碑 ~ (in sth);有历史意义的建筑物(或遗址) | |
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49 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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50 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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51 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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52 votaries | |
n.信徒( votary的名词复数 );追随者;(天主教)修士;修女 | |
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53 subdued | |
adj. 屈服的,柔和的,减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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54 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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55 sects | |
n.宗派,教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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