The English colonies (and this is one of the main causes of their prosperity) have always enjoyed more internal freedom and more political independence than the colonies of other nations; but this principle of liberty was nowhere more extensively applied5 than in the States of New England.
It was generally allowed at that period that the territories of the New World belonged to that European nation which had been the first to discover them. Nearly the whole coast of North America thus became a British possession towards the end of the sixteenth century. The means used by the English Government to people these new domains6 were of several kinds; the King sometimes appointed a governor of his own choice, who ruled a portion of the New World in the name and under the immediate8 orders of the Crown; *j this is the colonial system adopted by other countries of Europe. Sometimes grants of certain tracts9 were made by the Crown to an individual or to a company, *k in which case all the civil and political power fell into the hands of one or more persons, who, under the inspection10 and control of the Crown, sold the lands and governed the inhabitants. Lastly, a third system consisted in allowing a certain number of emigrants11 to constitute a political society under the protection of the mother-country, and to govern themselves in whatever was not contrary to her laws. This mode of colonization12, so remarkably13 favorable to liberty, was only adopted in New England.
[ See the work entitled "Historical Collection of State Papers and other authentic14 Documents intended as materials for a History of the United States of America, by Ebenezer Hasard. Philadelphia, 1792," for a great number of documents relating to the commencement of the colonies, which are valuable from their contents and their authenticity15: amongst them are the various charters granted by the King of England, and the first acts of the local governments.
See also the analysis of all these charters given by Mr. Story, Judge of the Supreme16 Court of the United States, in the Introduction to his "Commentary on the Constitution of the United States." It results from these documents that the principles of representative government and the external forms of political liberty were introduced into all the colonies at their origin. These principles were more fully17 acted upon in the North than in the South, but they existed everywhere.]
In 1628 *m a charter of this kind was granted by Charles I to the emigrants who went to form the colony of Massachusetts. But, in general, charters were not given to the colonies of New England till they had acquired a certain existence. Plymouth, Providence18, New Haven19, the State of Connecticut, and that of Rhode Island *n were founded without the co-operation and almost without the knowledge of the mother-country. The new settlers did not derive20 their incorporation21 from the seat of the empire, although they did not deny its supremacy22; they constituted a society of their own accord, and it was not till thirty or forty years afterwards, under Charles II. that their existence was legally recognized by a royal charter.
This frequently renders its it difficult to detect the link which connected the emigrants with the land of their forefathers23 in studying the earliest historical and legislative24 records of New England. They exercised the rights of sovereignty; they named their magistrates26, concluded peace or declared war, made police regulations, and enacted27 laws as if their allegiance was due only to God. *o Nothing can be more curious and, at the same time more instructive, than the legislation of that period; it is there that the solution of the great social problem which the United States now present to the world is to be found.
o
[ The inhabitants of Massachusetts had deviated28 from the forms which are preserved in the criminal and civil procedure of England; in 1650 the decrees of justice were not yet headed by the royal style. See Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 452.]
Amongst these documents we shall notice, as especially characteristic, the code of laws promulgated29 by the little State of Connecticut in 1650. *p The legislators of Connecticut *q begin with the penal30 laws, and, strange to say, they borrow their provisions from the text of Holy Writ31. "Whosoever shall worship any other God than the Lord," says the preamble32 of the Code, "shall surely be put to death." This is followed by ten or twelve enactments33 of the same kind, copied verbatim from the books of Exodus34, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy. Blasphemy35, sorcery, adultery, *r and rape36 were punished with death; an outrage37 offered by a son to his parents was to be expiated38 by the same penalty. The legislation of a rude and half-civilized people was thus applied to an enlightened and moral community. The consequence was that the punishment of death was never more frequently prescribed by the statute39, and never more rarely enforced towards the guilty.
[ Adultery was also punished with death by the law of Massachusetts: and Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 441, says that several persons actually suffered for this crime. He quotes a curious anecdote40 on this subject, which occurred in the year 1663. A married woman had had criminal intercourse41 with a young man; her husband died, and she married the lover. Several years had elapsed, when the public began to suspect the previous intercourse of this couple: they were thrown into prison, put upon trial, and very narrowly escaped capital punishment.]
The chief care of the legislators, in this body of penal laws, was the maintenance of orderly conduct and good morals in the community: they constantly invaded the domain7 of conscience, and there was scarcely a sin which was not subject to magisterial43 censure44. The reader is aware of the rigor with which these laws punished rape and adultery; intercourse between unmarried persons was likewise severely45 repressed. The judge was empowered to inflict46 a pecuniary47 penalty, a whipping, or marriage *s on the misdemeanants; and if the records of the old courts of New Haven may be believed, prosecutions48 of this kind were not unfrequent. We find a sentence bearing date the first of May, 1660, inflicting49 a fine and reprimand on a young woman who was accused of using improper50 language, and of allowing herself to be kissed. *t The Code of 1650 abounds51 in preventive measures. It punishes idleness and drunkenness with severity. *u Innkeepers are forbidden to furnish more than a certain quantity of liquor to each consumer; and simple lying, whenever it may be injurious, *v is checked by a fine or a flogging. In other places, the legislator, entirely52 forgetting the great principles of religious toleration which he had himself upheld in Europe, renders attendance on divine service compulsory53, *w and goes so far as to visit with severe punishment, ** and even with death, the Christians54 who chose to worship God according to a ritual differing from his own. *x Sometimes indeed the zeal55 of his enactments induces him to descend56 to the most frivolous57 particulars: thus a law is to be found in the same Code which prohibits the use of tobacco. *y It must not be forgotten that these fantastical and vexatious laws were not imposed by authority, but that they were freely voted by all the persons interested, and that the manners of the community were even more austere58 and more puritanical59 than the laws. In 1649 a solemn association was formed in Boston to check the worldly luxury of long hair.
[ Code of 1650, p. 48. It seems sometimes to have happened that the judges superadded these punishments to each other, as is seen in a sentence pronounced in 1643 (p. 114, "New Haven Antiquities"), by which Margaret Bedford, convicted of loose conduct, was condemned60 to be whipped, and afterwards to marry Nicholas Jemmings, her accomplice61.]
[ This was not peculiar62 to Connecticut. See, for instance, the law which, on September 13, 1644, banished63 the Anabaptists from the State of Massachusetts. ("Historical Collection of State Papers," vol. i. p. 538.) See also the law against the Quakers, passed on October 14, 1656: "Whereas," says the preamble, "an accursed race of heretics called Quakers has sprung up," etc. The clauses of the statute inflict a heavy fine on all captains of ships who should import Quakers into the country. The Quakers who may be found there shall be whipped and imprisoned64 with hard labor65. Those members of the sect66 who should defend their opinions shall be first fined, then imprisoned, and finally driven out of the province.—"Historical Collection of State Papers," vol. i. p. 630.]
These errors are no doubt discreditable to human reason; they attest67 the inferiority of our nature, which is incapable68 of laying firm hold upon what is true and just, and is often reduced to the alternative of two excesses. In strict connection with this penal legislation, which bears such striking marks of a narrow sectarian spirit, and of those religious passions which had been warmed by persecution69 and were still fermenting70 among the people, a body of political laws is to be found, which, though written two hundred years ago, is still ahead of the liberties of our age. The general principles which are the groundwork of modern constitutions—principles which were imperfectly known in Europe, and not completely triumphant71 even in Great Britain, in the seventeenth century—were all recognized and determined72 by the laws of New England: the intervention73 of the people in public affairs, the free voting of taxes, the responsibility of authorities, personal liberty, and trial by jury, were all positively74 established without discussion. From these fruitful principles consequences have been derived75 and applications have been made such as no nation in Europe has yet ventured to attempt.
In Connecticut the electoral body consisted, from its origin, of the whole number of citizens; and this is readily to be understood, *a when we recollect76 that this people enjoyed an almost perfect equality of fortune, and a still greater uniformity of opinions. *b In Connecticut, at this period, all the executive functionaries77 were elected, including the Governor of the State. *c The citizens above the age of sixteen were obliged to bear arms; they formed a national militia78, which appointed its own officers, and was to hold itself at all times in readiness to march for the defence of the country.
In the laws of Connecticut, as well as in all those of New England, we find the germ and gradual development of that township independence which is the life and mainspring of American liberty at the present day. The political existence of the majority of the nations of Europe commenced in the superior ranks of society, and was gradually and imperfectly communicated to the different members of the social body. In America, on the other hand, it may be said that the township was organized before the county, the county before the State, the State before the union. In New England townships were completely and definitively79 constituted as early as 1650. The independence of the township was the nucleus80 round which the local interests, passions, rights, and duties collected and clung. It gave scope to the activity of a real political life most thoroughly81 democratic and republican. The colonies still recognized the supremacy of the mother-country; monarchy82 was still the law of the State; but the republic was already established in every township. The towns named their own magistrates of every kind, rated themselves, and levied83 their own taxes. *e In the parish of New England the law of representation was not adopted, but the affairs of the community were discussed, as at Athens, in the market-place, by a general assembly of the citizens.
In studying the laws which were promulgated at this first era of the American republics, it is impossible not to be struck by the remarkable84 acquaintance with the science of government and the advanced theory of legislation which they display. The ideas there formed of the duties of society towards its members are evidently much loftier and more comprehensive than those of the European legislators at that time: obligations were there imposed which were elsewhere slighted. In the States of New England, from the first, the condition of the poor was provided for; *f strict measures were taken for the maintenance of roads, and surveyors were appointed to attend to them; *g registers were established in every parish, in which the results of public deliberations, and the births, deaths, and marriages of the citizens were entered; *h clerks were directed to keep these registers; *i officers were charged with the administration of vacant inheritances, and with the arbitration85 of litigated landmarks86; and many others were created whose chief functions were the maintenance of public order in the community. *j The law enters into a thousand useful provisions for a number of social wants which are at present very inadequately87 felt in France.
But it is by the attention it pays to Public Education that the original character of American civilization is at once placed in the clearest light. "It being," says the law, "one chief project of Satan to keep men from the knowledge of the Scripture88 by persuading from the use of tongues, to the end that learning may not be buried in the graves of our forefathers, in church and commonwealth89, the Lord assisting our endeavors. . . ." *k Here follow clauses establishing schools in every township, and obliging the inhabitants, under pain of heavy fines, to support them. Schools of a superior kind were founded in the same manner in the more populous90 districts. The municipal authorities were bound to enforce the sending of children to school by their parents; they were empowered to inflict fines upon all who refused compliance91; and in case of continued resistance society assumed the place of the parent, took possession of the child, and deprived the father of those natural rights which he used to so bad a purpose. The reader will undoubtedly92 have remarked the preamble of these enactments: in America religion is the road to knowledge, and the observance of the divine laws leads man to civil freedom.
If, after having cast a rapid glance over the state of American society in 1650, we turn to the condition of Europe, and more especially to that of the Continent, at the same period, we cannot fail to be struck with astonishment93. On the Continent of Europe, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, absolute monarchy had everywhere triumphed over the ruins of the oligarchical94 and feudal95 liberties of the Middle Ages. Never were the notions of right more completely confounded than in the midst of the splendor96 and literature of Europe; never was there less political activity among the people; never were the principles of true freedom less widely circulated; and at that very time those principles, which were scorned or unknown by the nations of Europe, were proclaimed in the deserts of the New World, and were accepted as the future creed97 of a great people. The boldest theories of the human reason were put into practice by a community so humble98 that not a statesman condescended99 to attend to it; and a legislation without a precedent100 was produced offhand101 by the imagination of the citizens. In the bosom102 of this obscure democracy, which had as yet brought forth103 neither generals, nor philosophers, nor authors, a man might stand up in the face of a free people and pronounce the following fine definition of liberty.
"Nor would I have you to mistake in the point of your own liberty. There is a liberty of a corrupt104 nature which is effected both by men and beasts to do what they list, and this liberty is inconsistent with authority, impatient of all restraint; by this liberty 'sumus omnes deteriores': 'tis the grand enemy of truth and peace, and all the ordinances105 of God are bent106 against it. But there is a civil, a moral, a federal liberty which is the proper end and object of authority; it is a liberty for that only which is just and good: for this liberty you are to stand with the hazard of your very lives and whatsoever107 crosses it is not authority, but a distemper thereof. This liberty is maintained in a way of subjection to authority; and the authority set over you will, in all administrations for your good, be quietly submitted unto by all but such as have a disposition108 to shake off the yoke109 and lose their true liberty, by their murmuring at the honor and power of authority."
The remarks I have made will suffice to display the character of Anglo-American civilization in its true light. It is the result (and this should be constantly present to the mind of two distinct elements), which in other places have been in frequent hostility110, but which in America have been admirably incorporated and combined with one another. I allude111 to the spirit of Religion and the spirit of Liberty.
The settlers of New England were at the same time ardent112 sectarians and daring innovators. Narrow as the limits of some of their religious opinions were, they were entirely free from political prejudices. Hence arose two tendencies, distinct but not opposite, which are constantly discernible in the manners as well as in the laws of the country.
It might be imagined that men who sacrificed their friends, their family, and their native land to a religious conviction were absorbed in the pursuit of the intellectual advantages which they purchased at so dear a rate. The energy, however, with which they strove for the acquirement of wealth, moral enjoyment113, and the comforts as well as liberties of the world, is scarcely inferior to that with which they devoted114 themselves to Heaven.
Political principles and all human laws and institutions were moulded and altered at their pleasure; the barriers of the society in which they were born were broken down before them; the old principles which had governed the world for ages were no more; a path without a turn and a field without an horizon were opened to the exploring and ardent curiosity of man: but at the limits of the political world he checks his researches, he discreetly115 lays aside the use of his most formidable faculties116, he no longer consents to doubt or to innovate117, but carefully abstaining118 from raising the curtain of the sanctuary119, he yields with submissive respect to truths which he will not discuss. Thus, in the moral world everything is classed, adapted, decided120, and foreseen; in the political world everything is agitated121, uncertain, and disputed: in the one is a passive, though a voluntary, obedience122; in the other an independence scornful of experience and jealous of authority.
These two tendencies, apparently123 so discrepant124, are far from conflicting; they advance together, and mutually support each other. Religion perceives that civil liberty affords a noble exercise to the faculties of man, and that the political world is a field prepared by the Creator for the efforts of the intelligence. Contented125 with the freedom and the power which it enjoys in its own sphere, and with the place which it occupies, the empire of religion is never more surely established than when it reigns126 in the hearts of men unsupported by aught beside its native strength. Religion is no less the companion of liberty in all its battles and its triumphs; the cradle of its infancy127, and the divine source of its claims. The safeguard of morality is religion, and morality is the best security of law and the surest pledge of freedom.
Reasons Of Certain Anomalies Which The Laws And Customs Of The Anglo-Americans Present
Remains128 of aristocratic institutions in the midst of a complete democracy—Why?—Distinction carefully to be drawn129 between what is of Puritanical and what is of English origin.
The reader is cautioned not to draw too general or too absolute an inference from what has been said. The social condition, the religion, and the manners of the first emigrants undoubtedly exercised an immense influence on the destiny of their new country. Nevertheless they were not in a situation to found a state of things solely130 dependent on themselves: no man can entirely shake off the influence of the past, and the settlers, intentionally131 or involuntarily, mingled132 habits and notions derived from their education and from the traditions of their country with those habits and notions which were exclusively their own. To form a judgment133 on the Anglo-Americans of the present day it is therefore necessary to distinguish what is of Puritanical and what is of English origin.
Laws and customs are frequently to be met with in the United States which contrast strongly with all that surrounds them. These laws seem to be drawn up in a spirit contrary to the prevailing134 tenor135 of the American legislation; and these customs are no less opposed to the tone of society. If the English colonies had been founded in an age of darkness, or if their origin was already lost in the lapse42 of years, the problem would be insoluble.
I shall quote a single example to illustrate136 what I advance. The civil and criminal procedure of the Americans has only two means of action—committal and bail137. The first measure taken by the magistrate25 is to exact security from the defendant138, or, in case of refusal, to incarcerate139 him: the ground of the accusation140 and the importance of the charges against him are then discussed. It is evident that a legislation of this kind is hostile to the poor man, and favorable only to the rich. The poor man has not always a security to produce, even in a civil cause; and if he is obliged to wait for justice in prison, he is speedily reduced to distress141. The wealthy individual, on the contrary, always escapes imprisonment142 in civil causes; nay143, more, he may readily elude144 the punishment which awaits him for a delinquency by breaking his bail. So that all the penalties of the law are, for him, reducible to fines. *n Nothing can be more aristocratic than this system of legislation. Yet in America it is the poor who make the law, and they usually reserve the greatest social advantages to themselves. The explanation of the phenomenon is to be found in England; the laws of which I speak are English, *o and the Americans have retained them, however repugnant they may be to the tenor of their legislation and the mass of their ideas. Next to its habits, the thing which a nation is least apt to change is its civil legislation. Civil laws are only familiarly known to legal men, whose direct interest it is to maintain them as they are, whether good or bad, simply because they themselves are conversant145 with them. The body of the nation is scarcely acquainted with them; it merely perceives their action in particular cases; but it has some difficulty in seizing their tendency, and obeys them without premeditation. I have quoted one instance where it would have been easy to adduce a great number of others. The surface of American society is, if I may use the expression, covered with a layer of democracy, from beneath which the old aristocratic colors sometimes peep.
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1
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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authenticity
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| n.真实性 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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incorporation
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| n.设立，合并，法人组织 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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deviated
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| v.偏离，越轨( deviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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exodus
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| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
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blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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rape
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| n.抢夺，掠夺，强奸；vt.掠夺，抢夺，强奸 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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expiated
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| v.为（所犯罪过）接受惩罚，赎（罪）( expiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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magisterial
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| adj.威风的，有权威的；adv.威严地 | |
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censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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46
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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48
prosecutions
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| 起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事 | |
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inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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51
abounds
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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52
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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53
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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54
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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55
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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56
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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57
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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58
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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59
puritanical
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| adj.极端拘谨的；道德严格的 | |
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60
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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61
accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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62
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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63
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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66
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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67
attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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68
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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69
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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70
fermenting
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| v.（使）发酵( ferment的现在分词 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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71
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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72
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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73
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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74
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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75
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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76
recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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77
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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78
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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79
definitively
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| adv.决定性地，最后地 | |
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80
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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81
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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82
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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83
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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84
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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85
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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86
landmarks
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| n.陆标( landmark的名词复数 )；目标；（标志重要阶段的）里程碑 ~ (in sth)；有历史意义的建筑物（或遗址） | |
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87
inadequately
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| ad.不够地；不够好地 | |
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88
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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90
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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91
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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92
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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93
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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oligarchical
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| adj.寡头政治的，主张寡头政治的 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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96
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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97
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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98
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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99
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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100
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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101
offhand
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| adj.临时，无准备的；随便，马虎的 | |
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102
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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103
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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104
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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106
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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107
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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108
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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109
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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110
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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111
allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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112
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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113
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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114
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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115
discreetly
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| ad.(言行)审慎地，慎重地 | |
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116
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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117
innovate
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| v.革新，变革，创始 | |
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118
abstaining
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| 戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的现在分词 )； 弃权（不投票） | |
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119
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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120
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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121
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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122
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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123
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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124
discrepant
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| 差异的 | |
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125
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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126
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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127
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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128
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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129
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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130
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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131
intentionally
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| ad.故意地，有意地 | |
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132
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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133
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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134
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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135
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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136
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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137
bail
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| v.舀（水），保释；n.保证金，保释，保释人 | |
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138
defendant
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| n.被告；adj.处于被告地位的 | |
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139
incarcerate
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| v.监禁，禁闭 | |
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140
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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141
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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142
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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143
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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144
elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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145
conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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