Origin Of The Anglo-Americans, And Its Importance In Relation To Their Future Condition.
After the birth of a human being his early years are obscurely spent in the toils1 or pleasures of childhood. As he grows up the world receives him, when his manhood begins, and he enters into contact with his fellows. He is then studied for the first time, and it is imagined that the germ of the vices2 and the virtues3 of his maturer years is then formed. This, if I am not mistaken, is a great error. We must begin higher up; we must watch the infant in its mother's arms; we must see the first images which the external world casts upon the dark mirror of his mind; the first occurrences which he witnesses; we must hear the first words which awaken5 the sleeping powers of thought, and stand by his earliest efforts, if we would understand the prejudices, the habits, and the passions which will rule his life. The entire man is, so to speak, to be seen in the cradle of the child.
The growth of nations presents something analogous6 to this: they all bear some marks of their origin; and the circumstances which accompanied their birth and contributed to their rise affect the whole term of their being. If we were able to go back to the elements of states, and to examine the oldest monuments of their history, I doubt not that we should discover the primal7 cause of the prejudices, the habits, the ruling passions, and, in short, of all that constitutes what is called the national character; we should then find the explanation of certain customs which now seem at variance8 with the prevailing9 manners; of such laws as conflict with established principles; and of such incoherent opinions as are here and there to be met with in society, like those fragments of broken chains which we sometimes see hanging from the vault10 of an edifice11, and supporting nothing. This might explain the destinies of certain nations, which seem borne on by an unknown force to ends of which they themselves are ignorant. But hitherto facts have been wanting to researches of this kind: the spirit of inquiry12 has only come upon communities in their latter days; and when they at length contemplated13 their origin, time had already obscured it, or ignorance and pride adorned14 it with truth-concealing fables15.
America is the only country in which it has been possible to witness the natural and tranquil16 growth of society, and where the influences exercised on the future condition of states by their origin is clearly distinguishable. At the period when the peoples of Europe landed in the New World their national characteristics were already completely formed; each of them had a physiognomy of its own; and as they had already attained17 that stage of civilization at which men are led to study themselves, they have transmitted to us a faithful picture of their opinions, their manners, and their laws. The men of the sixteenth century are almost as well known to us as our contemporaries. America, consequently, exhibits in the broad light of day the phenomena18 which the ignorance or rudeness of earlier ages conceals19 from our researches. Near enough to the time when the states of America were founded, to be accurately20 acquainted with their elements, and sufficiently21 removed from that period to judge of some of their results, the men of our own day seem destined22 to see further than their predecessors23 into the series of human events. Providence24 has given us a torch which our forefathers25 did not possess, and has allowed us to discern fundamental causes in the history of the world which the obscurity of the past concealed26 from them. If we carefully examine the social and political state of America, after having studied its history, we shall remain perfectly27 convinced that not an opinion, not a custom, not a law, I may even say not an event, is upon record which the origin of that people will not explain. The readers of this book will find the germ of all that is to follow in the present chapter, and the key to almost the whole work.
The emigrants28 who came, at different periods to occupy the territory now covered by the American union differed from each other in many respects; their aim was not the same, and they governed themselves on different principles. These men had, however, certain features in common, and they were all placed in an analogous situation. The tie of language is perhaps the strongest and the most durable29 that can unite mankind. All the emigrants spoke30 the same tongue; they were all offsets31 from the same people. Born in a country which had been agitated32 for centuries by the struggles of faction33, and in which all parties had been obliged in their turn to place themselves under the protection of the laws, their political education had been perfected in this rude school, and they were more conversant34 with the notions of right and the principles of true freedom than the greater part of their European contemporaries. At the period of their first emigrations the parish system, that fruitful germ of free institutions, was deeply rooted in the habits of the English; and with it the doctrine35 of the sovereignty of the people had been introduced into the bosom37 of the monarchy38 of the House of Tudor.
The religious quarrels which have agitated the Christian39 world were then rife40. England had plunged41 into the new order of things with headlong vehemence42. The character of its inhabitants, which had always been sedate43 and reflective, became argumentative and austere44. General information had been increased by intellectual debate, and the mind had received a deeper cultivation45. Whilst religion was the topic of discussion, the morals of the people were reformed. All these national features are more or less discoverable in the physiognomy of those adventurers who came to seek a new home on the opposite shores of the Atlantic.
Another remark, to which we shall hereafter have occasion to recur46, is applicable not only to the English, but to the French, the Spaniards, and all the Europeans who successively established themselves in the New World. All these European colonies contained the elements, if not the development, of a complete democracy. Two causes led to this result. It may safely be advanced, that on leaving the mother-country the emigrants had in general no notion of superiority over one another. The happy and the powerful do not go into exile, and there are no surer guarantees of equality among men than poverty and misfortune. It happened, however, on several occasions, that persons of rank were driven to America by political and religious quarrels. Laws were made to establish a gradation of ranks; but it was soon found that the soil of America was opposed to a territorial47 aristocracy. To bring that refractory48 land into cultivation, the constant and interested exertions49 of the owner himself were necessary; and when the ground was prepared, its produce was found to be insufficient50 to enrich a master and a farmer at the same time. The land was then naturally broken up into small portions, which the proprietor51 cultivated for himself. Land is the basis of an aristocracy, which clings to the soil that supports it; for it is not by privileges alone, nor by birth, but by landed property handed down from generation to generation, that an aristocracy is constituted. A nation may present immense fortunes and extreme wretchedness, but unless those fortunes are territorial there is no aristocracy, but simply the class of the rich and that of the poor.
All the British colonies had then a great degree of similarity at the epoch52 of their settlement. All of them, from their first beginning, seemed destined to witness the growth, not of the aristocratic liberty of their mother-country, but of that freedom of the middle and lower orders of which the history of the world had as yet furnished no complete example.
In this general uniformity several striking differences were however discernible, which it is necessary to point out. Two branches may be distinguished53 in the Anglo-American family, which have hitherto grown up without entirely54 commingling55; the one in the South, the other in the North.
Virginia received the first English colony; the emigrants took possession of it in 1607. The idea that mines of gold and silver are the sources of national wealth was at that time singularly prevalent in Europe; a fatal delusion56, which has done more to impoverish57 the nations which adopted it, and has cost more lives in America, than the united influence of war and bad laws. The men sent to Virginia *a were seekers of gold, adventurers, without resources and without character, whose turbulent and restless spirit endangered the infant colony, *b and rendered its progress uncertain. The artisans and agriculturists arrived afterwards; and, although they were a more moral and orderly race of men, they were in nowise above the level of the inferior classes in England. *c No lofty conceptions, no intellectual system, directed the foundation of these new settlements. The colony was scarcely established when slavery was introduced, *d and this was the main circumstance which has exercised so prodigious58 an influence on the character, the laws, and all the future prospects59 of the South. Slavery, as we shall afterwards show, dishonors labor60; it introduces idleness into society, and with idleness, ignorance and pride, luxury and distress61. It enervates62 the powers of the mind, and benumbs the activity of man. The influence of slavery, united to the English character, explains the manners and the social condition of the Southern States.
a
[ The charter granted by the Crown of England in 1609 stipulated63, amongst other conditions, that the adventurers should pay to the Crown a fifth of the produce of all gold and silver mines. See Marshall's "Life of Washington," vol. i. pp. 18-66.] [Footnote b: A large portion of the adventurers, says Stith ("History of Virginia"), were unprincipled young men of family, whom their parents were glad to ship off, discharged servants, fraudulent bankrupts, or debauchees; and others of the same class, people more apt to pillage64 and destroy than to assist the settlement, were the seditious chiefs, who easily led this band into every kind of extravagance and excess. See for the history of Virginia the following works:—
"History of Virginia, from the First Settlements in the year 1624," by Smith.
"History of Virginia," by William Stith.
"History of Virginia, from the Earliest Period," by Beverley.]
c
[ It was not till some time later that a certain number of rich English capitalists came to fix themselves in the colony.]
d
[ Slavery was introduced about the year 1620 by a Dutch vessel65 which landed twenty negroes on the banks of the river James. See Chalmer.]
In the North, the same English foundation was modified by the most opposite shades of character; and here I may be allowed to enter into some details. The two or three main ideas which constitute the basis of the social theory of the United States were first combined in the Northern English colonies, more generally denominated the States of New England. *e The principles of New England spread at first to the neighboring states; they then passed successively to the more distant ones; and at length they imbued66 the whole Confederation. They now extend their influence beyond its limits over the whole American world. The civilization of New England has been like a beacon67 lit upon a hill, which, after it has diffused68 its warmth around, tinges69 the distant horizon with its glow.
e
[ The States of New England are those situated70 to the east of the Hudson; they are now six in number: 1, Connecticut; 2, Rhode Island; 3, Massachusetts; 4, Vermont; 5, New Hampshire; 6, Maine.]
The foundation of New England was a novel spectacle, and all the circumstances attending it were singular and original. The large majority of colonies have been first inhabited either by men without education and without resources, driven by their poverty and their misconduct from the land which gave them birth, or by speculators and adventurers greedy of gain. Some settlements cannot even boast so honorable an origin; St. Domingo was founded by buccaneers; and the criminal courts of England originally supplied the population of Australia.
The settlers who established themselves on the shores of New England all belonged to the more independent classes of their native country. Their union on the soil of America at once presented the singular phenomenon of a society containing neither lords nor common people, neither rich nor poor. These men possessed71, in proportion to their number, a greater mass of intelligence than is to be found in any European nation of our own time. All, without a single exception, had received a good education, and many of them were known in Europe for their talents and their acquirements. The other colonies had been founded by adventurers without family; the emigrants of New England brought with them the best elements of order and morality—they landed in the desert accompanied by their wives and children. But what most especially distinguished them was the aim of their undertaking72. They had not been obliged by necessity to leave their country; the social position they abandoned was one to be regretted, and their means of subsistence were certain. Nor did they cross the Atlantic to improve their situation or to increase their wealth; the call which summoned them from the comforts of their homes was purely73 intellectual; and in facing the inevitable74 sufferings of exile their object was the triumph of an idea.
The emigrants, or, as they deservedly styled themselves, the Pilgrims, belonged to that English sect75 the austerity of whose principles had acquired for them the name of Puritans. Puritanism was not merely a religious doctrine, but it corresponded in many points with the most absolute democratic and republican theories. It was this tendency which had aroused its most dangerous adversaries77. Persecuted78 by the Government of the mother-country, and disgusted by the habits of a society opposed to the rigor79 of their own principles, the Puritans went forth80 to seek some rude and unfrequented part of the world, where they could live according to their own opinions, and worship God in freedom.
A few quotations81 will throw more light upon the spirit of these pious82 adventures than all we can say of them. Nathaniel Morton, *f the historian of the first years of the settlement, thus opens his subject:
f
[ "New England's Memorial," p. 13; Boston, 1826. See also "Hutchinson's History," vol. ii. p. 440.]
"Gentle Reader,—I have for some length of time looked upon it as a duty incumbent83, especially on the immediate84 successors of those that have had so large experience of those many memorable85 and signal demonstrations86 of God's goodness, viz., the first beginners of this Plantation87 in New England, to commit to writing his gracious dispensations on that behalf; having so many inducements thereunto, not onely otherwise but so plentifully88 in the Sacred Scriptures89: that so, what we have seen, and what our fathers have told us (Psalm lxxviii. 3, 4), we may not hide from our children, showing to the generations to come the praises of the Lord; that especially the seed of Abraham his servant, and the children of Jacob his chosen (Psalm cv. 5, 6), may remember his marvellous works in the beginning and progress of the planting of New England, his wonders and the judgments90 of his mouth; how that God brought a vine into this wilderness91; that he cast out the heathen, and planted it; that he made room for it and caused it to take deep root; and it filled the land (Psalm lxxx. 8, 9). And not onely so, but also that he hath guided his people by his strength to his holy habitation and planted them in the mountain of his inheritance in respect of precious Gospel enjoyments92: and that as especially God may have the glory of all unto whom it is most due; so also some rays of glory may reach the names of those blessed Saints that were the main instruments and the beginning of this happy enterprise."
It is impossible to read this opening paragraph without an involuntary feeling of religious awe93; it breathes the very savor94 of Gospel antiquity95. The sincerity96 of the author heightens his power of language. The band which to his eyes was a mere76 party of adventurers gone forth to seek their fortune beyond seas appears to the reader as the germ of a great nation wafted97 by Providence to a predestined shore.
"So they left that goodly and pleasant city of Leyden, *g which had been their resting-place for above eleven years; but they knew that they were pilgrims and strangers here below, and looked not much on these things, but lifted up their eyes to Heaven, their dearest country, where God hath prepared for them a city (Heb. xi. 16), and therein quieted their spirits. When they came to Delfs-Haven99 they found the ship and all things ready; and such of their friends as could not come with them followed after them, and sundry100 came from Amsterdam to see them shipt, and to take their leaves of them. One night was spent with little sleep with the most, but with friendly entertainment and Christian discourse101, and other real expressions of true Christian love. The next day they went on board, and their friends with them, where truly doleful was the sight of that sad and mournful parting, to hear what sighs and sobs102 and prayers did sound amongst them; what tears did gush103 from every eye, and pithy104 speeches pierced each other's heart, that sundry of the Dutch strangers that stood on the Key as spectators could not refrain from tears. But the tide (which stays for no man) calling them away, that were thus loth to depart, their Reverend Pastor105 falling down on his knees, and they all with him, with watery106 cheeks commended them with most fervent107 prayers unto the Lord and his blessing108; and then, with mutual109 embraces and many tears they took their leaves one of another, which proved to be the last leave to many of them."
g
[ The emigrants were, for the most part, godly Christians110 from the North of England, who had quitted their native country because they were "studious of reformation, and entered into covenant111 to walk with one another according to the primitive112 pattern of the Word of God." They emigrated to Holland, and settled in the city of Leyden in 1610, where they abode113, being lovingly respected by the Dutch, for many years: they left it in 1620 for several reasons, the last of which was, that their posterity114 would in a few generations become Dutch, and so lose their interest in the English nation; they being desirous rather to enlarge His Majesty's dominions115, and to live under their natural prince.—Translator's Note.]
The emigrants were about 150 in number, including the women and the children. Their object was to plant a colony on the shores of the Hudson; but after having been driven about for some time in the Atlantic Ocean, they were forced to land on that arid116 coast of New England which is now the site of the town of Plymouth. The rock is still shown on which the pilgrims disembarked. *h
h
[ This rock is become an object of veneration117 in the United States. I have seen bits of it carefully preserved in several towns of the union. Does not this sufficiently show how entirely all human power and greatness is in the soul of man? Here is a stone which the feet of a few outcasts pressed for an instant, and this stone becomes famous; it is treasured by a great nation, its very dust is shared as a relic118: and what is become of the gateways119 of a thousand palaces?]
"But before we pass on," continues our historian, "let the reader with me make a pause and seriously consider this poor people's present condition, the more to be raised up to admiration120 of God's goodness towards them in their preservation121: for being now passed the vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before them in expectation, they had now no friends to welcome them, no inns to entertain or refresh them, no houses, or much less towns to repair unto to seek for succour: and for the season it was winter, and they that know the winters of the country know them to be sharp and violent, subject to cruel and fierce storms, dangerous to travel to known places, much more to search unknown coasts. Besides, what could they see but a hideous122 and desolate123 wilderness, full of wilde beasts, and wilde men? and what multitudes of them there were, they then knew not: for which way soever they turned their eyes (save upward to Heaven) they could have but little solace124 or content in respect of any outward object; for summer being ended, all things stand in appearance with a weather-beaten face, and the whole country full of woods and thickets125, represented a wild and savage126 hew127; if they looked behind them, there was the mighty128 ocean which they had passed, and was now as a main bar or gulph to separate them from all the civil parts of the world."
It must not be imagined that the piety129 of the Puritans was of a merely speculative130 kind, or that it took no cognizance of the course of worldly affairs. Puritanism, as I have already remarked, was scarcely less a political than a religious doctrine. No sooner had the emigrants landed on the barren coast described by Nathaniel Morton than it was their first care to constitute a society, by passing the following Act:
"In the name of God. Amen. We, whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread131 Sovereign Lord King James, etc., etc., Having undertaken for the glory of God, and advancement132 of the Christian Faith, and the honour of our King and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia; Do by these presents solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil body politick, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid: and by virtue4 hereof do enact133, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances134, acts, constitutions, and officers, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the Colony: unto which we promise all due submission135 and obedience," etc. *i
i
[ The emigrants who founded the State of Rhode Island in 1638, those who landed at New Haven in 1637, the first settlers in Connecticut in 1639, and the founders136 of Providence in 1640, began in like manner by drawing up a social contract, which was acceded137 to by all the interested parties. See "Pitkin's History," pp. 42 and 47.]
This happened in 1620, and from that time forwards the emigration went on. The religious and political passions which ravaged138 the British Empire during the whole reign36 of Charles I drove fresh crowds of sectarians every year to the shores of America. In England the stronghold of Puritanism was in the middle classes, and it was from the middle classes that the majority of the emigrants came. The population of New England increased rapidly; and whilst the hierarchy139 of rank despotically classed the inhabitants of the mother-country, the colony continued to present the novel spectacle of a community homogeneous in all its parts. A democracy, more perfect than any which antiquity had dreamt of, started in full size and panoply140 from the midst of an ancient feudal141 society.
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1 toils | |
网 | |
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2 vices | |
缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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3 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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4 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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5 awaken | |
vi.醒,觉醒;vt.唤醒,使觉醒,唤起,激起 | |
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6 analogous | |
adj.相似的;类似的 | |
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7 primal | |
adj.原始的;最重要的 | |
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8 variance | |
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9 prevailing | |
adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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10 vault | |
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11 edifice | |
n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿,教室) | |
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12 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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13 contemplated | |
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14 adorned | |
[计]被修饰的 | |
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15 fables | |
n.寓言( fable的名词复数 );神话,传说 | |
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16 tranquil | |
adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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17 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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18 phenomena | |
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19 conceals | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,遮住( conceal的第三人称单数 ) | |
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20 accurately | |
adv.准确地,精确地 | |
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21 sufficiently | |
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22 destined | |
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23 predecessors | |
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24 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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25 forefathers | |
n.祖先,先人;祖先,祖宗( forefather的名词复数 );列祖列宗;前人 | |
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26 concealed | |
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27 perfectly | |
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28 emigrants | |
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29 durable | |
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30 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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35 doctrine | |
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36 reign | |
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37 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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40 rife | |
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41 plunged | |
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42 vehemence | |
n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
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43 sedate | |
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44 austere | |
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n.耕作,培养,栽培(法),养成 | |
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46 recur | |
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47 territorial | |
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49 exertions | |
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50 insufficient | |
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51 proprietor | |
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55 commingling | |
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56 delusion | |
n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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57 impoverish | |
vt.使穷困,使贫困 | |
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58 prodigious | |
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59 prospects | |
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60 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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61 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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62 enervates | |
v.使衰弱,使失去活力( enervate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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63 stipulated | |
vt.& vi.规定;约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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64 pillage | |
v.抢劫;掠夺;n.抢劫,掠夺;掠夺物 | |
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65 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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66 imbued | |
v.使(某人/某事)充满或激起(感情等)( imbue的过去式和过去分词 );使充满;灌输;激发(强烈感情或品质等) | |
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67 beacon | |
n.烽火,(警告用的)闪火灯,灯塔 | |
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68 diffused | |
散布的,普及的,扩散的 | |
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69 tinges | |
n.细微的色彩,一丝痕迹( tinge的名词复数 ) | |
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70 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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71 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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72 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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73 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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74 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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75 sect | |
n.派别,宗教,学派,派系 | |
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76 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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77 adversaries | |
n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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78 persecuted | |
(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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79 rigor | |
n.严酷,严格,严厉 | |
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80 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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81 quotations | |
n.引用( quotation的名词复数 );[商业]行情(报告);(货物或股票的)市价;时价 | |
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82 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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83 incumbent | |
adj.成为责任的,有义务的;现任的,在职的 | |
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84 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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85 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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86 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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87 plantation | |
n.种植园,大农场 | |
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88 plentifully | |
adv. 许多地,丰饶地 | |
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89 scriptures | |
经文,圣典( scripture的名词复数 ); 经典 | |
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90 judgments | |
判断( judgment的名词复数 ); 鉴定; 评价; 审判 | |
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91 wilderness | |
n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等,荒漠 | |
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92 enjoyments | |
愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 ); 令人愉快的事物; 享有; 享受 | |
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93 awe | |
n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
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94 savor | |
vt.品尝,欣赏;n.味道,风味;情趣,趣味 | |
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95 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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96 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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97 wafted | |
v.吹送,飘送,(使)浮动( waft的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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99 haven | |
n.安全的地方,避难所,庇护所 | |
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100 sundry | |
adj.各式各样的,种种的 | |
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101 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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102 sobs | |
啜泣(声),呜咽(声)( sob的名词复数 ) | |
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103 gush | |
v.喷,涌;滔滔不绝(说话);n.喷,涌流;迸发 | |
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104 pithy | |
adj.(讲话或文章)简练的 | |
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105 pastor | |
n.牧师,牧人 | |
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106 watery | |
adj.有水的,水汪汪的;湿的,湿润的 | |
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107 fervent | |
adj.热的,热烈的,热情的 | |
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108 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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109 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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110 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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111 covenant | |
n.盟约,契约;v.订盟约 | |
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112 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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113 abode | |
n.住处,住所 | |
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114 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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115 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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116 arid | |
adj.干旱的;(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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117 veneration | |
n.尊敬,崇拜 | |
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118 relic | |
n.神圣的遗物,遗迹,纪念物 | |
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119 gateways | |
n.网关( gateway的名词复数 );门径;方法;大门口 | |
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120 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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121 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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122 hideous | |
adj.丑陋的,可憎的,可怕的,恐怖的 | |
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123 desolate | |
adj.荒凉的,荒芜的;孤独的,凄凉的;v.使荒芜,使孤寂 | |
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124 solace | |
n.安慰;v.使快乐;vt.安慰(物),缓和 | |
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125 thickets | |
n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 );丛状物 | |
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126 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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127 hew | |
v.砍;伐;削 | |
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128 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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129 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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130 speculative | |
adj.思索性的,暝想性的,推理的 | |
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131 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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132 advancement | |
n.前进,促进,提升 | |
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133 enact | |
vt.制定(法律);上演,扮演 | |
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134 ordinances | |
n.条例,法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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135 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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136 founders | |
n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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137 acceded | |
v.(正式)加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 );答应;(通过财产的添附而)增加;开始任职 | |
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138 ravaged | |
毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 ); 蹂躏; 劫掠; 抢劫 | |
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139 hierarchy | |
n.等级制度;统治集团,领导层 | |
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140 panoply | |
n.全副甲胄,礼服 | |
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141 feudal | |
adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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