i
[ This seems, indeed, to be the opinion of almost all American statesmen. "Judging of the future by the past," says Mr. Cass, "we cannot err2 in anticipating a progressive diminution3 of their numbers, and their eventual4 extinction5, unless our border should become stationary6, and they be removed beyond it, or unless some radical7 change should take place in the principles of our intercourse8 with them, which it is easier to hope for than to expect."]
At the first settlement of the colonies they might have found it possible, by uniting their forces, to deliver themselves from the small bodies of strangers who landed on their continent. *j They several times attempted to do it, and were on the point of succeeding; but the disproportion of their resources, at the present day, when compared with those of the whites, is too great to allow such an enterprise to be thought of. Nevertheless, there do arise from time to time among the Indians men of penetration9, who foresee the final destiny which awaits the native population, and who exert themselves to unite all the tribes in common hostility10 to the Europeans; but their efforts are unavailing. Those tribes which are in the neighborhood of the whites, are too much weakened to offer an effectual resistance; whilst the others, giving way to that childish carelessness of the morrow which characterizes savage11 life, wait for the near approach of danger before they prepare to meet it; some are unable, the others are unwilling12, to exert themselves.
j
[ Amongst other warlike enterprises, there was one of the Wampanaogs, and other confederate tribes, under Metacom in 1675, against the colonists13 of New England; the English were also engaged in war in Virginia in 1622.]
It is easy to foresee that the Indians will never conform to civilization; or that it will be too late, whenever they may be inclined to make the experiment.
Civilization is the result of a long social process which takes place in the same spot, and is handed down from one generation to another, each one profiting by the experience of the last. Of all nations, those submit to civilization with the most difficulty which habitually14 live by the chase. Pastoral tribes, indeed, often change their place of abode15; but they follow a regular order in their migrations16, and often return again to their old stations, whilst the dwelling17 of the hunter varies with that of the animals he pursues.
Several attempts have been made to diffuse18 knowledge amongst the Indians, without controlling their wandering propensities19; by the Jesuits in Canada, and by the Puritans in New England; *k but none of these endeavors were crowned by any lasting20 success. Civilization began in the cabin, but it soon retired21 to expire in the woods. The great error of these legislators of the Indians was their not understanding that, in order to succeed in civilizing22 a people, it is first necessary to fix it; which cannot be done without inducing it to cultivate the soil; the Indians ought in the first place to have been accustomed to agriculture. But not only are they destitute23 of this indispensable preliminary to civilization, they would even have great difficulty in acquiring it. Men who have once abandoned themselves to the restless and adventurous24 life of the hunter, feel an insurmountable disgust for the constant and regular labor25 which tillage requires. We see this proved in the bosom26 of our own society; but it is far more visible among peoples whose partiality for the chase is a part of their national character.
k
[ See the "Histoire de la Nouvelle France," by Charlevoix, and the work entitled "Lettres edifiantes."]
Independently of this general difficulty, there is another, which applies peculiarly to the Indians; they consider labor not merely as an evil, but as a disgrace; so that their pride prevents them from becoming civilized28, as much as their indolence. *l
l
[ "In all the tribes," says Volney, in his "Tableau29 des Etats-Unis," p. 423, "there still exists a generation of old warriors30, who cannot forbear, when they see their countrymen using the hoe, from exclaiming against the degradation31 of ancient manners, and asserting that the savages32 owe their decline to these innovations; adding, that they have only to return to their primitive33 habits in order to recover their power and their glory."]
There is no Indian so wretched as not to retain under his hut of bark a lofty idea of his personal worth; he considers the cares of industry and labor as degrading occupations; he compares the husbandman to the ox which traces the furrow34; and even in our most ingenious handicraft, he can see nothing but the labor of slaves. Not that he is devoid35 of admiration36 for the power and intellectual greatness of the whites; but although the result of our efforts surprises him, he contemns37 the means by which we obtain it; and while he acknowledges our ascendancy38, he still believes in his superiority. War and hunting are the only pursuits which appear to him worthy39 to be the occupations of a man. *m The Indian, in the dreary40 solitude41 of his woods, cherishes the same ideas, the same opinions as the noble of the Middle ages in his castle, and he only requires to become a conqueror42 to complete the resemblance; thus, however strange it may seem, it is in the forests of the New World, and not amongst the Europeans who people its coasts, that the ancient prejudices of Europe are still in existence.
m
[ The following description occurs in an official document: "Until a young man has been engaged with an enemy, and has performed some acts of valor43, he gains no consideration, but is regarded nearly as a woman. In their great war-dances all the warriors in succession strike the post, as it is called, and recount their exploits. On these occasions their auditory consists of the kinsmen44, friends, and comrades of the narrator. The profound impression which his discourse45 produces on them is manifested by the silent attention it receives, and by the loud shouts which hail its termination. The young man who finds himself at such a meeting without anything to recount is very unhappy; and instances have sometimes occurred of young warriors, whose passions had been thus inflamed46, quitting the war-dance suddenly, and going off alone to seek for trophies47 which they might exhibit, and adventures which they might be allowed to relate."]
More than once, in the course of this work, I have endeavored to explain the prodigious48 influence which the social condition appears to exercise upon the laws and the manners of men; and I beg to add a few words on the same subject.
When I perceive the resemblance which exists between the political institutions of our ancestors, the Germans, and of the wandering tribes of North America; between the customs described by Tacitus, and those of which I have sometimes been a witness, I cannot help thinking that the same cause has brought about the same results in both hemispheres; and that in the midst of the apparent diversity of human affairs, a certain number of primary facts may be discovered, from which all the others are derived49. In what we usually call the German institutions, then, I am inclined only to perceive barbarian51 habits; and the opinions of savages in what we style feudal52 principles.
However strongly the vices53 and prejudices of the North American Indians may be opposed to their becoming agricultural and civilized, necessity sometimes obliges them to it. Several of the Southern nations, and amongst others the Cherokees and the Creeks54, *n were surrounded by Europeans, who had landed on the shores of the Atlantic; and who, either descending55 the Ohio or proceeding56 up the Mississippi, arrived simultaneously57 upon their borders. These tribes have not been driven from place to place, like their Northern brethren; but they have been gradually enclosed within narrow limits, like the game within the thicket58, before the huntsmen plunge59 into the interior. The Indians who were thus placed between civilization and death, found themselves obliged to live by ignominious60 labor like the whites. They took to agriculture, and without entirely61 forsaking62 their old habits or manners, sacrificed only as much as was necessary to their existence.
n
[ These nations are now swallowed up in the States of Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi. There were formerly63 in the South four great nations (remnants of which still exist), the Choctaws, the Chickasaws, the Creeks, and the Cherokees. The remnants of these four nations amounted, in 1830, to about 75,000 individuals. It is computed64 that there are now remaining in the territory occupied or claimed by the Anglo-American union about 300,000 Indians. (See Proceedings65 of the Indian Board in the City of New York.) The official documents supplied to Congress make the number amount to 313,130. The reader who is curious to know the names and numerical strength of all the tribes which inhabit the Anglo-American territory should consult the documents I refer to. (Legislative66 Documents, 20th Congress, No. 117, pp. 90-105.) [In the Census67 of 1870 it is stated that the Indian population of the United States is only 25,731, of whom 7,241 are in California.]]
The Cherokees went further; they created a written language; established a permanent form of government; and as everything proceeds rapidly in the New World, before they had all of them clothes, they set up a newspaper. *o
o
[ I brought back with me to France one or two copies of this singular publication.]
The growth of European habits has been remarkably68 accelerated among these Indians by the mixed race which has sprung up. *p Deriving69 intelligence from their father's side, without entirely losing the savage customs of the mother, the half-blood forms the natural link between civilization and barbarism. Wherever this race has multiplied the savage state has become modified, and a great change has taken place in the manners of the people. *q
p
[ See in the Report of the Committee on Indian Affairs, 21st Congress, No. 227, p. 23, the reasons for the multiplication70 of Indians of mixed blood among the Cherokees. The principal cause dates from the War of Independence. Many Anglo-Americans of Georgia, having taken the side of England, were obliged to retreat among the Indians, where they married.]
q
[ Unhappily the mixed race has been less numerous and less influential71 in North America than in any other country. The American continent was peopled by two great nations of Europe, the French and the English. The former were not slow in connecting themselves with the daughters of the natives, but there was an unfortunate affinity72 between the Indian character and their own: instead of giving the tastes and habits of civilized life to the savages, the French too often grew passionately73 fond of the state of wild freedom they found them in. They became the most dangerous of the inhabitants of the desert, and won the friendship of the Indian by exaggerating his vices and his virtues74. M. de Senonville, the governor of Canada, wrote thus to Louis XIV in 1685: "It has long been believed that in order to civilize27 the savages we ought to draw them nearer to us. But there is every reason to suppose we have been mistaken. Those which have been brought into contact with us have not become French, and the French who have lived among them are changed into savages, affecting to dress and live like them." ("History of New France," by Charlevoix, vol. ii., p. 345.) The Englishman, on the contrary, continuing obstinately75 attached to the customs and the most insignificant76 habits of his forefathers77, has remained in the midst of the American solitudes78 just what he was in the bosom of European cities; he would not allow of any communication with savages whom he despised, and avoided with care the union of his race with theirs. Thus while the French exercised no salutary influence over the Indians, the English have always remained alien from them.]
The success of the Cherokees proves that the Indians are capable of civilization, but it does not prove that they will succeed in it. This difficulty which the Indians find in submitting to civilization proceeds from the influence of a general cause, which it is almost impossible for them to escape. An attentive79 survey of history demonstrates that, in general, barbarous nations have raised themselves to civilization by degrees, and by their own efforts. Whenever they derive50 knowledge from a foreign people, they stood towards it in the relation of conquerors80, and not of a conquered nation. When the conquered nation is enlightened, and the conquerors are half savage, as in the case of the invasion of Rome by the Northern nations or that of China by the Mongols, the power which victory bestows81 upon the barbarian is sufficient to keep up his importance among civilized men, and permit him to rank as their equal, until he becomes their rival: the one has might on his side, the other has intelligence; the former admires the knowledge and the arts of the conquered, the latter envies the power of the conquerors. The barbarians82 at length admit civilized man into their palaces, and he in turn opens his schools to the barbarians. But when the side on which the physical force lies, also possesses an intellectual preponderance, the conquered party seldom become civilized; it retreats, or is destroyed. It may therefore be said, in a general way, that savages go forth83 in arms to seek knowledge, but that they do not receive it when it comes to them.
If the Indian tribes which now inhabit the heart of the continent could summon up energy enough to attempt to civilize themselves, they might possibly succeed. Superior already to the barbarous nations which surround them, they would gradually gain strength and experience, and when the Europeans should appear upon their borders, they would be in a state, if not to maintain their independence, at least to assert their right to the soil, and to incorporate themselves with the conquerors. But it is the misfortune of Indians to be brought into contact with a civilized people, which is also (it must be owned) the most avaricious84 nation on the globe, whilst they are still semi-barbarian: to find despots in their instructors85, and to receive knowledge from the hand of oppression. Living in the freedom of the woods, the North American Indian was destitute, but he had no feeling of inferiority towards anyone; as soon, however, as he desires to penetrate86 into the social scale of the whites, he takes the lowest rank in society, for he enters, ignorant and poor, within the pale of science and wealth. After having led a life of agitation87, beset88 with evils and dangers, but at the same time filled with proud emotions, *r he is obliged to submit to a wearisome, obscure, and degraded state; and to gain the bread which nourishes him by hard and ignoble89 labor; such are in his eyes the only results of which civilization can boast: and even this much he is not sure to obtain.
r
[ There is in the adventurous life of the hunter a certain irresistible90 charm, which seizes the heart of man and carries him away in spite of reason and experience. This is plainly shown by the memoirs91 of Tanner. Tanner is a European who was carried away at the age of six by the Indians, and has remained thirty years with them in the woods. Nothing can be conceived more appalling92 that the miseries93 which he describes. He tells us of tribes without a chief, families without a nation to call their own, men in a state of isolation94, wrecks95 of powerful tribes wandering at random96 amid the ice and snow and desolate97 solitudes of Canada. Hunger and cold pursue them; every day their life is in jeopardy98. Amongst these men, manners have lost their empire, traditions are without power. They become more and more savage. Tanner shared in all these miseries; he was aware of his European origin; he was not kept away from the whites by force; on the contrary, he came every year to trade with them, entered their dwellings99, and witnessed their enjoyments100; he knew that whenever he chose to return to civilized life he was perfectly101 able to do so—and he remained thirty years in the deserts. When he came into civilized society he declared that the rude existence which he described, had a secret charm for him which he was unable to define: he returned to it again and again: at length he abandoned it with poignant102 regret; and when he was at length fixed103 among the whites, several of his children refused to share his tranquil104 and easy situation. I saw Tanner myself at the lower end of Lake Superior; he seemed to me to be more like a savage than a civilized being. His book is written without either taste or order; but he gives, even unconsciously, a lively picture of the prejudices, the passions, the vices, and, above all, of the destitution105 in which he lived.]
When the Indians undertake to imitate their European neighbors, and to till the earth like the settlers, they are immediately exposed to a very formidable competition. The white man is skilled in the craft of agriculture; the Indian is a rough beginner in an art with which he is unacquainted. The former reaps abundant crops without difficulty, the latter meets with a thousand obstacles in raising the fruits of the earth.
The European is placed amongst a population whose wants he knows and partakes. The savage is isolated107 in the midst of a hostile people, with whose manners, language, and laws he is imperfectly acquainted, but without whose assistance he cannot live. He can only procure108 the materials of comfort by bartering109 his commodities against the goods of the European, for the assistance of his countrymen is wholly insufficient110 to supply his wants. When the Indian wishes to sell the produce of his labor, he cannot always meet with a purchaser, whilst the European readily finds a market; and the former can only produce at a considerable cost that which the latter vends111 at a very low rate. Thus the Indian has no sooner escaped those evils to which barbarous nations are exposed, than he is subjected to the still greater miseries of civilized communities; and he finds is scarcely less difficult to live in the midst of our abundance, than in the depth of his own wilderness112.
He has not yet lost the habits of his erratic113 life; the traditions of his fathers and his passion for the chase are still alive within him. The wild enjoyments which formerly animated114 him in the woods, painfully excite his troubled imagination; and his former privations appear to be less keen, his former perils115 less appalling. He contrasts the independence which he possessed116 amongst his equals with the servile position which he occupies in civilized society. On the other hand, the solitudes which were so long his free home are still at hand; a few hours' march will bring him back to them once more. The whites offer him a sum, which seems to him to be considerable, for the ground which he has begun to clear. This money of the Europeans may possibly furnish him with the means of a happy and peaceful subsistence in remoter regions; and he quits the plough, resumes his native arms, and returns to the wilderness forever. *s The condition of the Creeks and Cherokees, to which I have already alluded117, sufficiently118 corroborates119 the truth of this deplorable picture.
s
[ The destructive influence of highly civilized nations upon others which are less so, has been exemplified by the Europeans themselves. About a century ago the French founded the town of Vincennes up on the Wabash, in the middle of the desert; and they lived there in great plenty until the arrival of the American settlers, who first ruined the previous inhabitants by their competition, and afterwards purchased their lands at a very low rate. At the time when M. de Volney, from whom I borrow these details, passed through Vincennes, the number of the French was reduced to a hundred individuals, most of whom were about to pass over to Louisiana or to Canada. These French settlers were worthy people, but idle and uninstructed: they had contracted many of the habits of savages. The Americans, who were perhaps their inferiors, in a moral point of view, were immeasurably superior to them in intelligence: they were industrious120, well informed, rich, and accustomed to govern their own community.
I myself saw in Canada, where the intellectual difference between the two races is less striking, that the English are the masters of commerce and manufacture in the Canadian country, that they spread on all sides, and confine the French within limits which scarcely suffice to contain them. In like manner, in Louisiana, almost all activity in commerce and manufacture centres in the hands of the Anglo-Americans.
But the case of Texas is still more striking: the State of Texas is a part of Mexico, and lies upon the frontier between that country and the United States. In the course of the last few years the Anglo-Americans have penetrated121 into this province, which is still thinly peopled; they purchase land, they produce the commodities of the country, and supplant122 the original population. It may easily be foreseen that if Mexico takes no steps to check this change, the province of Texas will very shortly cease to belong to that government.
If the different degrees—comparatively so slight—which exist in European civilization produce results of such magnitude, the consequences which must ensue from the collision of the most perfect European civilization with Indian savages may readily be conceived.]
The Indians, in the little which they have done, have unquestionably displayed as much natural genius as the peoples of Europe in their most important designs; but nations as well as men require time to learn, whatever may be their intelligence and their zeal123. Whilst the savages were engaged in the work of civilization, the Europeans continued to surround them on every side, and to confine them within narrower limits; the two races gradually met, and they are now in immediate106 juxtaposition124 to each other. The Indian is already superior to his barbarous parent, but he is still very far below his white neighbor. With their resources and acquired knowledge, the Europeans soon appropriated to themselves most of the advantages which the natives might have derived from the possession of the soil; they have settled in the country, they have purchased land at a very low rate or have occupied it by force, and the Indians have been ruined by a competition which they had not the means of resisting. They were isolated in their own country, and their race only constituted a colony of troublesome aliens in the midst of a numerous and domineering people. *t
t
[ See in the Legislative Documents (21st Congress, No. 89) instances of excesses of every kind committed by the whites upon the territory of the Indians, either in taking possession of a part of their lands, until compelled to retire by the troops of Congress, or carrying off their cattle, burning their houses, cutting down their corn, and doing violence to their persons. It appears, nevertheless, from all these documents that the claims of the natives are constantly protected by the government from the abuse of force. The union has a representative agent continually employed to reside among the Indians; and the report of the Cherokee agent, which is among the documents I have referred to, is almost always favorable to the Indians. "The intrusion of whites," he says, "upon the lands of the Cherokees would cause ruin to the poor, helpless, and inoffensive inhabitants." And he further remarks upon the attempt of the State of Georgia to establish a division line for the purpose of limiting the boundaries of the Cherokees, that the line drawn125 having been made by the whites, and entirely upon ex parte evidence of their several rights, was of no validity whatever.]
Washington said in one of his messages to Congress, "We are more enlightened and more powerful than the Indian nations, we are therefore bound in honor to treat them with kindness and even with generosity126." But this virtuous127 and high-minded policy has not been followed. The rapacity128 of the settlers is usually backed by the tyranny of the government. Although the Cherokees and the Creeks are established upon the territory which they inhabited before the settlement of the Europeans, and although the Americans have frequently treated with them as with foreign nations, the surrounding States have not consented to acknowledge them as independent peoples, and attempts have been made to subject these children of the woods to Anglo-American magistrates129, laws, and customs. *u Destitution had driven these unfortunate Indians to civilization, and oppression now drives them back to their former condition: many of them abandon the soil which they had begun to clear, and return to their savage course of life.
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1
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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eventual
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| adj.最后的，结局的，最终的 | |
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extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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migrations
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| n.迁移，移居( migration的名词复数 ) | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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diffuse
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| v.扩散；传播；adj.冗长的；四散的，弥漫的 | |
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propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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civilizing
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| v.使文明，使开化( civilize的现在分词 ) | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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civilize
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| vt.使文明，使开化 (=civilise) | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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tableau
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| n.画面，活人画（舞台上活人扮的静态画面） | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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furrow
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| n.沟；垄沟；轨迹；车辙；皱纹 | |
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devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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contemns
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| v.侮辱，蔑视( contemn的第三人称单数 ) | |
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ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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49
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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50
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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51
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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52
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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53
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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54
creeks
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| n.小湾( creek的名词复数 )；小港；小河；小溪 | |
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55
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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56
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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57
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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58
thicket
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| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
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59
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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60
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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61
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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62
forsaking
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| 放弃( forsake的现在分词 )； 弃绝； 抛弃； 摒弃 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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computed
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| adj.[医]计算的，使用计算机的v.计算，估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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68
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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69
deriving
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| v.得到( derive的现在分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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70
multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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72
affinity
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| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
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passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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79
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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81
bestows
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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83
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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84
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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instructors
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| 指导者，教师( instructor的名词复数 ) | |
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86
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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93
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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95
wrecks
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| n.沉船( wreck的名词复数 )；（事故中）遭严重毁坏的汽车（或飞机等）；（身体或精神上）受到严重损伤的人；状况非常糟糕的车辆（或建筑物等）v.毁坏[毁灭]某物( wreck的第三人称单数 )；使（船舶）失事，使遇难，使下沉 | |
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96
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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98
jeopardy
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| n.危险；危难 | |
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99
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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100
enjoyments
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| 愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 )； 令人愉快的事物； 享有； 享受 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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102
poignant
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| adj.令人痛苦的，辛酸的，惨痛的 | |
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103
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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104
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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105
destitution
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| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
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106
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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107
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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108
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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109
bartering
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| v.作物物交换，以货换货( barter的现在分词 ) | |
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110
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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111
vends
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| v.出售（尤指土地等财产）( vend的第三人称单数 )；（尤指在公共场所）贩卖；发表（意见，言论）；声明 | |
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112
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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113
erratic
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| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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114
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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115
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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116
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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117
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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119
corroborates
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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120
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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121
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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122
supplant
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| vt.排挤；取代 | |
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123
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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124
juxtaposition
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| n.毗邻，并置，并列 | |
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125
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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126
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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127
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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128
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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129
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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