If we consider the tyrannical measures which have been adopted by the legislatures of the Southern States, the conduct of their Governors, and the decrees of their courts of justice, we shall be convinced that the entire expulsion of the Indians is the final result to which the efforts of their policy are directed. The Americans of that part of the union look with jealousy2 upon the aborigines, *v they are aware that these tribes have not yet lost the traditions of savage3 life, and before civilization has permanently4 fixed5 them to the soil, it is intended to force them to recede6 by reducing them to despair. The Creeks7 and Cherokees, oppressed by the several States, have appealed to the central government, which is by no means insensible to their misfortunes, and is sincerely desirous of saving the remnant of the natives, and of maintaining them in the free possession of that territory, which the union is pledged to respect. *w But the several States oppose so formidable a resistance to the execution of this design, that the government is obliged to consent to the extirpation9 of a few barbarous tribes in order not to endanger the safety of the American union.
v
[ The Georgians, who are so much annoyed by the proximity10 of the Indians, inhabit a territory which does not at present contain more than seven inhabitants to the square mile. In France there are one hundred and sixty-two inhabitants to the same extent of country.]
w
[ In 1818 Congress appointed commissioners11 to visit the Arkansas Territory, accompanied by a deputation of Creeks, Choctaws, and Chickasaws. This expedition was commanded by Messrs. Kennerly, M'Coy, Wash Hood12, and John Bell. See the different reports of the commissioners, and their journal, in the Documents of Congress, No. 87, House of Representatives.]
But the federal government, which is not able to protect the Indians, would fain mitigate13 the hardships of their lot; and, with this intention, proposals have been made to transport them into more remote regions at the public cost.
Between the thirty-third and thirty-seventh degrees of north latitude14, a vast tract15 of country lies, which has taken the name of Arkansas, from the principal river that waters its extent. It is bounded on the one side by the confines of Mexico, on the other by the Mississippi. Numberless streams cross it in every direction; the climate is mild, and the soil productive, but it is only inhabited by a few wandering hordes16 of savages17. The government of the union wishes to transport the broken remnants of the indigenous18 population of the South to the portion of this country which is nearest to Mexico, and at a great distance from the American settlements.
We were assured, towards the end of the year 1831, that 10,000 Indians had already gone down to the shores of the Arkansas; and fresh detachments were constantly following them; but Congress has been unable to excite a unanimous determination in those whom it is disposed to protect. Some, indeed, are willing to quit the seat of oppression, but the most enlightened members of the community refuse to abandon their recent dwellings19 and their springing crops; they are of opinion that the work of civilization, once interrupted, will never be resumed; they fear that those domestic habits which have been so recently contracted, may be irrevocably lost in the midst of a country which is still barbarous, and where nothing is prepared for the subsistence of an agricultural people; they know that their entrance into those wilds will be opposed by inimical hordes, and that they have lost the energy of barbarians21, without acquiring the resources of civilization to resist their attacks. Moreover, the Indians readily discover that the settlement which is proposed to them is merely a temporary expedient23. Who can assure them that they will at length be allowed to dwell in peace in their new retreat? The United States pledge themselves to the observance of the obligation; but the territory which they at present occupy was formerly24 secured to them by the most solemn oaths of Anglo-American faith. *x The American government does not indeed rob them of their lands, but it allows perpetual incursions to be made on them. In a few years the same white population which now flocks around them, will track them to the solitudes25 of the Arkansas; they will then be exposed to the same evils without the same remedies, and as the limits of the earth will at last fail them, their only refuge is the grave.
x
[ The fifth article of the treaty made with the Creeks in August, 1790, is in the following words:—"The United States solemnly guarantee to the Creek8 nation all their land within the limits of the United States."
The seventh article of the treaty concluded in 1791 with the Cherokees says:—"The United States solemnly guarantee to the Cherokee nation all their lands not hereby ceded26." The following article declared that if any citizen of the United States or other settler not of the Indian race should establish himself upon the territory of the Cherokees, the United States would withdraw their protection from that individual, and give him up to be punished as the Cherokee nation should think fit.]
The union treats the Indians with less cupidity27 and rigor28 than the policy of the several States, but the two governments are alike destitute29 of good faith. The States extend what they are pleased to term the benefits of their laws to the Indians, with a belief that the tribes will recede rather than submit; and the central government, which promises a permanent refuge to these unhappy beings is well aware of its inability to secure it to them. *y
y
[ This does not prevent them from promising30 in the most solemn manner to do so. See the letter of the President addressed to the Creek Indians, March 23, 1829 (Proceedings of the Indian Board, in the city of New York, p. 5): "Beyond the great river Mississippi, where a part of your nation has gone, your father has provided a country large enough for all of you, and he advises you to remove to it. There your white brothers will not trouble you; they will have no claim to the land, and you can live upon it, you and all your children, as long as the grass grows, or the water runs, in peace and plenty. It will be yours forever."
The Secretary of War, in a letter written to the Cherokees, April 18, 1829, (see the same work, p. 6), declares to them that they cannot expect to retain possession of the lands at that time occupied by them, but gives them the most positive assurance of uninterrupted peace if they would remove beyond the Mississippi: as if the power which could not grant them protection then, would be able to afford it them hereafter!]
Thus the tyranny of the States obliges the savages to retire, the union, by its promises and resources, facilitates their retreat; and these measures tend to precisely31 the same end. *z "By the will of our Father in Heaven, the Governor of the whole world," said the Cherokees in their petition to Congress, *a "the red man of America has become small, and the white man great and renowned32. When the ancestors of the people of these United States first came to the shores of America they found the red man strong: though he was ignorant and savage, yet he received them kindly33, and gave them dry land to rest their weary feet. They met in peace, and shook hands in token of friendship. Whatever the white man wanted and asked of the Indian, the latter willingly gave. At that time the Indian was the lord, and the white man the suppliant34. But now the scene has changed. The strength of the red man has become weakness. As his neighbors increased in numbers his power became less and less, and now, of the many and powerful tribes who once covered these United States, only a few are to be seen—a few whom a sweeping35 pestilence36 has left. The northern tribes, who were once so numerous and powerful, are now nearly extinct. Thus it has happened to the red man of America. Shall we, who are remnants, share the same fate?"
z
[ To obtain a correct idea of the policy pursued by the several States and the union with respect to the Indians, it is necessary to consult, 1st, "The Laws of the Colonial and State Governments relating to the Indian Inhabitants." (See the Legislative37 Documents, 21st Congress, No. 319.) 2d, The Laws of the union on the same subject, and especially that of March 30, 1802. (See Story's "Laws of the United States.") 3d, The Report of Mr. Cass, Secretary of War, relative to Indian Affairs, November 29, 1823.]
a
[ December 18, 1829.]
"The land on which we stand we have received as an inheritance from our fathers, who possessed38 it from time immemorial, as a gift from our common Father in Heaven. They bequeathed it to us as their children, and we have sacredly kept it, as containing the remains39 of our beloved men. This right of inheritance we have never ceded nor ever forfeited40. Permit us to ask what better right can the people have to a country than the right of inheritance and immemorial peaceable possession? We know it is said of late by the State of Georgia and by the Executive of the United States, that we have forfeited this right; but we think this is said gratuitously42. At what time have we made the forfeit41? What great crime have we committed, whereby we must forever be divested43 of our country and rights? Was it when we were hostile to the United States, and took part with the King of Great Britain, during the struggle for independence? If so, why was not this forfeiture44 declared in the first treaty of peace between the United States and our beloved men? Why was not such an article as the following inserted in the treaty:—'The United States give peace to the Cherokees, but, for the part they took in the late war, declare them to be but tenants45 at will, to be removed when the convenience of the States, within whose chartered limits they live, shall require it'? That was the proper time to assume such a possession. But it was not thought of, nor would our forefathers46 have agreed to any treaty whose tendency was to deprive them of their rights and their country."
Such is the language of the Indians: their assertions are true, their forebodings inevitable47. From whichever side we consider the destinies of the aborigines of North America, their calamities48 appear to be irremediable: if they continue barbarous, they are forced to retire; if they attempt to civilize49 their manners, the contact of a more civilized50 community subjects them to oppression and destitution51. They perish if they continue to wander from waste to waste, and if they attempt to settle they still must perish; the assistance of Europeans is necessary to instruct them, but the approach of Europeans corrupts52 and repels53 them into savage life; they refuse to change their habits as long as their solitudes are their own, and it is too late to change them when they are constrained54 to submit.
The Spaniards pursued the Indians with bloodhounds, like wild beasts; they sacked the New World with no more temper or compassion55 than a city taken by storm; but destruction must cease, and frenzy56 be stayed; the remnant of the Indian population which had escaped the massacre57 mixed with its conquerors58, and adopted in the end their religion and their manners. *b The conduct of the Americans of the United States towards the aborigines is characterized, on the other hand, by a singular attachment59 to the formalities of law. Provided that the Indians retain their barbarous condition, the Americans take no part in their affairs; they treat them as independent nations, and do not possess themselves of their hunting grounds without a treaty of purchase; and if an Indian nation happens to be so encroached upon as to be unable to subsist20 upon its territory, they afford it brotherly assistance in transporting it to a grave sufficiently60 remote from the land of its fathers.
b
[ The honor of this result is, however, by no means due to the Spaniards. If the Indian tribes had not been tillers of the ground at the time of the arrival of the Europeans, they would unquestionably have been destroyed in South as well as in North America.]
The Spaniards were unable to exterminate61 the Indian race by those unparalleled atrocities62 which brand them with indelible shame, nor did they even succeed in wholly depriving it of its rights; but the Americans of the United States have accomplished63 this twofold purpose with singular felicity; tranquilly64, legally, philanthropically, without shedding blood, and without violating a single great principle of morality in the eyes of the world. *c It is impossible to destroy men with more respect for the laws of humanity.
c
[ See, amongst other documents, the report made by Mr. Bell in the name of the Committee on Indian Affairs, February 24, 1830, in which is most logically established and most learnedly proved, that "the fundamental principle that the Indians had no right by virtue65 of their ancient possession either of will or sovereignty, has never been abandoned either expressly or by implication." In perusing66 this report, which is evidently drawn67 up by an experienced hand, one is astonished at the facility with which the author gets rid of all arguments founded upon reason and natural right, which he designates as abstract and theoretical principles. The more I contemplate68 the difference between civilized and uncivilized man with regard to the principles of justice, the more I observe that the former contests the justice of those rights which the latter simply violates.]
[I leave this chapter wholly unchanged, for it has always appeared to me to be one of the most eloquent69 and touching70 parts of this book. But it has ceased to be prophetic; the destruction of the Indian race in the United States is already consummated71. In 1870 there remained but 25,731 Indians in the whole territory of the union, and of these by far the largest part exist in California, Michigan, Wisconsin, Dakota, and New Mexico and Nevada. In New England, Pennsylvania, and New York the race is extinct; and the predictions of M. de Tocqueville are fulfilled. —Translator's Note.]
Situation Of The Black Population In The United States, And Dangers With Which Its Presence Threatens The Whites
Why it is more difficult to abolish slavery, and to efface72 all vestiges73 of it amongst the moderns than it was amongst the ancients—In the United States the prejudices of the Whites against the Blacks seem to increase in proportion as slavery is abolished—Situation of the Negroes in the Northern and Southern States—Why the Americans abolish slavery—Servitude, which debases the slave, impoverishes74 the master—Contrast between the left and the right bank of the Ohio—To what attributable—The Black race, as well as slavery, recedes75 towards the South—Explanation of this fact—Difficulties attendant upon the abolition76 of slavery in the South—Dangers to come—General anxiety—Foundation of a Black colony in Africa—Why the Americans of the South increase the hardships of slavery, whilst they are distressed77 at its continuance.
The Indians will perish in the same isolated78 condition in which they have lived; but the destiny of the negroes is in some measure interwoven with that of the Europeans. These two races are attached to each other without intermingling, and they are alike unable entirely79 to separate or to combine. The most formidable of all the ills which threaten the future existence of the union arises from the presence of a black population upon its territory; and in contemplating80 the cause of the present embarrassments81 or of the future dangers of the United States, the observer is invariably led to consider this as a primary fact.
The permanent evils to which mankind is subjected are usually produced by the vehement82 or the increasing efforts of men; but there is one calamity83 which penetrated84 furtively85 into the world, and which was at first scarcely distinguishable amidst the ordinary abuses of power; it originated with an individual whose name history has not preserved; it was wafted86 like some accursed germ upon a portion of the soil, but it afterwards nurtured87 itself, grew without effort, and spreads naturally with the society to which it belongs. I need scarcely add that this calamity is slavery. Christianity suppressed slavery, but the Christians88 of the sixteenth century re-established it—as an exception, indeed, to their social system, and restricted to one of the races of mankind; but the wound thus inflicted89 upon humanity, though less extensive, was at the same time rendered far more difficult of cure.
It is important to make an accurate distinction between slavery itself and its consequences. The immediate90 evils which are produced by slavery were very nearly the same in antiquity91 as they are amongst the moderns; but the consequences of these evils were different. The slave, amongst the ancients, belonged to the same race as his master, and he was often the superior of the two in education *d and instruction. Freedom was the only distinction between them; and when freedom was conferred they were easily confounded together. The ancients, then, had a very simple means of avoiding slavery and its evil consequences, which was that of affranchisement; and they succeeded as soon as they adopted this measure generally. Not but, in ancient States, the vestiges of servitude subsisted93 for some time after servitude itself was abolished. There is a natural prejudice which prompts men to despise whomsoever has been their inferior long after he is become their equal; and the real inequality which is produced by fortune or by law is always succeeded by an imaginary inequality which is implanted in the manners of the people. Nevertheless, this secondary consequence of slavery was limited to a certain term amongst the ancients, for the freedman bore so entire a resemblance to those born free, that it soon became impossible to distinguish him from amongst them.
d
[ It is well known that several of the most distinguished94 authors of antiquity, and amongst them Aesop and Terence, were, or had been slaves. Slaves were not always taken from barbarous nations, and the chances of war reduced highly civilized men to servitude.]
The greatest difficulty in antiquity was that of altering the law; amongst the moderns it is that of altering the manners; and, as far as we are concerned, the real obstacles begin where those of the ancients left off. This arises from the circumstance that, amongst the moderns, the abstract and transient fact of slavery is fatally united to the physical and permanent fact of color. The tradition of slavery dishonors the race, and the peculiarity95 of the race perpetuates96 the tradition of slavery. No African has ever voluntarily emigrated to the shores of the New World; whence it must be inferred, that all the blacks who are now to be found in that hemisphere are either slaves or freedmen. Thus the negro transmits the eternal mark of his ignominy to all his descendants; and although the law may abolish slavery, God alone can obliterate97 the traces of its existence.
The modern slave differs from his master not only in his condition, but in his origin. You may set the negro free, but you cannot make him otherwise than an alien to the European. Nor is this all; we scarcely acknowledge the common features of mankind in this child of debasement whom slavery has brought amongst us. His physiognomy is to our eyes hideous98, his understanding weak, his tastes low; and we are almost inclined to look upon him as a being intermediate between man and the brutes100. *e The moderns, then, after they have abolished slavery, have three prejudices to contend against, which are less easy to attack and far less easy to conquer than the mere22 fact of servitude: the prejudice of the master, the prejudice of the race, and the prejudice of color.
e
[ To induce the whites to abandon the opinion they have conceived of the moral and intellectual inferiority of their former slaves, the negroes must change; but as long as this opinion subsists101, to change is impossible.]
It is difficult for us, who have had the good fortune to be born amongst men like ourselves by nature, and equal to ourselves by law, to conceive the irreconcilable102 differences which separate the negro from the European in America. But we may derive103 some faint notion of them from analogy. France was formerly a country in which numerous distinctions of rank existed, that had been created by the legislation. Nothing can be more fictitious104 than a purely105 legal inferiority; nothing more contrary to the instinct of mankind than these permanent divisions which had been established between beings evidently similar. Nevertheless these divisions subsisted for ages; they still subsist in many places; and on all sides they have left imaginary vestiges, which time alone can efface. If it be so difficult to root out an inequality which solely106 originates in the law, how are those distinctions to be destroyed which seem to be based upon the immutable107 laws of Nature herself? When I remember the extreme difficulty with which aristocratic bodies, of whatever nature they may be, are commingled108 with the mass of the people; and the exceeding care which they take to preserve the ideal boundaries of their caste inviolate109, I despair of seeing an aristocracy disappear which is founded upon visible and indelible signs. Those who hope that the Europeans will ever mix with the negroes, appear to me to delude110 themselves; and I am not led to any such conclusion by my own reason, or by the evidence of facts.
Hitherto, wherever the whites have been the most powerful, they have maintained the blacks in a subordinate or a servile position; wherever the negroes have been strongest they have destroyed the whites; such has been the only retribution which has ever taken place between the two races.
I see that in a certain portion of the territory of the United States at the present day, the legal barrier which separated the two races is tending to fall away, but not that which exists in the manners of the country; slavery recedes, but the prejudice to which it has given birth remains stationary111. Whosoever has inhabited the United States must have perceived that in those parts of the union in which the negroes are no longer slaves, they have in no wise drawn nearer to the whites. On the contrary, the prejudice of the race appears to be stronger in the States which have abolished slavery, than in those where it still exists; and nowhere is it so intolerant as in those States where servitude has never been known.
It is true, that in the North of the union, marriages may be legally contracted between negroes and whites; but public opinion would stigmatize112 a man who should connect himself with a negress as infamous113, and it would be difficult to meet with a single instance of such a union. The electoral franchise92 has been conferred upon the negroes in almost all the States in which slavery has been abolished; but if they come forward to vote, their lives are in danger. If oppressed, they may bring an action at law, but they will find none but whites amongst their judges; and although they may legally serve as jurors, prejudice repulses114 them from that office. The same schools do not receive the child of the black and of the European. In the theatres, gold cannot procure115 a seat for the servile race beside their former masters; in the hospitals they lie apart; and although they are allowed to invoke116 the same Divinity as the whites, it must be at a different altar, and in their own churches, with their own clergy117. The gates of Heaven are not closed against these unhappy beings; but their inferiority is continued to the very confines of the other world; when the negro is defunct118, his bones are cast aside, and the distinction of condition prevails even in the equality of death. The negro is free, but he can share neither the rights, nor the pleasures, nor the labor119, nor the afflictions, nor the tomb of him whose equal he has been declared to be; and he cannot meet him upon fair terms in life or in death.
In the South, where slavery still exists, the negroes are less carefully kept apart; they sometimes share the labor and the recreations of the whites; the whites consent to intermix with them to a certain extent, and although the legislation treats them more harshly, the habits of the people are more tolerant and compassionate120. In the South the master is not afraid to raise his slave to his own standing99, because he knows that he can in a moment reduce him to the dust at pleasure. In the North the white no longer distinctly perceives the barrier which separates him from the degraded race, and he shuns121 the negro with the more pertinacity122, since he fears lest they should some day be confounded together.
Amongst the Americans of the South, nature sometimes reasserts her rights, and restores a transient equality between the blacks and the whites; but in the North pride restrains the most imperious of human passions. The American of the Northern States would perhaps allow the negress to share his licentious123 pleasures, if the laws of his country did not declare that she may aspire124 to be the legitimate125 partner of his bed; but he recoils126 with horror from her who might become his wife.
Thus it is, in the United States, that the prejudice which repels the negroes seems to increase in proportion as they are emancipated127, and inequality is sanctioned by the manners whilst it is effaced128 from the laws of the country. But if the relative position of the two races which inhabit the United States is such as I have described, it may be asked why the Americans have abolished slavery in the North of the union, why they maintain it in the South, and why they aggravate129 its hardships there? The answer is easily given. It is not for the good of the negroes, but for that of the whites, that measures are taken to abolish slavery in the United States.
The first negroes were imported into Virginia about the year 1621. *f In America, therefore, as well as in the rest of the globe, slavery originated in the South. Thence it spread from one settlement to another; but the number of slaves diminished towards the Northern States, and the negro population was always very limited in New England. *g
f
[ See Beverley's "History of Virginia." See also in Jefferson's "Memoirs130" some curious details concerning the introduction of negroes into Virginia, and the first Act which prohibited the importation of them in 1778.]
g
[ The number of slaves was less considerable in the North, but the advantages resulting from slavery were not more contested there than in the South. In 1740, the Legislature of the State of New York declared that the direct importation of slaves ought to be encouraged as much as possible, and smuggling131 severely132 punished in order not to discourage the fair trader. (Kent's "Commentaries," vol. ii. p. 206.) Curious researches, by Belknap, upon slavery in New England, are to be found in the "Historical Collection of Massachusetts," vol. iv. p. 193. It appears that negroes were introduced there in 1630, but that the legislation and manners of the people were opposed to slavery from the first; see also, in the same work, the manner in which public opinion, and afterwards the laws, finally put an end to slavery.]
A century had scarcely elapsed since the foundation of the colonies, when the attention of the planters was struck by the extraordinary fact, that the provinces which were comparatively destitute of slaves, increased in population, in wealth, and in prosperity more rapidly than those which contained the greatest number of negroes. In the former, however, the inhabitants were obliged to cultivate the soil themselves, or by hired laborers133; in the latter they were furnished with hands for which they paid no wages; yet although labor and expenses were on the one side, and ease with economy on the other, the former were in possession of the most advantageous134 system. This consequence seemed to be the more difficult to explain, since the settlers, who all belonged to the same European race, had the same habits, the same civilization, the same laws, and their shades of difference were extremely slight.
Time, however, continued to advance, and the Anglo-Americans, spreading beyond the coasts of the Atlantic Ocean, penetrated farther and farther into the solitudes of the West; they met with a new soil and an unwonted climate; the obstacles which opposed them were of the most various character; their races intermingled, the inhabitants of the South went up towards the North, those of the North descended135 to the South; but in the midst of all these causes, the same result occurred at every step, and in general, the colonies in which there were no slaves became more populous136 and more rich than those in which slavery flourished. The more progress was made, the more was it shown that slavery, which is so cruel to the slave, is prejudicial to the master.
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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7
creeks
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| n.小湾( creek的名词复数 )；小港；小河；小溪 | |
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creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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extirpation
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| n.消灭，根除，毁灭；摘除 | |
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proximity
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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hood
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mitigate
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latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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indigenous
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| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
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dwellings
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subsist
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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mere
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expedient
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formerly
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solitudes
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ceded
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cupidity
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rigor
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destitute
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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32
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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33
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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34
suppliant
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| adj.哀恳的；n.恳求者，哀求者 | |
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35
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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36
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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37
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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38
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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39
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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40
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41
forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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42
gratuitously
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| 平白 | |
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43
divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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44
forfeiture
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| n.（名誉等）丧失 | |
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45
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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46
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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47
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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48
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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49
civilize
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| vt.使文明，使开化 (=civilise) | |
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50
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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51
destitution
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| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
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52
corrupts
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的第三人称单数 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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53
repels
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| v.击退( repel的第三人称单数 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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54
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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55
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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56
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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57
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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58
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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59
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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60
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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61
exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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62
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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63
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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64
tranquilly
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| adv. 宁静地 | |
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65
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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66
perusing
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| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的现在分词 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
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67
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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68
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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69
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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70
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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71
consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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72
efface
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| v.擦掉，抹去 | |
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73
vestiges
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| 残余部分( vestige的名词复数 )； 遗迹； 痕迹； 毫不 | |
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74
impoverishes
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| v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的第三人称单数 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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75
recedes
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的第三人称单数 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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76
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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77
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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78
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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79
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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80
contemplating
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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81
embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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82
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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83
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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84
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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85
furtively
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| adv. 偷偷地, 暗中地 | |
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86
wafted
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| v.吹送，飘送，（使）浮动( waft的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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87
nurtured
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| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
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88
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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89
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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91
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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92
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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93
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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95
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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96
perpetuates
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| n.使永存，使人记住不忘( perpetuate的名词复数 )；使永久化，使持久化，使持续 | |
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97
obliterate
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| v.擦去，涂抹，去掉...痕迹，消失，除去 | |
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98
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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99
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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100
brutes
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| 兽( brute的名词复数 )； 畜生； 残酷无情的人； 兽性 | |
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101
subsists
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的第三人称单数 ) | |
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102
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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103
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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104
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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105
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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106
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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107
immutable
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| adj.不可改变的，永恒的 | |
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108
commingled
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| v.混合，掺和，合并( commingle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
inviolate
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| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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110
delude
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| vt.欺骗；哄骗 | |
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111
stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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112
stigmatize
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| v.污蔑，玷污 | |
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113
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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114
repulses
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| v.击退( repulse的第三人称单数 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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115
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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116
invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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117
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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118
defunct
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| adj.死亡的；已倒闭的 | |
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119
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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120
compassionate
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| adj.有同情心的，表示同情的 | |
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121
shuns
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的第三人称单数 ) | |
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122
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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123
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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124
aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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125
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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126
recoils
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| n.（尤指枪炮的）反冲，后坐力( recoil的名词复数 )v.畏缩( recoil的第三人称单数 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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127
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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129
aggravate
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| vt.加重(剧)，使恶化；激怒，使恼火 | |
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130
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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131
smuggling
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| n.走私 | |
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132
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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133
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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134
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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135
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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136
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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