If I now consider man in his isolated capacity, I find that dogmatical belief is not less indispensable to him in order to live alone, than it is to enable him to co-operate with his fellow-creatures. If man were forced to demonstrate to himself all the truths of which he makes daily use, his task would never end. He would exhaust his strength in preparatory exercises, without advancing beyond them. As, from the shortness of his life, he has not the time, nor, from the limits of his intelligence, the capacity, to accomplish this, he is reduced to take upon trust a number of facts and opinions which he has not had either the time or the power to verify himself, but which men of greater ability have sought out, or which the world adopts. On this groundwork he raises for himself the structure of his own thoughts; nor is he led to proceed in this manner by choice so much as he is constrained5 by the inflexible6 law of his condition. There is no philosopher of such great parts in the world, but that he believes a million of things on the faith of other people, and supposes a great many more truths than he demonstrates. This is not only necessary but desirable. A man who should undertake to inquire into everything for himself, could devote to each thing but little time and attention. His task would keep his mind in perpetual unrest, which would prevent him from penetrating7 to the depth of any truth, or of grappling his mind indissolubly to any conviction. His intellect would be at once independent and powerless. He must therefore make his choice from amongst the various objects of human belief, and he must adopt many opinions without discussion, in order to search the better into that smaller number which he sets apart for investigation8. It is true that whoever receives an opinion on the word of another, does so far enslave his mind; but it is a salutary servitude which allows him to make a good use of freedom.
A principle of authority must then always occur, under all circumstances, in some part or other of the moral and intellectual world. Its place is variable, but a place it necessarily has. The independence of individual minds may be greater, or it may be less: unbounded it cannot be. Thus the question is, not to know whether any intellectual authority exists in the ages of democracy, but simply where it resides and by what standard it is to be measured.
I have shown in the preceding chapter how the equality of conditions leads men to entertain a sort of instinctive9 incredulity of the supernatural, and a very lofty and often exaggerated opinion of the human understanding. The men who live at a period of social equality are not therefore easily led to place that intellectual authority to which they bow either beyond or above humanity. They commonly seek for the sources of truth in themselves, or in those who are like themselves. This would be enough to prove that at such periods no new religion could be established, and that all schemes for such a purpose would be not only impious but absurd and irrational10. It may be foreseen that a democratic people will not easily give credence11 to divine missions; that they will turn modern prophets to a ready jest; and they that will seek to discover the chief arbiter12 of their belief within, and not beyond, the limits of their kind.
When the ranks of society are unequal, and men unlike each other in condition, there are some individuals invested with all the power of superior intelligence, learning, and enlightenment, whilst the multitude is sunk in ignorance and prejudice. Men living at these aristocratic periods are therefore naturally induced to shape their opinions by the superior standard of a person or a class of persons, whilst they are averse13 to recognize the infallibility of the mass of the people.
The contrary takes place in ages of equality. The nearer the citizens are drawn14 to the common level of an equal and similar condition, the less prone15 does each man become to place implicit faith in a certain man or a certain class of men. But his readiness to believe the multitude increases, and opinion is more than ever mistress of the world. Not only is common opinion the only guide which private judgment16 retains amongst a democratic people, but amongst such a people it possesses a power infinitely17 beyond what it has elsewhere. At periods of equality men have no faith in one another, by reason of their common resemblance; but this very resemblance gives them almost unbounded confidence in the judgment of the public; for it would not seem probable, as they are all endowed with equal means of judging, but that the greater truth should go with the greater number.
When the inhabitant of a democratic country compares himself individually with all those about him, he feels with pride that he is the equal of any one of them; but when he comes to survey the totality of his fellows, and to place himself in contrast to so huge a body, he is instantly overwhelmed by the sense of his own insignificance18 and weakness. The same equality which renders him independent of each of his fellow-citizens taken severally, exposes him alone and unprotected to the influence of the greater number. The public has therefore among a democratic people a singular power, of which aristocratic nations could never so much as conceive an idea; for it does not persuade to certain opinions, but it enforces them, and infuses them into the faculties19 by a sort of enormous pressure of the minds of all upon the reason of each.
In the United States the majority undertakes to supply a multitude of ready-made opinions for the use of individuals, who are thus relieved from the necessity of forming opinions of their own. Everybody there adopts great numbers of theories, on philosophy, morals, and politics, without inquiry20, upon public trust; and if we look to it very narrowly, it will be perceived that religion herself holds her sway there, much less as a doctrine21 of revelation than as a commonly received opinion. The fact that the political laws of the Americans are such that the majority rules the community with sovereign sway, materially increases the power which that majority naturally exercises over the mind. For nothing is more customary in man than to recognize superior wisdom in the person of his oppressor. This political omnipotence22 of the majority in the United States doubtless augments23 the influence which public opinion would obtain without it over the mind of each member of the community; but the foundations of that influence do not rest upon it. They must be sought for in the principle of equality itself, not in the more or less popular institutions which men living under that condition may give themselves. The intellectual dominion24 of the greater number would probably be less absolute amongst a democratic people governed by a king than in the sphere of a pure democracy, but it will always be extremely absolute; and by whatever political laws men are governed in the ages of equality, it may be foreseen that faith in public opinion will become a species of religion there, and the majority its ministering prophet.
Thus intellectual authority will be different, but it will not be diminished; and far from thinking that it will disappear, I augur25 that it may readily acquire too much preponderance, and confine the action of private judgment within narrower limits than are suited either to the greatness or the happiness of the human race. In the principle of equality I very clearly discern two tendencies; the one leading the mind of every man to untried thoughts, the other inclined to prohibit him from thinking at all. And I perceive how, under the dominion of certain laws, democracy would extinguish that liberty of the mind to which a democratic social condition is favorable; so that, after having broken all the bondage26 once imposed on it by ranks or by men, the human mind would be closely fettered27 to the general will of the greatest number.
If the absolute power of the majority were to be substituted by democratic nations, for all the different powers which checked or retarded28 overmuch the energy of individual minds, the evil would only have changed its symptoms. Men would not have found the means of independent life; they would simply have invented (no easy task) a new dress for servitude. There is—and I cannot repeat it too often—there is in this matter for profound reflection for those who look on freedom as a holy thing, and who hate not only the despot, but despotism. For myself, when I feel the hand of power lie heavy on my brow, I care but little to know who oppresses me; and I am not the more disposed to pass beneath the yoke29, because it is held out to me by the arms of a million of men.
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1 implicit | |
a.暗示的,含蓄的,不明晰的,绝对的 | |
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2 isolated | |
adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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3 prosper | |
v.成功,兴隆,昌盛;使成功,使昌隆,繁荣 | |
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4 subsist | |
vi.生存,存在,供养 | |
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5 constrained | |
adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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6 inflexible | |
adj.不可改变的,不受影响的,不屈服的 | |
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7 penetrating | |
adj.(声音)响亮的,尖锐的adj.(气味)刺激的adj.(思想)敏锐的,有洞察力的 | |
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8 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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9 instinctive | |
adj.(出于)本能的;直觉的;(出于)天性的 | |
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10 irrational | |
adj.无理性的,失去理性的 | |
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11 credence | |
n.信用,祭器台,供桌,凭证 | |
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12 arbiter | |
n.仲裁人,公断人 | |
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13 averse | |
adj.厌恶的;反对的,不乐意的 | |
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14 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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15 prone | |
adj.(to)易于…的,很可能…的;俯卧的 | |
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16 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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17 infinitely | |
adv.无限地,无穷地 | |
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18 insignificance | |
n.不重要;无价值;无意义 | |
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19 faculties | |
n.能力( faculty的名词复数 );全体教职员;技巧;院 | |
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20 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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21 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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22 omnipotence | |
n.全能,万能,无限威力 | |
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23 augments | |
增加,提高,扩大( augment的名词复数 ) | |
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24 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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25 augur | |
n.占卦师;v.占卦 | |
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26 bondage | |
n.奴役,束缚 | |
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27 fettered | |
v.给…上脚镣,束缚( fetter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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28 retarded | |
a.智力迟钝的,智力发育迟缓的 | |
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29 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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