"What should we do in case of war," it is said, "if we are placed at the mercy of England for iron and coal?"
English monopolists do not fail to cry out in their turn:
"What would become of Great Britain, in case of war, if she is dependent on France for provisions?"
One thing is overlooked, which is this—that the kind of dependence1 which results from exchange, from commercial transactions, is a reciprocal dependence. We cannot be dependent on the foreigner without the foreigner being dependent on us. Now, this is the very essence of society. To break up natural relations is not to place ourselves in a state of independence, but in a state of isolation2.
Remark this: A nation isolates3 itself looking forward to the possibility of war; but is not this very act of isolating4 itself the beginning of war? It renders war more easy, less burdensome, and, it may be, less unpopular. Let countries be permanent markets for each other's produce; let their reciprocal relations be such that they cannot be broken without inflicting5 on each other the double suffering of privation and a glut6 of commodities; and they will no longer stand in need of naval7 armaments, which ruin them, and overgrown armies, which crush them; the peace of the world will not then be compromised by the caprice of a Thiers or of a Palmerston; and war will disappear for want of what supports it, for want of resources, inducements, pretexts8, and popular sympathy.
I am quite aware that I shall be reproached (it is the fashion of the day) with basing the fraternity of nations on men's personal interest—vile9, prosaic10 self-interest. Better far, it may be thought, that it should have had its basis in charity, in love, even in a little self-abnegation, and that, interfering11 somewhat with men's material comforts, it should have had the merit of a generous sacrifice.
When shall we be done with these puerile12 declamations? When will tartuferie be finally banished13 from science? When shall we cease to exhibit this nauseous contradiction between our professions and our practice? We hoot14 at and execrate15 personal interest; in other words, we denounce what is useful and good (for to say that all men are interested in anything is to say that the thing is good in itself), as if personal interest were not the necessary, eternal, and indestructible mainspring to which Providence16 has confided17 human perfectibility. Are we not represented as being all angels of disinterestedness18? And does the thought never occur to those who say so, that the public begins to see with disgust that this affected19 language disfigures the pages of those very writers who axe20 most successful in filling their own pockets at the public expense? Oh! affectation! affectation! thou art verily the besetting21 sin of our times!
What! because material prosperity and peace are things correlative, because it has pleased God to establish this beautiful harmony in the moral world, am I not to admire, am I not to adore His ordinances22, am I not to accept with gratitude23 laws which make justice the condition of happiness? You desire peace only in as far as it runs counter to material prosperity; and liberty is rejected because it does not impose sacrifices. If abnegation has indeed so many charms for you, why do you fail to practise it in private life? Society will be grateful to you, for some one, at least, will reap the fruit; but to desire to impose it upon mankind as a principle is the very height of absurdity24, for the abnegation of all is the sacrifice of all, which is evil erected25 into a theory.
But, thank Heaven, one can write or read many of these declamations without the world ceasing on that account to obey the social motive26 force, which leads us to shun27 evil and seek after good, and which, whether they like it or not, we must denominate personal interest.
After all, it is singular enough to see sentiments of the most sublime28 self-denial invoked29 in support of spoliation itself. See to what this boasted disinterestedness tends! These men who are so fantastically delicate as not to desire peace itself, if it is founded on the vile interest of mankind, put their hand into the pockets of others, and especially of the poor; for what article of the tariff30 protects the poor? Be pleased, gentlemen, to dispose of what belongs to yourselves as you think proper, but leave us the disposal of the fruit of our own toil31, to use it or exchange it as we see best. Declaim on self-sacrifice as much as you choose, it is all very fine and very beautiful, but be at least consistent.
点击收听单词发音
1 dependence | |
n.依靠,依赖;信任,信赖;隶属 | |
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2 isolation | |
n.隔离,孤立,分解,分离 | |
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3 isolates | |
v.使隔离( isolate的第三人称单数 );将…剔出(以便看清和单独处理);使(某物质、细胞等)分离;使离析 | |
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4 isolating | |
adj.孤立的,绝缘的v.使隔离( isolate的现在分词 );将…剔出(以便看清和单独处理);使(某物质、细胞等)分离;使离析 | |
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5 inflicting | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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6 glut | |
n.存货过多,供过于求;v.狼吞虎咽 | |
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7 naval | |
adj.海军的,军舰的,船的 | |
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8 pretexts | |
n.借口,托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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9 vile | |
adj.卑鄙的,可耻的,邪恶的;坏透的 | |
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10 prosaic | |
adj.单调的,无趣的 | |
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11 interfering | |
adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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12 puerile | |
adj.幼稚的,儿童的 | |
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13 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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14 hoot | |
n.鸟叫声,汽车的喇叭声; v.使汽车鸣喇叭 | |
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15 execrate | |
v.憎恶;厌恶;诅咒 | |
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16 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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17 confided | |
v.吐露(秘密,心事等)( confide的过去式和过去分词 );(向某人)吐露(隐私、秘密等) | |
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18 disinterestedness | |
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19 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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20 axe | |
n.斧子;v.用斧头砍,削减 | |
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21 besetting | |
adj.不断攻击的v.困扰( beset的现在分词 );不断围攻;镶;嵌 | |
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22 ordinances | |
n.条例,法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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23 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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24 absurdity | |
n.荒谬,愚蠢;谬论 | |
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25 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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26 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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27 shun | |
vt.避开,回避,避免 | |
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28 sublime | |
adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
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29 invoked | |
v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 );行使(权利等);祈求救助;恳求 | |
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30 tariff | |
n.关税,税率;(旅馆、饭店等)价目表,收费表 | |
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31 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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