I am not seeking a combat with the protectionists. I merely advance a principle which I am anxious to present clearly to the minds of sincere men, who hesitate because they doubt.
I am not of the number of those who maintain that protection is supported by interests. I believe that it is founded upon errors, or, if you will, upon incomplete truths. Too many fear free trade, for this apprehension1 to be other than sincere.
My aspirations2 are perhaps high; but I confess that it would give me pleasure to hope that this little work might become, as it were, a manual for such men as may be called upon to decide between the two principles. When one has not made oneself perfectly3 familiar with the doctrines4 of free trade, the sophisms of protection perpetually return to the mind under one form or another; and, on each occasion, in order to counteract5 their effect, it is necessary to enter into a long and laborious6 analysis. Few, and least of all legislators, have leisure for this labor7, which I would, on this account, wish to present clearly drawn8 up to their hand.
But it may be said, are then the benefits of free trade so hidden as to be perceptible only to economists9 by profession?
Yes; we confess it; our adversaries10 in the discussion have a signal advantage over us. They can, in a few words, present an incomplete truth; which, for us to show that it is incomplete, renders necessary long and uninteresting dissertations11.
This results from the fact that protection accumulates upon a single point the good which it effects, while the evil inflicted12 is infused throughout the mass. The one strikes the eye at a first glance, while the other becomes perceptible only to close investigation13. With regard to free trade, precisely14 the reverse is the case.
It is thus with almost all questions of political economy.
If you say, for instance: There is a machine which has turned out of employment thirty workmen;
Or again: There is a spendthrift who encourages every kind of industry;
Or: The conquest of Algiers has doubled the commerce of Marseilles;
Or, once more: The public taxes support one hundred thousand families;
You are understood at once; your propositions are clear, simple, and true in themselves. If you deduce from them the principle that
Machines are an evil;
Your theory will have the more success, because you will be able to base it upon indisputable facts.
But we, for our part, cannot stop at a cause and its immediate17 effect; for we know that this effect may in its turn become itself a cause. To judge of a measure, it is necessary that we should follow it from step to step, from result to result, until through the successive links of the chain of events we arrive at the final effect. We must, in short, reason.
But here we are assailed18 by clamorous19 exclamations20: You are theorists, metaphysicians, ideologists, utopians, men of maxims21! and immediately all the prejudices of the public are against us.
What then shall we do? We must invoke22 the patience and candor23 of the reader, giving to our deductions24, if we are capable of it, sufficient clearness to throw forward at once, without disguise or palliation, the true and the false, in order, once for all, to determine whether the victory should be for Restriction25 or Free Trade.
I wish here to make a remark of some importance.
Some extracts from this volume have appeared in the "Journal des Economistes."
In an article otherwise quite complimentary26 published by the Viscount de Romanet (see Moniteur Industriel of the 15th and 18th of May, 1845), he intimates that I ask for the suppression of custom houses. Mr. de Romanet is mistaken. I ask for the suppression of the protective policy. We do not dispute the right of government to impose taxes, but would, if possible, dissuade27 producers from taxing one another. It was said by Napoleon that duties should never be a fiscal28 instrument, but a means of protecting industry. We plead the contrary, and say, that duties should never be made an instrument of reciprocal rapine; but that they may be employed as a useful fiscal machine. I am so far from asking for the suppression of duties, that I look upon them as the anchor on which the future salvation29 of our finances will depend. I believe that they may bring immense receipts into the treasury30, and, to give my entire and undisguised opinion, I am inclined, from the slow progress of healthy, economical doctrines, and from the magnitude of our budget, to hope more for the cause of commercial reform from the necessities of the Treasury than from the force of an enlightened public opinion.
点击收听单词发音
1 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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2 aspirations | |
强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 ); 志向; 发送气音; 发 h 音 | |
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3 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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4 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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5 counteract | |
vt.对…起反作用,对抗,抵消 | |
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6 laborious | |
adj.吃力的,努力的,不流畅 | |
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7 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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8 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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9 economists | |
n.经济学家,经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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10 adversaries | |
n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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11 dissertations | |
专题论文,学位论文( dissertation的名词复数 ) | |
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12 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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13 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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14 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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15 sumptuous | |
adj.豪华的,奢侈的,华丽的 | |
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16 blessings | |
n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名词复数 );好事;福分;因祸得福 | |
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17 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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18 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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19 clamorous | |
adj.吵闹的,喧哗的 | |
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20 exclamations | |
n.呼喊( exclamation的名词复数 );感叹;感叹语;感叹词 | |
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21 maxims | |
n.格言,座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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22 invoke | |
v.求助于(神、法律);恳求,乞求 | |
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23 candor | |
n.坦白,率真 | |
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24 deductions | |
扣除( deduction的名词复数 ); 结论; 扣除的量; 推演 | |
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25 restriction | |
n.限制,约束 | |
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26 complimentary | |
adj.赠送的,免费的,赞美的,恭维的 | |
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27 dissuade | |
v.劝阻,阻止 | |
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28 fiscal | |
adj.财政的,会计的,国库的,国库岁入的 | |
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29 salvation | |
n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困 | |
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30 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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