What a powerful argument against Mr. Say (says Mr. Ferrier,) is the long succession of distinguished2 ministers, the imposing3 league of writers who have all differed from him; and Mr. Say is himself conscious of this, for he says: "It has been said, in support of old errors, that there must necessarily be some foundation for ideas so generally adopted by all nations. Ought we not, it is asked, to distrust observations and reasoning which run counter to every thing which has been looked upon as certain up to this day, and which has been regarded as undoubted by so many who were to be confided4 in, alike on account of their learning and of their philanthropic intentions? This argument is, I confess, calculated to make a profound impression, and might cast a doubt upon the most incontestable facts, if the world had not seen so many opinions, now universally recognized as false, as universally maintain, during a long series of ages, their dominion5 over the human mind. The day is not long passed since all nations, from the most ignorant to the most enlightened, and all men, the wisest as well as the most uninformed, admitted only four elements. Nobody dreamed of disputing this doctrine6, which is, nevertheless, false, and to-day universally decried7."
Upon this passage Mr. Ferrier makes the following remarks:
"Mr. Say is strangely mistaken, if he believes that he has thus answered the very strong objections which he has himself advanced. It is natural enough that, for ages, men otherwise well informed, might mistake upon a question of natural history; this proves nothing. Water, air, earth, and fire, elements or not, were not the less useful to man.... Such errors as this are of no importance. They do not lead to revolutions, nor do they cause mental uneasiness; above all, they clash with no interests, and might, therefore, without inconvenience, last for millions of years. The physical world progresses as though they did not exist. But can it be thus with errors which affect the moral world? Can it be conceived that a system of government absolutely false, consequently injurious, could be followed for many centuries, and among many nations, with the general consent of well-informed men? Can it be explained how such a system could be connected with the constantly increasing prosperity of these nations? Mr. Say confesses that the argument which he combats is calculated to make a profound impression. Most certainly it is; and this impression remains8; for Mr. Say has rather increased than diminished it."
Let us hear Mr. de Saint Chamans.
"It has been only towards the middle of the last, the eighteenth century, when every subject and every principle have without exception been given up to the discussion of book-makers, that these furnishers of speculative9 ideas, applied10 to every thing and applicable to nothing, have begun to write upon the subject of political economy. There existed previously11 a system of political economy, not written, but practiced by governments. Colbert was, it is said, the inventor of it; and Colbert gave the law to every state of Europe. Strange to say, he does so still, in spite of contempt and anathemas12, in spite too of the discoveries of the modern school. This system, which has been called by our writers the mercantile system, consisted in ... checking by prohibition13 or import duties such foreign productions as were calculated to ruin our manufactures by competition.... This system has been declared, by all writers on political economy, of every school,[12] to be weak, absurd, and calculated to impoverish14 the countries where it prevails. Banished15 from books, it has taken refuge in the practice of all nations, greatly to the surprise of those who cannot conceive that in what concerns the wealth of nations, governments should, rather than be guided by the wisdom of authors, prefer the long experience of a system, etc.... It is above all inconceivable to them that the French government ... should obstinately16 resist the new lights of political economy, and maintain in its practice the old errors, pointed17 out by all our writers.... But I am devoting too much time to this mercantile system, which, unsustained by writers, has only facts in its favor!"
Would it not be supposed from this language that political economists19, in claiming for each individual the free disposition20 of his own property, have, like the Fourierists, stumbled upon some new, strange, and chimerical21 system of social government, some wild theory, without precedent22 in the annals of human nature? It does appear to me, that, if in all this there is any thing doubtful, and of fanciful or theoretic origin, it is not free trade, but protection; not the operating of exchanges, but the custom-house, the duties, imposed to overturn artificially the natural order of things.
The question, however, is not here to compare and judge of the merits of the two systems, but simply to know which of the two is sanctioned by experience.
You, Messrs. monopolists, maintain that facts are for you, and that we on our side have only theory.
You even flatter yourselves that this long series of public acts, this old experience of Europe which you invoke23, appeared imposing to Mr. Say; and I confess that he has not refuted you, with his habitual24 sagacity.
I, for my part, cannot consent to give up to you the domain25 of facts; for while on your side you can advance only limited and special facts, we can oppose to them universal facts, the free and voluntary acts of all men.
What do we maintain? and what do you maintain?
We maintain that "it is best to buy from others what we ourselves can produce only at a higher price."
You maintain that "it is best to make for ourselves, even though it should cost us more than to buy from others."
Now gentlemen, putting aside theory, demonstration26, reasoning, (things which seem to nauseate27 you,) which of these assertions is sanctioned by universal practice?
Visit our fields, workshops, forges, stores; look above, below, and around you; examine what is passing in your own household; observe your own actions at every moment, and say which principle it is, that directs these laborers28, workmen, contractors30, and merchants; say what is your own personal practice.
Does the agriculturist make his own clothes? Does the tailor produce the grain which he consumes? Does not your housekeeper31 cease to make her bread at home, as soon as she finds it more economical to buy it from the baker32? Do you lay down your pen to take up the blacking-brush in order to avoid paying tribute to the shoe-black? Does not the whole economy of society depend upon a separation of occupations, a division of labor29, in a word, upon mutual33 exchange of production, by which we, one and all, make a calculation which causes us to discontinue direct production, when indirect acquisition offers us a saving of time and labor.
You are not then sustained by practice, since it would be impossible, were you to search the world, to show us a single man who acts according to your principle.
You may answer that you never intended to make your principle the rule of individual relations. You confess that it would thus destroy all social ties, and force men to the isolated34 life of snails35. You only contend that it governs in fact, the relations which are established between the agglomerations36 of the human family.
We say that this assertion too is erroneous. A family, a town, county, department, province, all are so many agglomerations, which, without any exception, all practically reject your principle; never, indeed, even think of it. Each of these procures37 by barter38, what would be more expensively procured39 by production. Nations would do the same, did you not by force prevent them.
We, then, are the men who are guided by practice and experience. For to combat the interdict40 which you have specially41 put upon some international exchanges, we bring forward the practice and experience of all individuals, and of all agglomerations of individuals, whose acts being voluntary, render them proper to be given as proof in the question. But you, on your part, begin by forcing, by hindering, and then, adducing forced or forbidden acts, you exclaim: "Look; we can prove ourselves justified42 by example!"
You exclaim against our theory, and even against all theory. But are you certain, in laying down your principles, so antagonistic43 to ours, that you too are not building up theories? Truly, you too have your theory; but between yours and ours there is this difference:
Our theory is formed upon the observation of universal facts, universal sentiments, universal calculations and acts. We do nothing more than classify and arrange these, in order to better understand them. It is so little opposed to practice, that it is in fact only practice explained. We look upon the actions of men as prompted by the instinct of self-preservation and of progress. What they do freely, willingly,—this is what we call Political Economy, or economy of society. We must repeat constantly that each man is practically an excellent political economist18, producing or exchanging, as his advantage dictates44. Each by experience raises himself to the science; or rather the science is nothing more than experience, scrupulously45 observed and methodically expounded46.
But your theory is theory in the worst sense of the word. You imagine procedures which are sanctioned by the experience of no living man, and then call to your aid constraint47 and prohibition. You cannot avoid having recourse to force; because, wishing to make men produce what they can more advantageously buy, you require them to give up an advantage, and to be led by a doctrine which implies contradiction even in its terms.
I defy you too, to take this doctrine, which by your own avowal48 would be absurd in individual relations, and apply it, even in speculation49, to transactions between families, towns, departments, or provinces. You yourselves confess that it is only applicable to internal relations.
Thus it is that you are daily forced to repeat:
"Principles can never be universal. What is well in an individual, a family, commune, or province, is ill in a nation. What is good in detail—for instance: purchase rather than production, where purchase is more advantageous—is bad in a society. The political economy of individuals is not that of nations;" and other such stuff, ejusdem farin?.
And all this for what? To prove to us, that we consumers, we are your property! that we belong to you, soul and body! that you have an exclusive right on our stomachs and our limbs! that it is your right to feed and dress us at your own price, however great your ignorance, your rapacity50, or the inferiority of your work.
Truly, then, your system is one not founded upon practice; it is one of abstraction—of extortion.
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1
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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decried
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| v.公开反对，谴责( decry的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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anathemas
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| n.（天主教的）革出教门( anathema的名词复数 )；诅咒；令人极其讨厌的事；被基督教诅咒的人或事 | |
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prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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impoverish
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| vt.使穷困，使贫困 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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economist
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| n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人 | |
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economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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nauseate
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| v.使作呕；使感到恶心；使厌恶 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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contractors
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| n.（建筑、监造中的）承包人( contractor的名词复数 ) | |
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housekeeper
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| n.管理家务的主妇，女管家 | |
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baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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snails
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| n.蜗牛；迟钝的人；蜗牛( snail的名词复数 ) | |
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agglomerations
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| n.成团，结块（agglomeration的复数形式） | |
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procures
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的第三人称单数 )；拉皮条 | |
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barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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interdict
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| v.限制；禁止；n.正式禁止；禁令 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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42
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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45
scrupulously
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| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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46
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
constraint
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| n.(on)约束，限制；限制(或约束)性的事物 | |
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48
avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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49
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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50
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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