Removed for a time from the scene of public life, I am constrained1, in the midst of my solitude2, to turn my thoughts upon myself, or rather to reflect upon contemporary events in which I have taken part or acted as a witness. And it seems to me that the best use I can make of my leisure is to retrace3 these events, to portray4 the men who took part in them under my eyes, and thus to seize and engrave5, if I can, upon my memory the confused features which compose the disturbed physiognomy of my time.
In taking this resolve I have taken another, to which I shall be no less true: these recollections shall be a relaxation6 of the mind rather than a contribution to literature. I write them for myself alone. They shall be a mirror in which I will[4] amuse myself in contemplating7 my contemporaries and myself; not a picture painted for the public. My most intimate friends shall not see them, for I wish to retain the liberty of depicting9 them as I shall depict8 myself, without flattery. I wish to arrive truly at the secret motives10 which have caused them, and me, and others to act; and, when discovered, to reveal them here. In a word, I wish this expression of my recollections to be a sincere one; and to effect this, it is essential that it should remain absolutely secret.
I intend that my recollections shall not go farther back than the Revolution of 1848, nor extend to a later date than the 30th of October 1849, the day upon which I resigned my office. It is only within these limits that the events which I propose to relate have any importance, or that my position has enabled me to observe them well.
My life was passed, although in a comparatively secluded11 fashion, in the midst of the parliamentary world of the closing years of the Monarchy12 of July. Nevertheless, it would be no easy task for me to recall distinctly the events of a period so little removed from the present, and yet leaving so confused a trace in my memory. The thread of my recollections is lost amid the whirl of minor13 incidents, of paltry14 ideas, of petty passions, of personal views and contradictory15 opinions in which the life of public men was at that time spent. All that remains16 vivid in my mind is the general aspect of[5] the period; for I often regarded it with a curiosity mingled17 with dread18, and I clearly discerned the special features by which it was characterized.
Our history from 1789 to 1830, if viewed from a distance and as a whole, affords as it were the picture of a struggle to the death between the Ancien Régime, its traditions, memories, hopes, and men, as represented by the aristocracy, and New France under the leadership of the middle class. The year 1830 closed the first period of our revolutions, or rather of our revolution: for there is but one, which has remained always the same in the face of varying fortunes, of which our fathers witnessed the commencement, and of which we, in all probability, shall not live to behold19 the end. In 1830 the triumph of the middle class had been definite and so thorough that all political power, every franchise20, every prerogative21, and the whole government was confined and, as it were, heaped up within the narrow limits of this one class, to the statutory exclusion22 of all beneath them and the actual exclusion of all above. Not only did it thus alone rule society, but it may be said to have formed it. It ensconced itself in every vacant place, prodigiously23 augmented24 the number of places, and accustomed itself to live almost as much upon the Treasury25 as upon its own industry.
No sooner had the Revolution of 1830 become an accomplished26 fact, than there ensued a great lull27 in political passion, a sort of general subsidence,[6] accompanied by a rapid increase in the public wealth. The particular spirit of the middle class became the general spirit of the government; it ruled the latter's foreign policy as well as affairs at home: an active, industrious28 spirit, often dishonourable, generally sober, occasionally reckless through vanity or egoism, but timid by temperament29, moderate in all things, except in its love of ease and comfort, and wholly undistinguished. It was a spirit which, mingled with that of the people or of the aristocracy, can do wonders; but which, by itself, will never produce more than a government shorn of both virtue31 and greatness. Master of everything in a manner that no aristocracy had ever been or may ever hope to be, the middle class, when called upon to assume the government, took it up as a trade; it entrenched32 itself behind its power, and before long, in their egoism, each of its members thought much more of his private business than of public affairs, and of his personal enjoyment33 than of the greatness of the nation.
Posterity34, which sees none but the more dazzling crimes, and which loses sight, in general, of mere35 vices36, will never, perhaps, know to what extent the government of that day, towards its close, assumed the ways of a trading company, which conducts all its transactions with a view to the profits accruing37 to the shareholders38. These vices were due to the natural instincts of the dominant39 class, to the absoluteness of its power, and also to the character[7] of the time. Possibly also King Louis-Philippe had contributed to their growth.
This Prince was a singular medley40 of qualities, and one must have known him longer and more nearly than I did to be able to portray him in detail.
Nevertheless, although I was never one of his Council, I have frequently had occasion to come into contact with him. The last time that I spoke41 to him was shortly before the catastrophe42 of February. I was then director of the Académie Fran?aise, and I had to bring to the King's notice some matter or other which concerned that body. After treating the question which had brought me, I was about to retire, when the King detained me, took a chair, motioned me to another, and said, affably:
"Since you are here, Monsieur de Tocqueville, let us talk; I want to hear you talk a little about America."
I knew him well enough to know that this meant: I shall talk about America myself. And he did actually talk of it at great length and very searchingly: it was not possible for me, nor did I desire, to get in a word, for he really interested me. He described places as though he saw them before him; he recalled the distinguished30 men whom he had met forty years ago as though he had seen them the day before; he mentioned their names in full, Christian43 name and surname, gave their ages at the time, related their histories, their pedigrees,[8] their posterity, with marvellous exactness and with infinite, though in no way tedious, detail. From America he returned, without taking breath, to Europe, talked of all our foreign and domestic affairs with incredible unconstraint (for I had no title to his confidence), spoke very badly of the Emperor of Russia, whom he called "Monsieur Nicolas," casually44 alluded45 to Lord Palmerston as a rogue46, and ended by holding forth47 at length on the Spanish marriages, which had just taken place, and the annoyances48 to which they subjected him on the side of England.
"The Queen is very angry with me," he said, "and displays great irritation49; but, after all," he added, "all this outcry won't keep me from driving my own cart."[2]
Although this phrase dated back to the Old Order, I felt inclined to doubt whether Louis XIV. ever made use of it on accepting the Spanish Succession. I believe, moreover, that Louis-Philippe was mistaken, and, to borrow his own language, that the Spanish marriage helped not a little to upset his cart.
After three-quarters of an hour, the King rose, thanked me for the pleasure my conversation had given him (I had not spoken four words), and dismissed me, feeling evidently as delighted as one generally is with a man before whom one thinks one has spoken well. This was my last audience of the King.[9]
Louis-Philippe improvised50 all the replies which he made, even upon the most critical occasions, to the great State bodies; he was as fluent then as in his private conversation, although not so happy or epigrammatic. He would suddenly become obscure, for the reason that he boldly plunged51 headlong into long sentences, of which he was not able to estimate the extent nor perceive the end beforehand, and from which he finally emerged struggling and by force, shattering the sense, and not completing the thought.
In this political world thus constituted and conducted, what was most wanting, particularly towards the end, was political life itself. It could neither come into being nor be maintained within the legal circle which the Constitution had traced for it: the old aristocracy was vanquished52, the people excluded. As all business was discussed among members of one class, in the interest and in the spirit of that class, there was no battle-field for contending parties to meet upon. This singular homogeneity of position, of interests, and consequently of views, reigning53 in what M. Guizot had once called the legal country, deprived the parliamentary debates of all originality54, of all reality, and therefore of all genuine passion. I have spent ten years of my life in the company of truly great minds, who were in a constant state of agitation55 without succeeding in heating themselves, and who spent all their perspicacity56 in vain endeavours to find subjects upon which they could seriously disagree.[10]
On the other hand, the preponderating57 influence which King Louis-Philippe had acquired in public affairs, which never permitted the politicians to stray very far from that Prince's ideas, lest they should at the same time be removed from power, reduced the different colours of parties to the merest shades, and debates to the splitting of straws. I doubt whether any parliament (not excepting the Constituent58 Assembly, I mean the true one, that of 1789) ever contained more varied59 and brilliant talents than did ours during the closing years of the Monarchy of July. Nevertheless, I am able to declare that these great orators60 were tired to death of listening to one another, and, what was worse, the whole country was tired of listening to them. It grew unconsciously accustomed to look upon the debates in the Chambers62 as exercises of the intellect rather than as serious discussions, and upon all the differences between the various parliamentary parties—the majority, the left centre, or the dynastic opposition63—as domestic quarrels between children of one family trying to trick one another. A few glaring instances of corruption64, discovered by accident, led it to presuppose a number of hidden cases, and convinced it that the whole of the governing class was corrupt65; whence it conceived for the latter a silent contempt, which was generally taken for confiding66 and contented67 submission68.
The country was at that time divided into two unequal parts, or rather zones: in the upper, which[11] alone was intended to contain the whole of the nation's political life, there reigned69 nothing but languor70, impotence, stagnation71, and boredom72; in the lower, on the contrary, political life began to make itself manifest by means of feverish73 and irregular signs, of which the attentive74 observer was easily able to seize the meaning.
I was one of these observers; and although I was far from imagining that the catastrophe was so near at hand and fated to be so terrible, I felt a distrust springing up and insensibly growing in my mind, and the idea taking root more and more that we were making strides towards a fresh revolution. This denoted a great change in my thoughts; since the general appeasement75 and flatness that followed the Revolution of July had led me to believe for a long time that I was destined76 to spend my life amid an enervated77 and peaceful society. Indeed, anyone who had only examined the inside of the governmental fabric78 would have had the same conviction. Everything there seemed combined to produce with the machinery79 of liberty a preponderance of royal power which verged80 upon despotism; and, in fact, this result was produced almost without effort by the regular and tranquil81 movement of the machine. King Louis-Philippe was persuaded that, so long as he did not himself lay hand upon that fine instrument, and allowed it to work according to rule, he was safe from all peril82. His only occupation was to keep it in order, and to[12] make it work according to his own views, forgetful of society, upon which this ingenious piece of mechanism83 rested; he resembled the man who refused to believe that his house was on fire, because he had the key in his pocket. I had neither the same interests nor the same cares, and this permitted me to see through the mechanism of institutions and the agglomeration84 of petty every-day facts, and to observe the state of morals and opinions in the country. There I clearly beheld85 the appearance of several of the portents86 that usually denote the approach of revolutions, and I began to believe that in 1830 I had taken for the end of the play what was nothing more than the end of an act.
A short unpublished document which I composed at the time, and a speech which I delivered early in 1848, will bear witness to these preoccupations of my mind.
A number of my friends in Parliament met together in October 1847, to decide upon the policy to be adopted during the ensuing session. It was agreed that we should issue a programme in the form of a manifesto87, and the task of drawing it up was deputed to me. Later, the idea of this publication was abandoned, but I had already written the document. I have discovered it among my papers, and I give the following extracts. After commenting on the symptoms of languor in Parliament, I continued:
"... The time will come when the country will find itself once again divided between two great parties. [13]The French Revolution, which abolished all privileges and destroyed all exclusive rights, has allowed one to remain, that of landed property. Let not the landlords deceive themselves as to the strength of their position, nor think that the rights of property form an insurmountable barrier because they have not as yet been surmounted88; for our times are unlike any others. When the rights of property were merely the origin and commencement of a number of other rights, they were easily defended, or rather, they were never attacked; they then formed the surrounding wall of society, of which all other rights were the outposts; no blows reached them; no serious attempt was ever made to touch them. But to-day, when the rights of property are nothing more than the last remnants of an overthrown89 aristocratic world; when they alone are left intact, isolated90 privileges amid the universal levelling of society; when they are no longer protected behind a number of still more controversible and odious91 rights, the case is altered, and they alone are left daily to resist the direct and unceasing shock of democratic opinion....
"... Before long, the political struggle will be restricted to those who have and those who have not; property will form the great field of battle; and the principal political questions will turn upon the more or less important modifications92 to be introduced into the rights of landlords. We shall then have once more among us great public agitations93 and great political parties.
"How is it that these premonitory symptoms escape the general view? Can anyone believe that it is by accident, through some passing whim94 of the human brain, that we see appearing on every side these curious doctrines95, bearing different titles, but all characterized in their essence by their denial of the rights of property, and all tending, at least, to limit, diminish, and weaken the exercise of these rights? Who can fail here to recognise the final symptom of the old democratic disease of the time, whose crisis would seem to be at hand?"
[14]
I was still more urgent and explicit96 in the speech which I delivered in the Chamber61 of Deputies on the 29th of January 1848, and which appeared in the Moniteur of the 30th.
I quote the principal passages:
"... I am told that there is no danger because there are no riots; I am told that, because there is no visible disorder97 on the surface of society, there is no revolution at hand.
"Gentlemen, permit me to say that I believe you are deceived. True, there is no actual disorder; but it has entered deeply into men's minds. See what is passing in the breasts of the working classes, who, I grant, are at present quiet. No doubt they are not disturbed by political passion, properly so-called, to the same extent that they have been; but can you not see that their passions, instead of political, have become social? Do you not see that there are gradually forming in their breasts opinions and ideas which are destined not only to upset this or that law, ministry98, or even form of government, but society itself, until it totters99 upon the foundations on which it rests to-day? Do you not listen to what they say to themselves each day? Do you not hear them repeating unceasingly that all that is above them is incapable100 and unworthy of governing them; that the present distribution of goods throughout the world is unjust; that property rests on a foundation which is not an equitable101 foundation? And do you not realize that when such opinions take root, when they spread in an almost universal manner, when they sink deeply into the masses, they are bound to bring with them sooner or later, I know not when nor how, a most formidable revolution?
"This, gentlemen, is my profound conviction: I believe that we are at this moment sleeping on a volcano. I am profoundly convinced of it....
[15]"... I was saying just now that this evil would, sooner or later, I know not how nor whence it will come, bring with it a most serious revolution: be assured that that is so.
"When I come to investigate what, at different times, in different periods, among different peoples, has been the effective cause that has brought about the downfall of the governing classes, I perceive this or that event, man, or accidental or superficial cause; but, believe me, the real reason, the effective reason which causes men to lose their power is, that they have become unworthy to retain it.
"Think, gentlemen, of the old Monarchy: it was stronger than you are, stronger in its origin; it was able to lean more than you do upon ancient customs, ancient habits, ancient beliefs; it was stronger than you are, and yet it has fallen to dust. And why did it fall? Do you think it was by some particular mischance? Do you think it was by the act of some man, by the deficit102, the oath in the Tennis Court, La Fayette, Mirabeau? No, gentlemen; there was another reason: the class that was then the governing class had become, through its indifference103, its selfishness and its vices, incapable and unworthy of governing the country.
"That was the true reason.
"Well, gentlemen, if it is right to have this patriotic104 prejudice at all times, how much more is it not right to have it in our own? Do you not feel, by some intuitive instinct which is not capable of analysis, but which is undeniable, that the earth is quaking once again in Europe? Do you not feel ... what shall I say? ... as it were a gale105 of revolution in the air? This gale, no one knows whence it springs, whence it blows, nor, believe me, whom it will carry with it; and it is in such times as these that you remain calm before the degradation106 of public morality—for the expression is not too strong.
"I speak without bitterness; I am even addressing you without any party spirit; I am attacking men against[16] whom I feel no vindictiveness107. But I am obliged to communicate to my country my firm and decided108 conviction. Well then, my firm and decided conviction is this: that public morality is being degraded, and that the degradation of public morality will shortly, very shortly, perhaps, bring down upon you a new revolution. Is the life of kings held by stronger threads? Are these more difficult to snap than those of other men? Can you say to-day that you are certain of to-morrow? Do you know what may happen in France a year hence, or even a month or a day hence? You do not know; but what you must know is that the tempest is looming109 on the horizon, that it is coming towards us. Will you allow it to take you by surprise?
"Gentlemen, I implore110 you not to do so. I do not ask you, I implore you. I would gladly throw myself on my knees before you, so strongly do I believe in the reality and the seriousness of the danger, so convinced am I that my warnings are no empty rhetoric111. Yes, the danger is great. Allay112 it while there is yet time; correct the evil by efficacious remedies, by attacking it not in its symptoms but in itself.
"Legislative113 changes have been spoken of. I am greatly disposed to think that these changes are not only very useful, but necessary; thus, I believe in the need of electoral reform, in the urgency of parliamentary reform; but I am not, gentlemen, so mad as not to know that no laws can affect the destinies of nations. No, it is not the mechanism of laws that produces great events, gentlemen, but the inner spirit of the government. Keep the laws as they are, if you wish. I think you would be very wrong to do so; but keep them. Keep the men, too, if it gives you any pleasure. I raise no objection so far as I am concerned. But, in God's name, change the spirit of the government; for, I repeat, that spirit will lead you to the abyss."[3]
These gloomy predictions were received with ironical114 cheers from the majority. The Opposition applauded loudly, but more from party feeling than conviction. The truth is that no one as yet believed seriously in the danger which I was prophesying115, although we were so near the catastrophe. The inveterate116 habit contracted by all the politicians, during this long parliamentary farce117, of over-colouring the expression of their opinions and grossly exaggerating their thoughts had deprived them of all power of appreciating what was real and true. For several years the majority had every day been declaring that the Opposition was imperilling society; and the Opposition repeated incessantly118 that the Ministers were ruining the Monarchy. These statements had been made so constantly on both sides, without either side greatly believing in them, that they ended by not believing in them at all, at the very moment when the event was about to justify119 both of them. Even my own friends themselves thought that I had overshot the mark, and that my facts were a little blurred120 by rhetoric.
I remember that, when I stepped from the tribune, Dufaure took me on one side, and said, with that sort of parliamentary intuition which is his only note of genius:
"You have succeeded, but you would have succeeded much more if you had not gone so far beyond the feeling of the Assembly and tried to frighten us."
And now that I am face to face with myself, searching in my memory to discover whether I was actually myself so much alarmed as I seemed, the answer is no, and I readily recognise that the event justified121 me more promptly122 and more completely than I foresaw (a thing which may sometimes have happened to other political prophets, better authorized123 to predict than I was). No, I did not expect such a revolution as we were destined to have; and who could have expected it? I did, I believe, perceive more clearly than the others the general causes which were making for the event; but I did not observe the accidents which were to precipitate124 it. Meantime the days which still separated us from the catastrophe passed rapidly by.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] "Mener mon fiacre": to drive my hackney-coach.—A.T. de M.
[3] This speech was delivered in the Chamber of Deputies on the 27th of January 1848, in the debate on the Address in reply to the Speech from the Throne.—Cte. de T.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
constrained
|
|
| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
solitude
|
|
| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
retrace
|
|
| v.折回；追溯，探源 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
portray
|
|
| v.描写，描述；画(人物、景象等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
engrave
|
|
| vt.（在...上）雕刻，使铭记，使牢记 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
relaxation
|
|
| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
contemplating
|
|
| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
depict
|
|
| vt.描画，描绘；描写，描述 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
depicting
|
|
| 描绘，描画( depict的现在分词 )； 描述 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
motives
|
|
| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
secluded
|
|
| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
monarchy
|
|
| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
minor
|
|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
paltry
|
|
| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
contradictory
|
|
| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
remains
|
|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
mingled
|
|
| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
dread
|
|
| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
behold
|
|
| v.看，注视，看到 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
franchise
|
|
| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
prerogative
|
|
| n.特权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
exclusion
|
|
| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
prodigiously
|
|
| adv.异常地，惊人地，巨大地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
Augmented
|
|
| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
treasury
|
|
| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
accomplished
|
|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
lull
|
|
| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
industrious
|
|
| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
temperament
|
|
| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
distinguished
|
|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
virtue
|
|
| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
entrenched
|
|
| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
enjoyment
|
|
| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
posterity
|
|
| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
vices
|
|
| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
accruing
|
|
| v.增加( accrue的现在分词 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
shareholders
|
|
| n.股东( shareholder的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
dominant
|
|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
medley
|
|
| n.混合 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
spoke
|
|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
catastrophe
|
|
| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
Christian
|
|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
casually
|
|
| adv.漠不关心地，无动于衷地，不负责任地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
alluded
|
|
| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
rogue
|
|
| n.流氓；v.游手好闲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
annoyances
|
|
| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
irritation
|
|
| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
improvised
|
|
| a.即席而作的,即兴的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
plunged
|
|
| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
vanquished
|
|
| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
reigning
|
|
| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
originality
|
|
| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
agitation
|
|
| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
perspicacity
|
|
| n. 敏锐, 聪明, 洞察力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
preponderating
|
|
| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
58
constituent
|
|
| n.选民；成分，组分；adj.组成的，构成的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
varied
|
|
| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
orators
|
|
| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
chamber
|
|
| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
chambers
|
|
| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
corruption
|
|
| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
corrupt
|
|
| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
confiding
|
|
| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
contented
|
|
| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
submission
|
|
| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
reigned
|
|
| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
languor
|
|
| n.无精力，倦怠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
stagnation
|
|
| n. 停滞 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
boredom
|
|
| n.厌烦，厌倦，乏味，无聊 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
feverish
|
|
| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
attentive
|
|
| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
appeasement
|
|
| n.平息，满足 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
destined
|
|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
enervated
|
|
| adj.衰弱的，无力的v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
fabric
|
|
| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
machinery
|
|
| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
verged
|
|
| 接近，逼近（verge的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
tranquil
|
|
| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
peril
|
|
| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
mechanism
|
|
| n.机械装置；机构，结构 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
agglomeration
|
|
| n.结聚，一堆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
beheld
|
|
| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
portents
|
|
| n.预兆( portent的名词复数 )；征兆；怪事；奇物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
manifesto
|
|
| n.宣言，声明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
surmounted
|
|
| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
overthrown
|
|
| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
isolated
|
|
| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
odious
|
|
| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
modifications
|
|
| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
agitations
|
|
| （液体等的）摇动( agitation的名词复数 )； 鼓动； 激烈争论； （情绪等的）纷乱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
whim
|
|
| n.一时的兴致，突然的念头；奇想，幻想 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
doctrines
|
|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
explicit
|
|
| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
disorder
|
|
| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
ministry
|
|
| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
totters
|
|
| v.走得或动得不稳( totter的第三人称单数 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
incapable
|
|
| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
equitable
|
|
| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
deficit
|
|
| n.亏空，亏损；赤字，逆差 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
indifference
|
|
| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
patriotic
|
|
| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
gale
|
|
| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
degradation
|
|
| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
vindictiveness
|
|
| 恶毒；怀恨在心 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
decided
|
|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
looming
|
|
| n.上现蜃景（光通过低层大气发生异常折射形成的一种海市蜃楼）v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的现在分词 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
implore
|
|
| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
rhetoric
|
|
| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
allay
|
|
| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
legislative
|
|
| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
ironical
|
|
| adj.讽刺的，冷嘲的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
prophesying
|
|
| v.预告，预言( prophesy的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
inveterate
|
|
| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
farce
|
|
| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
incessantly
|
|
| ad.不停地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
justify
|
|
| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
blurred
|
|
| v.（使）变模糊( blur的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）难以区分；模模糊糊；迷离 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
justified
|
|
| a.正当的，有理的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
promptly
|
|
| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
authorized
|
|
| a.委任的，许可的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
precipitate
|
|
| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |