I refused to take part in the affair of the banquets. I had both serious and petty reasons for abstaining3. What I call my petty reasons I am quite willing to describe as bad reasons, although they were consistent with honour, and would have been unexceptionable in a private matter. They were the irritation4 and disgust aroused in me by the character and by the tactics of the leaders of this enterprise. Nevertheless, I confess that the private prejudice which we entertain with regard to individuals is a bad guide in politics.
A close alliance had at that time been effected between M. Thiers and M. Barrot, and a real fusion6 formed between the two sections of the Opposition, which, in our parliamentary jargon7, we called the Left Centre and the Left. Almost all the stubborn and intractable spirits which were found in the latter party had successively been softened8, unbent, subjugated9, made supple10, by the promises of place spread broadcast by M. Thiers. I believe that even M. Barrot had for the first time allowed himself not exactly to be won over, but surprised,[20] by arguments of this kind. At any rate, the most complete intimacy11 reigned12 between the two great leaders of the Opposition, whatever was the cause of it, and M. Barrot, who likes to mingle13 a little simplicity14 with his weaknesses as well as with his virtues15, exerted himself to his utmost to secure the triumph of his ally, even at his own expense. M. Thiers had allowed him to involve himself in this matter of the banquets; I even think that he had instigated16 Barrot in that direction without consenting to involve himself. He was willing to accept the results, but not the responsibilities, of that dangerous agitation17. Wherefore, surrounded by his personal friends, he stayed mute and motionless in Paris, while Barrot travelled all over the country for three months, making long speeches in every town he stopped at, and resembling, in my opinion, those beaters who make a great noise in order to bring the game within easy range of the sportsman's gun. Personally, I felt no inclination18 to take part in the sport. But the principal and more serious reason which restrained me was this: and I expounded19 it pretty often to those who wanted to drag me to those political meetings:
"For the first time for eighteen years," I used to tell them, "you are proposing to appeal to the people, and to seek support outside the middle class. If you fail in rousing the people (and I think this will be the most probable result), you will become still more odious20 than you already are in[21] the eyes of the Government and of the middle classes, who for a great part support it. In this way you will strengthen the administration which you desire to upset; while if, on the contrary, you succeed in rousing the people, you are no more able than I am to foresee whither an agitation of this kind will lead you."
In the measure that the campaign of the banquets was prolonged, the latter hypothesis became, contrary to my expectation, the more probable. A certain anxiety began to oppress the ringleaders themselves; an indefinite anxiety, passing vaguely21 through their minds. I was told by Beaumont, who was at that time one of the first among them, that the excitement occasioned in the country by the banquets surpassed not only the hopes, but the wishes, of those who had started it. The latter were labouring to allay22 rather than increase it. Their intention was that there should be no banquet in Paris, and that there should be none held anywhere after the assembling of the Chambers23. The fact is that they were only seeking a way out of the mischievous25 road which they had entered upon. And it was undoubtedly26 in spite of them that this final banquet was resolved on; they were constrained27 to take part in it, drawn28 into it; their vanity was compromised. The Government, by its defiance29, goaded30 the Opposition into adopting this dangerous measure, thinking thus to drive it to destruction. The Opposition let itself be caught in[22] a spirit of bravado31, and lest it should be suspected of retreating; and thus irritating each other, spurring one another on, they dragged each other towards the common abyss, which neither of them as yet perceived.
I remember that two days before the Revolution of February, at the Turkish Ambassador's ball, I met Duvergier de Hauranne. I felt for him both friendship and esteem32; although he possessed33 very nearly all the failings that arise from party spirit, he at least joined to them the sort of disinterestedness35 and sincerity36 which one meets with in genuine passions, two rare advantages in our day, when the only genuine passion is that of self. I said to him, with the familiarity warranted by our relations:
"Courage, my friend; you are playing a dangerous game."
He replied gravely, but with no sign of fear:
"Believe me, all will end well; besides, one must risk something. There is no free government that has not had to go through a similar experience."
This reply perfectly37 describes this determined38 but somewhat narrow character; narrow, I say, although with plenty of brain, but with the brain which, while seeing clearly and in detail all that is on the horizon, is incapable39 of conceiving that the horizon may change; scholarly, disinterested34, ardent40, vindictive41, sprung from that learned and sectarian race which guides itself in politics by imitation of others and by historical recollection, and which restricts its[23] thought to one sole idea, at which it warms, in which it blinds itself.
For the rest, the Government were even less uneasy than the leaders of the Opposition. A few days before the above conversation, I had had another with Duchatel, the Minister of the Interior. I was on good terms with this minister, although for the last eight years I had been very boldly (even too boldly, I confess, in the case of its foreign policy) attacking the Cabinet of which he was one of the principal members. I am not sure that this fault did not even make me find favour in his eyes, for I believe that at the bottom of his heart he had a sneaking42 fondness for those who attacked his colleague at the Foreign Office, M. Guizot. A battle which M. Duchatel and I had fought some years before in favour of the penitentiary43 system had brought us together and given rise to a certain intimacy between us. This man was very unlike the one I mentioned above: he was as heavy in his person and his manners as the other was meagre, angular, and sometimes trenchant44 and bitter. He was as remarkable45 for his scepticism as the other for his ardent convictions, for flabby indifference46 as the former for feverish47 activity; he possessed a very supple, very quick, very subtle mind enclosed in a massive body; he understood business admirably, while pretending to be above it; he was thoroughly48 acquainted with the evil passions of mankind, and especially with the evil passions of his party, and[24] always knew how to turn them to advantage. He was free from all rancour and prejudice, cordial in his address, easy of approach, obliging, whenever his own interests were not compromised, and bore a kindly49 contempt for his fellow-creatures.
I was about to say that, some days before the catastrophe50, I drew M. Duchatel into a corner of the conference room, and observed to him that the Government and the Opposition seemed to be striving in concert to drive things to an extremity51 calculated to end by damaging everybody; and I asked him if he saw no honest way of escape from a regrettable position, some honourable52 transaction which would permit everyone to draw back. I added that my friends and I would be happy to have such a way pointed53 out to us, and that we would make every exertion54 to persuade our colleagues in the Opposition to accept it. He listened attentively55 to my remarks, and assured me that he understood my meaning, although I saw clearly that he did not enter into it for a moment.
"Things had reached such a pitch," he said, "that the expedient56 which I sought was no longer to be found. The Government was in the right, and could not yield. If the Opposition persisted in its course, the result might be a combat in the streets, but this combat had long been foreseen, and if the Government was animated57 with the evil passions with which it was credited, it would desire this fighting rather than dread58 it, being sure to triumph in the end."[25]
He went on in his complaisant59 fashion to tell me in detail of all the military precautions that had been taken, the extent of the resources, the number of the troops, and the quantity of ammunition60.... I took my leave, satisfied that the Government, without exactly striving to promote an outbreak, was far from dreading61 one, and that the Ministry62, in its certainty of ultimate victory, saw in the threatening catastrophe possibly its last means of rallying its scattered63 supporters and of finally reducing its adversaries64 to powerlessness. I confess that I thought as he did; his air of unfeigned assurance had proved contagious65.
The only really uneasy people in Paris at that moment were the Radical66 chiefs and the men who were sufficiently67 in touch with the people and the revolutionary party to know what was taking place in that quarter. I have reason to believe that most of these looked with dread upon the events which were ready to burst forth68, whether because they kept up the tradition of their former passions rather than these passions themselves, or because they had begun to grow accustomed to a state of things in which they had taken up their position after so many times cursing it; or again, because they were doubtful of success; or rather because, being in a position to study and become well acquainted with their allies, they were frightened at the last moment of the victory which they expected to gain through their aid. On the very day before the[26] outbreak, Madame de Lamartine betrayed extraordinary anxiety when calling upon Madame de Tocqueville, and gave such unmistakable signs of a mind heated and almost deranged69 by ominous70 thoughts that the latter became alarmed, and told me of it the same evening.
It is not one of the least curious characteristics of this singular revolution that the incident which led to it was brought about and almost longed for by the men whom it eventually precipitated71 from power, and that it was only foreseen and feared by those who were to triumph by its means.
Here let me for a moment resume the chain of history, so that I may the more easily attach to it the thread of my personal recollections.
It will be remembered that, at the opening of the session of 1848, King Louis-Philippe, in his Speech from the Throne, had described the authors of the banquets as men excited by blind or hostile passions. This was bringing Royalty72 into direct conflict with more than one hundred members of the Chamber24. This insult, which added anger to all the ambitious passions which were already disturbing the hearts of the majority of these men, ended by making them lose their reason. A violent debate was expected, but did not take place at once. The earlier discussions on the Address were calm: the majority and the Opposition both restrained themselves at the commencement, like two men who feel that they have lost their tempers, and who fear lest[27] while in that condition they should perpetrate some folly73 in word or deed.
But the storm of passion broke out at last, and continued with unaccustomed violence. The extraordinary heat of these debates was already redolent of civil war for those who knew how to scent74 revolutions from afar.
The spokesmen of the moderate section of the Opposition were led, in the heat of debate, to assert that the right of assembling at the banquets was one of our most undeniable and essential rights;[4] that to question it, was equivalent to trampling75 liberty itself underfoot and to violating the Charter, and that those who did so unconsciously made an appeal, not to discussion, but to arms. On his side M. Duchatel, who ordinarily was very dexterous76 in debate, displayed in this circumstance a consummate77 want of tact5.[5] He absolutely denied the right of assemblage, and yet would not say clearly that the Government had made up its mind to prohibit thenceforth any manifestations78 of the kind. On the contrary, he seemed to invite the Opposition to try the experiment once more, so that the question might be[28] brought before the Courts. His colleague, M. Hébert, the Minister of Justice, was still more tactless, but this was his habit. I have always observed that lawyers never make statesmen; but I have never met anyone who was less of a statesman than M. Hébert. He remained the Public-Prosecutor down to the marrow79 of his bones; he had all the mental and physical characteristics of that office. You must imagine a little wizened80, sorry face, shrunk at the temples, with a pointed forehead, nose and chin, cold, bright eyes, and thin, in-drawn lips. Add to this a long quill81 generally held across the mouth, and looking at a distance like a cat's bristling82 whiskers, and you have a portrait of a man, than whom I have never seen anyone more resembling a carnivorous animal. At the same time, he was neither stupid nor even ill-natured; but he was by nature hot-headed and unyielding; he always overshot his goal, for want of knowing when to turn aside or stop still; and he fell into violence without intending it, and from sheer want of discrimination. It showed how little importance M. Guizot attached to conciliation83, that under the circumstances he sent a speaker of this stamp into the tribune;[6] his language while there was so outrageous84 and so provoking that Barrot, quite beside himself and almost without[29] knowing what he was doing, exclaimed, in a voice half stifled85 with rage, that the ministers of Charles X., that Polignac and Peyronnet, had never dared to talk like that. I remember that I shuddered86 involuntarily in my seat when I heard this naturally moderate man exasperated87 into recalling, for the first time, the terrible memories of the Revolution of 1830, holding it up in some sort as an example, and unconsciously suggesting the idea of repeating it.
The result of this heated discussion was a sort of challenge to mortal combat exchanged between the Government and the Opposition, the scene of the duel88 to be the law-courts. It was tacitly agreed that the challenged party should meet at one final banquet; that the authorities, without interfering89 to prevent the meeting, should prosecute90 its organizers, and that the courts should pronounce judgment91.
The debates on the Address were closed, if I remember rightly, on the 12th of February, and it is really from this moment that the revolutionary movement burst out. The Constitutional Opposition, which had for many months been constantly pushed on by the Radical party, was from this time forward led and directed not so much by the members of that party who occupied seats in the Chamber of Deputies (the greater number of these had become lukewarm and, as it were, enervated92 in the Parliamentary atmosphere), as by the younger, bolder, and more irresponsible men who wrote for the democratic press. This change was especially[30] apparent in two principal facts which had an overwhelming influence upon events—the programme of the banquet and the arraignment of Ministers.
On the 20th of February, there appeared in almost all the Opposition newspapers, by way of programme of the approaching banquet, what was really a proclamation calling upon the entire population to join in an immense political demonstration93, convoking94 the schools and inviting95 the National Guard itself to attend the ceremony in a body. It read like a decree emanating96 from the Provisional Government which was to be set up three days later. The Cabinet, which had already been blamed by many of its followers97 for tacitly authorising the banquet, considered that it was justified98 in retracing99 its steps. It officially announced that it forbade the banquet, and that it would prevent it by force.
It was this declaration of the Government which provided the field for the battle. I am in a position to state, although it sounds hardly credible100, that the programme which thus suddenly turned the banquet into an insurrection was resolved upon, drawn up and published without the participation101 or the knowledge of the members of Parliament who considered themselves to be still leading the movement which they had called into existence. The programme was the hurried work of a nocturnal gathering102 of journalists and Radicals103, and the leaders of the Dynastic Opposition heard of it at the same time as the public, by reading it in the papers in the morning.[31]
And see how uncertain is the course of human affairs! M. Odilon Barrot, who disapproved104 of the programme as much as anyone, dared not disclaim105 it for fear of offending the men who, till then, had seemed to be moving with him; and then, when the Government, alarmed by the publication of this document, prohibited the banquet, M. Barrot, finding himself brought face to face with civil war, drew back. He himself gave up this dangerous demonstration; but at the same time that he was making this concession106 to the men of moderation, he granted to the extremists the impeachment107 of Ministers. He accused the latter of violating the Constitution by prohibiting the banquet, and thus furnished an excuse to those who were about to take up arms in the name of the violated Constitution.
Thus the principal leaders of the Radical Party, who thought that a revolution would be premature108, and who did not yet desire it, had considered themselves obliged, in order to differentiate109 themselves from their allies in the Dynastic Opposition, to make very revolutionary speeches and fan the flame of insurrectionary passion. On the other hand, the Dynastic Opposition, which had had enough of the banquets, had been forced to persevere110 in this bad course so as not to present an appearance of retreating before the defiance of the Government. And finally, the mass of the Conservatives, who believed in the necessity of great concessions111 and were ready to make them, were driven by the violence of their[32] adversaries and the passions of some of their chiefs to deny even the right of meeting in private banquets and to refuse the country any hopes of reform.
One must have lived long amid political parties, and in the very whirlwind in which they move, to understand to what extent men mutually push each other away from their respective plans, and how the destinies of this world proceed as the result, but often as the contrary result, of the intentions that produce them, similarly to the kite which flies by the antagonistic112 action of the wind and the cord.
FOOTNOTES:
[4] See the speech of M. Duvergier de Hauranne, 7 February 1848.—Cte. de T.
[5] The minister replied to M. Léon de Mandeville. He quoted the laws of 1790 and 1791, which empowered the authorities to oppose any public meetings which seemed to threaten danger to the public peace, and he declared that the Government would be failing in its duty if it were to give way before manifestations of any description. At the end of his speech he again brought in the phrase "blind or hostile passions," and endeavoured to justify113 it.—Cte. de T.
[6] Replying to M. Odilon Barrot, M. Hébert maintained that, since the right of public meeting was not laid down in the Charter, it did not exist.—Cte. de T.
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1
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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arraignment
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| n.提问，传讯，责难 | |
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abstaining
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| 戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的现在分词 )； 弃权（不投票） | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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fusion
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| n.溶化；熔解；熔化状态，熔和；熔接 | |
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jargon
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| n.术语，行话 | |
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8
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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subjugated
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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supple
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| adj.柔软的，易弯的，逢迎的，顺从的，灵活的；vt.使柔软，使柔顺，使顺从；vi.变柔软，变柔顺 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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bravado
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| n.虚张声势，故作勇敢，逞能 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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disinterestedness
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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sneaking
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| a.秘密的，不公开的 | |
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penitentiary
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| n.感化院；监狱 | |
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trenchant
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| adj.尖刻的，清晰的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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complaisant
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| adj.顺从的，讨好的 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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deranged
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| adj.疯狂的 | |
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ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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scent
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| n.气味，香味，香水，线索，嗅觉；v.嗅，发觉 | |
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trampling
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| 踩( trample的现在分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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dexterous
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| adj.灵敏的；灵巧的 | |
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consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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marrow
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| n.骨髓；精华；活力 | |
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wizened
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| adj.凋谢的；枯槁的 | |
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quill
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| n.羽毛管；v.给（织物或衣服）作皱褶 | |
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bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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shuddered
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| v.战栗( shudder的过去式和过去分词 )；发抖；（机器、车辆等）突然震动；颤动 | |
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exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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enervated
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| adj.衰弱的，无力的v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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convoking
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| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的现在分词 ) | |
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inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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emanating
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的现在分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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retracing
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| v.折回( retrace的现在分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
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credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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disclaim
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| v.放弃权利，拒绝承认 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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differentiate
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| vi.(between)区分；vt.区别；使不同 | |
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persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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111
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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112
antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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113
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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