During the days immediately following upon the 24th of February, I neither went in search of nor fell in with any of the politicians from whom the events of that day had separated me. I felt no necessity nor, to tell the truth, any inclination2 to do so. I felt a sort of instinctive3 repugnance4 to remembering this wretched parliamentary world, in which I had spent six years of my life, and in whose midst I had seen the Revolution sprouting5 up.
Moreover, at that time I saw the great vanity of any sort of political conversation or combination. However feeble the reasons may have been which first imparted the movement to the mob, that movement had now become irresistible6. I felt that we were all in the midst of one of those great floods of democracy in which the embankments, intended to resist individuals and even parties, only serve to drown those who build them, and in which, for a time, there is nothing to be done but to study the general character of the phenomenon. I therefore spent all my time in the streets with the victors, as though I had been a worshipper of fortune. True,[103] I paid no homage7 to the new sovereign, and asked no favours of it. I did not even address it, but contented8 myself with listening to and observing it.
Nevertheless, after the lapse9 of some days, I resumed relations with the vanquished10: I once more met ex-deputies, ex-peers, men of letters, men of business and finance, land-owners, all who in the language of the moment were commencing to be known as the idle. I found that the aspect of the Revolution was no less extraordinary when thus seen from above than it had seemed to me when, at the commencement, I viewed it from below. I encountered much fear, but as little genuine passion as I had seen in other quarters; a curious feeling of resignation, no vestige11 of hope, and I should almost say no idea of ever returning to the Government which they had only just left. Although the Revolution of February was the shortest and the least bloody12 of all our revolutions, it had filled men's minds and hearts with the idea of its omnipotence13 to a much greater extent than any of its predecessors14. I believe this was, to a great extent, due to the fact that these minds and hearts were void of political faith and ardour, and that, after so many disappointments and vain agitations15, they retained nothing but a taste for comfort—a very tenacious16 and very exclusive, but also a very agreeable feeling, which easily accommodates itself to any form of government, provided it be allowed to satisfy itself.
I beheld17, therefore, an universal endeavour to make the best of the new state of things and to win over[104] the new master. The great landlords were glad to remember that they had always been hostile to the middle class and always favoured the people; the bourgeois18 themselves remembered with a certain pride that their fathers had been working men, and when they were unable, owing to the inevitable19 obscurity of their pedigrees, to trace back their descent to a labourer who had worked with his hands, they at least strove to discover a plebeian20 ancestor who had been the architect of his own fortune. They took as great pains to make a display of the latter as, not long before, they would have taken to conceal21 his existence: so true is it that human vanity, without changing its nature, can show itself under the most diverse aspects. It has an obverse and a reverse side, but it is always the same medal.
As there was no longer any genuine feeling left save that of fear, far from breaking with those of his relations who had thrown themselves into the Revolution, each strove to draw closer to them. The time had come to try and turn to account any scapegrace whom one had in one's family. If good luck would have it that one had a cousin, a brother, or a son who had become ruined by his disorderly life, one could be sure that he was in a fair way to succeed; and if he had become known by the promulgation22 of some extravagant23 theory or other, he might hope to attain24 to any height. Most of the commissaries and under-commissaries of the Government were men of this type.[105]
As to King Louis-Philippe, there was no more question of him than if he had belonged to the Merovingian Dynasty. Nothing struck me more than the absolute silence that had suddenly surrounded his name. I did not hear it pronounced a single time, so to speak, either by the people or by the upper class. Those of his former courtiers whom I saw did not speak of him, and I honestly believe they did not think of him. The Revolution had so completely turned their thoughts in another direction, that they had forgotten their Sovereign. I may be told that this is the ordinary fate of fallen kings; but what seems more worthy25 of remark, his enemies even had forgotten him: they no longer feared him enough to slander26 him, perhaps even to hate him, which is one of fortune's greatest, or at least rarest, insults.
I do not wish to write the history of the Revolution of 1848, I only wish to retrace27 my own actions, ideas, and impressions during the course of this revolution; and I therefore pass over the events that took place during the weeks immediately following the 24th of February, and come to the period preceding the General Election.
The time had come to decide whether one cared merely to watch the progress of this singular revolution or to take part in events. I found the former party leaders divided among themselves; and each of them, moreover, seemed divided also within himself, to judge by the incoherence of the language[106] used and the vacillation of opinion. These politicians, who had almost all been trained to public business amid the regulated, restrained movement of constitutional liberty, and upon whom a great revolution had unexpectedly come, were like river oarsmen who should suddenly find themselves called upon to navigate28 their boat in mid-ocean. The knowledge they had acquired in their fresh water trips would be of more trouble than assistance to them in this greater adventure, and they would often display more confusion and uncertainty29 than the passengers themselves.
M. Thiers frequently expressed the opinion that they should go to the poll and get elected, and as frequently urged that it would be wiser to stand aside. I do not know whether his hesitation30 arose from his dread31 of the dangers that might follow upon the election, or his fear lest he should not be elected. Rémusat, who always sees so clearly what might, and so dimly what should be done, set forth32 the good reasons that existed for staying at home, and the no less good reasons for going to the country. Duvergier was distracted. The Revolution had overthrown33 the system of the balance of power in which his mind had sat motionless during so many years, and he felt as though he were hung up in mid-air. As for the Duc de Broglie, he had not put his head out of his shell since the 24th of February, and in this attitude he awaited the end of society, which in his opinion was close at hand. M. Molé[107] alone, although he was by far the oldest of all the former parliamentary leaders, and possibly for that very reason, resolutely34 maintained the opinion that they should take part in public affairs and try to lead the Revolution; perhaps because his longer experience had taught him that in troubled times it is dangerous to play the looker-on; perhaps because the hope of again having something to lead cheered him and hid from him the danger of the undertaking35; or perhaps because, after being so often bent36 in contrary directions, under so many different régimes, his mind had become firmer as well as more supple37 and more indifferent as to the kind of master it might serve. On my side, as may be imagined, I very attentively38 considered which was the best resolution to adopt.
I should like here to inquire into the reasons which determined39 my course of action, and having found them, to set them down without evasion40: but how difficult it is to speak well of one's self! I have observed that the greater part of those who have written their Memoirs41 have only well shown us their bad actions or their weaknesses when they happened to have taken them for deeds of prowess or fine instincts, a thing which often occurs. As in the case of the Cardinal42 de Retz, who, in order to be credited with what he considers the glory of being a good conspirator43, confesses his schemes for assassinating44 Richelieu, and tells us of his hypocritical devotions and charities lest he should fail to be taken for a[108] clever man. In such cases it is not the love of truth that guides the pen, but the warped45 mind which involuntarily betrays the vices46 of the heart.
And even when one wishes to be sincere, it is very rarely that one succeeds in the endeavour. The fault lies, in the first place, with the public, which likes to see one accuse, but will not suffer him to praise, himself; even one's friends are wont47 to describe as amiable48 candour all the harm, and as unbecoming vanity all the good, that he says of himself: so that at this rate sincerity49 becomes a very thankless trade, by which one has everything to lose and nothing to gain. But the difficulty, above all, lies with the subject himself: he is too close to himself to see well, and prone50 to lose himself amid the views, interests, ideas, thoughts and inclinations51 that have guided his actions. This net-work of little foot-paths, which are little known even by those who use them, prevent one from clearly discerning the main roads followed by the will before arriving at the most important conclusions.
Nevertheless, I will try to discover myself amid this labyrinth52, for it is only right that I should take the same liberties with myself which I have taken, and shall often continue to take, with others.
Let me say, then, that when I came to search carefully into the depths of my own heart, I discovered, with some surprise, a certain sense of relief, a sort of gladness mingled54 with all the griefs and fears to which the Revolution had given rise. I[109] suffered from this terrible event for my country, but clearly not for myself; on the contrary, I seemed to breathe more freely than before the catastrophe55. I had always felt myself stifled56 in the atmosphere of the parliamentary world which had just been destroyed: I had found it full of disappointments, both where others and where I myself was concerned; and to commence with the latter, I was not long in discovering that I did not possess the necessary qualifications to play the brilliant r?le that I had imagined: both my qualities and my defects were impediments. I had not the virtues57 necessary to command respect, and I was too upright to stoop to all the petty practices which were at that time essential to a speedy success. And observe that this uprightness was irremediable; for it forms so integral a part both of my temperament59 and my principles, that without it I am never able to turn myself to any account. Whenever I have, by ill-luck, been obliged to speak in defence of a bad cause, or to assist in bad measures, I have immediately found myself deprived of all talent and all ardour; and I confess that nothing has consoled me more at the want of success with which my uprightness has often met, than the certainty I have always been in that I could never have made more than a very clumsy and mediocre60 rogue61. I also ended by perceiving that I was absolutely lacking in the art of grouping and leading a large number of men. I have always been incapable62 of dexterity63, except in tête-à-tête, and embarrassed[110] and dumb in the presence of a crowd; I do not mean to say that at a given moment I am unable to say and do what will please it, but that is not enough: those great occasions are very rare in parliamentary warfare64. The trick of the trade, in a party leader, is to be able to mix continually with his followers65 and even his adversaries66, to show himself, to move about daily, to play continually now to the boxes, now to the gallery, so as to reach the level of every intelligence, to discuss and argue without end, to say the same things a thousand times in different ways, and to be impassioned eternally in the face of the same objects. These are all things of which I am quite incapable. I find it troublesome to discuss matters which interest me little, and painful to discuss those in which I am keenly concerned. Truth is for me so rare and precious a thing that, once found, I do not like to risk it on the hazard of a debate; it is a light which I fear to extinguish by waving it to and fro. And as to consorting67 with men, I could not do so in any habitual69 and general fashion, because I never recognize more than a very few. Unless a person strikes me by something out of the common in his intellect or opinions, I, so to speak, do not see him. I have always taken it for granted that mediocrities, as well as men of merit, had a nose, a mouth, eyes; but I have never, in their case, been able to fix the particular shape of these features in my memory. I am constantly inquiring the name of strangers whom I[111] see every day, and as constantly forgetting them; and yet, I do not despise them, only I consort68 but little with them, treating them as constant quantities. I honour them, for the world is made up of them; but they weary me profoundly.
What completed my disgust was the mediocrity and monotony of the parliamentary events of that period, as well as the triviality of the passions and the vulgar perversity70 of the men who pretended to cause or to guide them.
I have sometimes thought that, though the habits of different societies may differ, the morality of the politicians at the head of affairs is everywhere the same. What is very certain is that, in France, all the party leaders whom I have met in my time have, with few exceptions, appeared to me to be equally unworthy of holding office, some because of their lack of personal character or of real parts, most by their lack of any sort of virtue58. I thus experienced as great a difficulty in joining with others as in being satisfied with myself, in obeying as in acting71 on my own initiative.
But that which most tormented72 and depressed73 me during the nine years I had spent in business, and which to this day remains74 my most hideous75 memory of that time, is the incessant76 uncertainty in which I had to live as to the best daily course to adopt. I am inclined to think that my uncertainty of character arises rather from a want of clearness of idea than from any weakness of heart, and that I never experi[112]enced either hesitation or difficulty in following the most rugged77 road, when once I clearly saw where it would lead me. But amid all these little dynastic parties, differing so little in aim, and resembling one another so much in the bad methods which they put into practice, which was the thoroughfare that led visibly to honour, or even to utility? Where lay truth? Where falsehood? On which side were the rogues78? On which side the honest men? I was never, at that time, fully53 able to distinguish it, and I declare that even now I should not well be able to do so. Most party men allow themselves to be neither distressed79 nor unnerved by doubts of this kind; many even have never known them, or know them no longer. They are often accused of acting without conviction; but my experience has proved that this was much less frequently the case than one might think. Only they possess the precious and sometimes, in politics, even necessary faculty80 of creating transient convictions for themselves, according to the passions and interests of the moment, and thus they succeed in committing, honourably81 enough, actions which in themselves are little to their credit. Unfortunately, I could never bring myself to illuminate82 my intelligence with these special and artificial lights, nor so readily to convince myself that my own advantage was one and the same with the general good.
It was this parliamentary world, in which I had suffered all the wretchedness that I have just described, which was broken up by the Revolution; it[113] had mingled and confounded the old parties in one common ruin, deposed83 their leaders, and destroyed their traditions and discipline. There had issued from this, it was true, a disordered and confused state of society, but one in which ability became less necessary and less highly rated than courage and disinterestedness84; in which personal character was more important than elocution or the art of leadership; but, above all, in which there was no field left for vacillation of mind: on this side lay the salvation85 of the country; on that, its destruction. There was no longer any mistake possible as to the road to follow; we were to walk in broad daylight, supported and encouraged by the crowd. The road seemed dangerous, it is true, but my mind is so constructed that it is less afraid of danger than of doubt. I felt, moreover, that I was still in the prime of life, that I had few needs, and, above all, that I was able to find at home the support, so rare and precious in times of revolution, of a devoted86 wife, whom a firm and penetrating87 mind and a naturally lofty soul would easily maintain at the level of every situation and above every reverse.
I therefore determined to plunge88 boldly into the arena89, and in defence, not of any particular government, but of the laws which constitute society itself, to risk my fortune, my person, and my peace of mind. The first thing was to secure my election, and I left speedily for Normandy in order to put myself before the electors.
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1
vacillation
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| n.动摇；忧柔寡断 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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sprouting
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| v.发芽( sprout的现在分词 )；抽芽；出现；（使）涌现出 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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agitations
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| （液体等的）摇动( agitation的名词复数 )； 鼓动； 激烈争论； （情绪等的）纷乱 | |
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tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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bourgeois
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| adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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plebeian
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| adj.粗俗的；平民的；n.平民；庶民 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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promulgation
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| n.颁布 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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retrace
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| v.折回；追溯，探源 | |
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navigate
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| v.航行，飞行；导航，领航 | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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supple
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| adj.柔软的，易弯的，逢迎的，顺从的，灵活的；vt.使柔软，使柔顺，使顺从；vi.变柔软，变柔顺 | |
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attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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conspirator
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| n.阴谋者，谋叛者 | |
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assassinating
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的现在分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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45
warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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46
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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48
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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50
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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51
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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54
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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mediocre
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| adj.平常的，普通的 | |
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rogue
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| n.流氓；v.游手好闲 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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63
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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64
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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consorting
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| v.结伴( consort的现在分词 )；交往；相称；调和 | |
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68
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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69
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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70
perversity
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| n.任性；刚愎自用 | |
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71
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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72
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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73
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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75
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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rogues
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| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
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79
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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80
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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81
honourably
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| adv.可尊敬地，光荣地，体面地 | |
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82
illuminate
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| vt.照亮，照明；用灯光装饰；说明，阐释 | |
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83
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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84
disinterestedness
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85
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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86
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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87
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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88
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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