What distinguished2 it also, among all the events of this kind which have succeeded one another in France for sixty years, is that it did not aim at changing the form of government, but at altering the order of society. It was not, strictly3 speaking, a political struggle, in the sense which until then we had given to the word, but a combat of class against class, a sort of Servile War. It represented the facts of the Revolution of February in the same manner as the theories of Socialism represented its ideas; or rather it issued naturally from these ideas, as a son does from his mother. We behold4 in it nothing more than a blind and rude, but powerful, effort on the part of the workmen to escape from the necessities[188] of their condition, which had been depicted5 to them as one of unlawful oppression, and to open up by main force a road towards that imaginary comfort with which they had been deluded6. It was this mixture of greed and false theory which first gave birth to the insurrection and then made it so formidable. These poor people had been told that the wealth of the rich was in some way the produce of a theft practised upon themselves. They had been assured that the inequality of fortunes was as opposed to morality and the welfare of society as it was to nature. Prompted by their needs and their passions, many had believed this obscure and erroneous notion of right, which, mingled7 with brute8 force, imparted to the latter an energy, a tenacity9 and a power which it would never have possessed10 unaided.
It must also be observed that this formidable insurrection was not the enterprise of a certain number of conspirators11, but the revolt of one whole section of the population against another. Women took part in it as well as men. While the latter fought, the former prepared and carried ammunition12; and when at last the time had come to surrender, the women were the last to yield. These women went to battle with, as it were, a housewifely ardour: they looked to victory for the comfort of their husbands and the education of their children. They took pleasure in this war as they might have taken pleasure in a lottery13.[189]
As to the strategic science displayed by this multitude, the warlike nature of the French, their long experience of insurrections, and particularly the military education which the majority of the men of the people in turn receive, suffice to explain it. Half of the Paris workmen have served in our armies, and they are always glad to take up arms again. Generally speaking, old soldiers abound14 in our riots. On the 24th of February, when Lamoricière was surrounded by his foes15, he twice owed his life to insurgents who had fought under him in Africa, men in whom the recollection of their military life had been stronger than the fury of civil war.
As we know, it was the closing of the national workshops that occasioned the rising. Dreading16 to disband this formidable soldiery at one stroke, the Government had tried to disperse17 it by sending part of the workmen into the country. They refused to leave. On the 22nd of June, they marched through Paris in troops, singing in cadence18, in a monotonous19 chant, "We won't be sent away, we won't be sent away...." Their delegates waited upon the members of the Committee of the Executive Power with a series of arrogant20 demands, and on meeting with a refusal, withdrew with the announcement that next day they would have recourse to arms. Everything, indeed, tended to show that the long-expected crisis had come.
When this news reached the Assembly it caused[190] the greatest alarm. Nevertheless, the Assembly did not interrupt its order of the day; it continued the discussion of a commercial act, and even listened to it, despite its excited condition; true, it was a very important question and a very eminent22 orator23 was speaking. The Government had proposed to acquire all the railways by purchase. Montalembert opposed it; his case was good, but his speech was excellent; I do not think I ever heard him speak so well before or since. As a matter of fact, I thought as he did, this time; but I believe that, even in the eyes of his adversaries24, he surpassed himself. He made a vigorous attack without being as peevish25 and outrageous26 as usual. A certain fear tempered his natural insolence27, and set a limit to his paradoxical and querulous humour; for, like so many other men of words, he had more temerity28 of language than stoutness29 of heart.
The sitting concluded without any question as to what was occurring outside, and the Assembly adjourned30.
On the 23rd, on going to the Assembly, I saw a large number of omnibuses grouped round the Madeleine. This told me that they were beginning to erect32 barricades34 in the streets; which was confirmed on my arrival at the Palace. Nevertheless, a doubt was expressed whether it was seriously contemplated35 to resort to arms. I resolved to go and assure myself of the real state of things, and, with Corcelles, repaired to the neighbourhood of the[191] H?tel de Ville. In all the little streets surrounding that building, I found the people engaged in making barricades; they proceeded in their work with the cunning and regularity36 of an engineer, not unpaving more stones than were necessary to lay the foundations of a very thick, solid and even neatly37-built wall, in which they generally left a small opening by the side of the houses to permit of ingress and egress38. Eager for quicker information as to the state of the town, Corcelles and I agreed to separate. He went one way and I the other; and his excursion very nearly turned out badly. He told me afterwards that, after crossing several half-built barricades without impediment, he was stopped at the last one. The men of the lower orders who were building it, seeing a fine gentleman, in black clothes and very white linen39, quietly trotting40 through the dirty streets round the H?tel de Ville and stopping before them with a placid41 and inquisitive42 air, thought they would make use of this suspicious onlooker43. They called upon him, in the name of the brotherhood44, to assist them in their work. Corcelles was as brave as C?sar, but he rightly judged that, under these circumstances, there was nothing better to be done than to give way quietly. See him therefore lifting paving-stones and placing them as neatly as possible one atop the other. His natural awkwardness and his absent-mindedness fortunately came to his aid; and he was soon sent about his business as a useless workman.[192]
To me no such adventure happened. I passed through the streets of the Saint-Martin and Saint-Denis quarters without coming across any barricades to speak of; but the excitement was extraordinary. On my return I met, in the Rue21 des Je?neurs, a National Guard covered with blood and fragments of brain. He was very pale and was going home. I asked him what was happening; he told me that his battalion45 had just received the full force of a very murderous discharge of musketry at the Porte Saint-Denis. One of his comrades, whose name he mentioned to me, had been killed by his side, and he was covered with the blood and brains of this unhappy man.
I returned to the Assembly, astonished at not having met a single soldier in the whole distance which I had traversed. It was not till I came in front of the Palais-Bourbon that I at last perceived great columns of infantry47, marching, followed by cannon48.
Lamoricière, in full uniform and on horseback, was at their head. I have never seen a figure more resplendent with aggressive passion and almost with joy; and whatever may have been the natural impetuosity of his humour, I doubt whether it was that alone which urged him at that moment, and whether there was not mingled with it an eagerness to avenge49 himself for the dangers and outrages50 he had undergone.
"What are you doing?" I asked him. "They[193] have already been fighting at the Porte Saint-Denis, and barricades are being built all round the H?tel de Ville."
"Patience," he replied, "we are going there. Do you think we are such fools as to scatter51 our soldiers on such a day as this over the small streets of the suburbs? No, no! we shall let the insurgents concentrate in the quarters which we can't keep them out of, and then we will go and destroy them. They sha'n't escape us this time."
As I reached the Assembly, a terrible storm broke, which flooded the town. I entertained a slight hope that this bad weather would get us out of our difficulties for the day, and it would, indeed, have been enough to put a stop to an ordinary riot; for the people of Paris need fine weather to fight in, and are more afraid of rain than of grape-shot. But I soon lost this hope: each moment the news became more distressing52. The Assembly found difficulty in resuming its ordinary work. Agitated53, though not overcome, by the excitement outside, it suspended the order of the day, returned to it, and finally suspended it for good, giving itself over to the preoccupations of the civil war. Different members came and described from the rostrum what they had seen in Paris. Others suggested various courses of action. Falloux, in the name of the Committee of Public Assistance, proposed a decree dissolving the national workshops, and received applause. Time was wasted with empty conversations, empty[194] speeches. Nothing was known for certain; they kept on calling for the attendance of the Executive Commission, to inform them of the state of Paris, but the latter did not appear. There is nothing more pitiful than the spectacle of an assembly in a moment of crisis, when the Government itself fails it; it resembles a man still full of will and passion, but impotent, and tossing childishly amid the helplessness of his limbs. At last appeared two members of the Executive Commission; they announced that affairs were in a perilous55 condition, but that, nevertheless, it was hoped to crush the insurrection before night. The Assembly declared its sitting permanent, and adjourned till the evening.
When the sitting was resumed, we learnt that Lamartine had been received with shots at all the barricades he attempted to approach. Two of our colleagues, Bixio and Dornès, had been mortally wounded when trying to address the insurgents. Bedeau had been shot through the thigh57 at the entrance to the Faubourg Saint-Jacques, and a number of officers of distinction were already killed or dangerously wounded. One of our members, Victor Considérant, spoke58 of making concessions59 to the workmen. The Assembly, which was tumultuous and disturbed, but not weak, revolted at these words: "Order, order!" they cried on every side, with a sort of rage, "it will be time to talk of that after the victory!" The rest of the evening and a portion of the night were spent in vaguely60 talking,[195] listening, and waiting. About midnight, Cavaignac appeared. The Executive Commission had since that afternoon placed the whole military power in his hands. In a hoarse61 and jerky voice, and in simple and precise words, Cavaignac detailed62 the principal incidents of the day. He stated that he had given orders to all the regiments63 posted along the railways to converge64 upon Paris, and that all the National Guards of the outskirts65 had been called out; he concluded by telling us that the insurgents had been beaten back to the barriers, and that he hoped soon to have mastered the city. The Assembly, exhausted66 with fatigue67, left its officials sitting in permanence, and adjourned until eight o'clock the next morning.
When, on quitting this turbulent scene, I found myself at one in the morning on the Pont Royal, and from there beheld68 Paris wrapped in darkness, and calm as a city asleep, it was with difficulty that I persuaded myself that all that I had seen and heard since the morning had existed in reality and was not a pure creation of my brain. The streets and squares which I crossed were absolutely deserted69; not a sound, not a cry; one would have said that an industrious70 population, fatigued71 with its day's work, was resting before resuming the peaceful labours of the morrow. The serenity72 of the night ended by over-mastering me; I brought myself to believe that we had triumphed already, and on reaching home I went straight to sleep.[196]
I woke very early in the morning. The sun had risen some time before, for we were in the midst of the longest days of the year. On opening my eyes, I heard a sharp, metallic73 sound, which shook the window-panes74 and immediately died out amid the silence of Paris.
"What is that?" I asked.
My wife replied, "It is the cannon; I have heard it for over an hour, but would not wake you, for I knew you would want your strength during the day."
I dressed hurriedly and went out. The drums were beating to arms on every side: the day of the great battle had come at last. The National Guards left their homes under arms; all those I met seemed full of energy, for the sound of cannon, which brought the brave ones out, kept the others at home. But they were in bad humour: they thought themselves either badly commanded or betrayed by the Executive Power, against which they uttered terrible imprecations. This extreme distrust of its leaders on the part of the armed force seemed to me an alarming symptom. Continuing on my way, at the entrance to the Rue Saint-Honoré, I met a crowd of workmen anxiously listening to the cannon. These men were all in blouses, which, as we know, constitute their fighting as well as their working clothes; nevertheless, they had no arms, but one could see by their looks that they were quite ready to take them up. They remarked, with a hardly restrained[197] joy, that the sound of the firing seemed to come nearer, which showed that the insurrection was gaining ground. I had augured75 before this that the whole of the working class was engaged, either in fact or in spirit, in the struggle; and this confirmed my suspicions. The spirit of insurrection circulated from one end to the other of this immense class, and in each of its parts, as the blood does in the body; it filled the quarters where there was no fighting, as well as those which served as the scene of battle; it had penetrated76 into our houses, around, above, below us. The very places in which we thought ourselves the masters swarmed77 with domestic enemies; one might say that an atmosphere of civil war enveloped78 the whole of Paris, amid which, to whatever part we withdrew, we had to live; and in this connection I shall violate the law I had imposed upon myself never to speak upon the word of another, and will relate a fact which I learnt a few days later from my colleague Blanqui.[11] Although very trivial, I consider it very characteristic of the physiognomy of the time. Blanqui had brought up from the country and taken into his house, as a servant, the son of a poor man, whose wretchedness had touched him. On the evening of the day on which the insurrection began, he heard this lad say, as he was clearing the table after dinner, "Next Sunday [it was Thursday then] we shall be eating the wings of the chicken;" to which a little girl[198] who worked in the house replied, "And we shall be wearing fine silk dresses." Could anything give a better idea of the general state of minds than this childish scene? And to complete it, Blanqui was very careful not to seem to hear these little monkeys: they really frightened him. It was not until after the victory that he ventured to send back the ambitious pair to their hovels.
At last I reached the Assembly. The representatives were gathered in crowds, although the time appointed for the sitting was not yet come. The sound of the cannon had attracted them. The Palace had the appearance of a fortified80 town: battalions81 were encamped around, and guns were levelled at all the approaches leading to it.
I found the Assembly very determined82, but very ill at ease; and it must be confessed there was enough to make it so. It was easy to perceive through the multitude of contradictory83 reports that we had to do with the most universal, the best armed, and the most furious insurrection ever known in Paris. The national workshops and various revolutionary bands that had just been disbanded supplied it with trained and disciplined soldiers and with leaders. It was extending every moment, and it was difficult to believe that it would not end by being victorious84, when one remembered that all the great insurrections of the last sixty years had triumphed. To all these enemies we were only able to oppose the battalions of the bourgeoisie, regiments[199] which had been disarmed85 in February, and twenty thousand undisciplined lads of the Garde Mobile, who were all sons, brothers, or near relations of insurgents, and whose dispositions86 were doubtful.
But what alarmed us most was our leaders. The members of the Executive Commission filled us with profound distrust. On this subject I encountered, in the Assembly, the same feelings which I had observed among the National Guard. We doubted the good faith of some and the capacity of others. They were too numerous, besides, and too much divided to be able to act in complete harmony, and they were too much men of speech and the pen to be able to act to good purpose under such circumstances, even if they had agreed among themselves.
Nevertheless, we succeeded in triumphing over this so formidable insurrection; nay87 more, it was just that which rendered it so terrible which saved us. One might well apply in this case the famous phrase of the Prince de Condé, during the wars of religion: "We should have been destroyed, had we not been so near destruction." Had the revolt borne a less radical88 character and a less ferocious89 aspect, it is probable that the greater part of the middle class would have stayed at home; France would not have come to our aid; the National Assembly itself would perhaps have yielded, or at least a minority of its members would have advised it; and the energy of the whole body would have been greatly unnerved. But the insurrection was of[200] such a nature that any commerce with it became at once impossible, and from the first it left us no alternative but to defeat it or to be destroyed ourselves.
The same reason prevented any man of consideration from placing himself at its head. In general, insurrections—I mean even those which succeed—begin without a leader; but they always end by securing one. This insurrection finished without having found one; it embraced every class of the populace, but never passed those limits. Even the Montagnards in the Assembly did not dare pronounce in its favour. Several pronounced against it. They did not even yet despair of attaining90 their ends by other means; they feared, moreover, that the triumph of the workmen would soon prove fatal to them. The greedy, blind and vulgar passions which induced the populace to take up arms alarmed them; for these passions are as dangerous to those who sympathize with them, without utterly91 abandoning themselves to them, as to those who reprove and combat them. The only men who could have placed themselves at the head of the insurgents had allowed themselves to be prematurely92 taken, like fools, on the 15th of May; and they only heard the sound of the conflict through the walls of the dungeon93 of Vincennes.
Preoccupied94 though I was with public affairs, I continued to be distressed95 with the uneasiness which my young nephews once more caused me. They had been sent back to the Little Seminary, and I[201] feared that the insurrection must come pretty near, if it had not already reached, the place where they lived. As their parents were not in Paris, I decided96 to go and fetch them, and I accordingly again traversed the long distance separating the Palais-Bourbon from the Rue Notre-Dame-des-Champs. I came across a few barricades erected97 during the night by the forlorn hope of the insurrection; but these had been either abandoned or captured at daybreak.
All these quarters resounded98 with a devilish music, a mixture of drums and trumpets100, whose rough, discordant101, savage102 notes were new to me. In fact, I heard for the first time—and I have never heard it since—the rally, which it had been decided should never be beaten except in extreme cases and to call the whole population at once to arms. Everywhere National Guards were issuing from the houses; everywhere stood groups of workmen in blouses, listening with a sinister103 air to the rally and the cannon. The fighting had not yet reached so far as the Rue Notre-Dame-des-Champs, although it was very near it. I took my nephews with me, and returned to the Chamber104.
As I approached, and when I was already in the midst of the troops which guarded it, an old woman, pushing a barrow full of vegetables, obstinately105 barred my progress. I ended by telling her pretty curtly106 to make way. Instead of doing so, she left her barrow and flew at me in such a frenzy107 that[202] I had great difficulty in protecting myself. I was horrified108 at the hideous109 and frightful110 expression of her face, on which were depicted all the fury of demagogic passion and the rage of civil war. I mention this little fact because I beheld in it, and with good cause, an important symptom. In violently critical times, even actions which have nothing to do with politics assume a singular character of anger and disorder111, which does not escape the attentive112 eye, and which is an unfailing index of the general state of mind. These great public excitements form a sort of glowing atmosphere in which all private passions seethe113 and bubble.
I found the Assembly agitated by a thousand sinister reports. The insurrection was gaining ground in every direction. Its head-quarters, or, so to speak, its trunk, was behind the H?tel de Ville, whence it stretched its long arms further and further to right and left into the suburbs, and threatened soon to hug even us. The cannon was drawing appreciably114 nearer. And to this correct news were added a thousand lying rumours115. Some said that our troops were running short of ammunition; others, that a number of them had laid down their arms or gone over to the insurgents.
M. Thiers asked Barrot, Dufaure, Rémusat, Lanjuinais and myself to follow him to a private room. There he said:
"I know something of insurrections, and I tell you this is the worst I have ever seen. The[203] insurgents may be here within an hour, and we shall be butchered one and all. Do you not think that it would be well for us to agree to propose to the Assembly, so soon as we think necessary and before it becomes too late, that it should call back the troops around it, in order that, placed in their midst, we may all leave Paris together and remove the seat of the Republic to a place where we could summon the army and all the National Guards in France to our assistance?"
He said this in very eager tones and with a greater display of excitement than is, perhaps, advisable in the presence of great danger. I saw that he was pursued by the ghost of February. Dufaure, who had a less vivid imagination, and who, moreover, never readily made up his mind to associate himself with people he did not care about, even to save himself, phlegmatically116 and somewhat sarcastically117 explained that the time had not yet come to discuss a plan of this kind; that we could always talk of it later on; that our chances did not seem to him so desperate as to oblige us to entertain so extreme a remedy; that to entertain it was to weaken ourselves. He was undoubtedly118 right, and his words broke up the consultation119. I at once wrote a few lines to my wife, telling her that the danger was hourly increasing, that Paris would perhaps end by falling entirely120 into the power of the revolt, and that, in that case, we should be obliged to leave it in order to carry on the civil war elsewhere. I charged her[204] to go at once to Saint-Germain by the railroad, which was still free, and there to await my news; told my nephews to take the letter; and returned to the Assembly. I found them discussing a decree to proclaim Paris in a state of siege, to abolish the powers of the Executive Commission, and to replace it by a military dictatorship under General Cavaignac.
The Assembly knew precisely121 that this was what it wanted. The thing was easily done: it was urgent, and yet it was not done. Each moment some little incident, some trivial motion interrupted and turned aside the current of the general wish; for assemblies are very liable to that sort of nightmare in which an unknown and invisible force seems always at the last moment to interpose between the will and the deed and to prevent the one from influencing the other. Who would have thought that it was Bastide who should eventually induce the Assembly to make up its mind? Yet he it was.
I had heard him say—and it was very true—speaking of himself, that he was never able to remember more than the first fifteen words of a speech. But I have sometimes observed that men who do not know how to speak produce a greater impression, under certain circumstances, than the finest orators122. They bring forward but a single idea, that of the moment, clothed in a single phrase, and somehow they lay it down in the rostrum like[205] an inscription123 written in big letters, which everybody perceives, and in which each instantly recognizes his own particular thought. Bastide, then, displayed his long, honest, melancholy124 face in the tribune, and said, with a mournful air:
"Citizens, in the name of the country, I beseech125 you to vote as quickly as possible. We are told that perhaps within an hour the H?tel de Ville will be taken."
These few words put an end to debate, and the decree was voted in the twinkling of an eye.
I protested against the clause proclaiming Paris in a state of siege; I did so by instinct rather than reflection. I have such a contempt and so great a natural horror for military despotism that these feelings came rising tumultuously in my breast when I heard a state of siege suggested, and even dominated those prompted by our peril54. In this I made a mistake in which I fortunately found few to imitate me.
The friends of the Executive Commission have asserted in very bitter terms that their adversaries and the partisans126 of General Cavaignac spread ominous127 rumours on purpose to precipitate128 the vote. If the latter did really resort to this trick, I gladly pardon them, for the measures they caused to be taken were indispensable to the safety of the country.
Before adopting the decree of which I have spoken, the Assembly unanimously voted another, which declared that the families of those who should[206] fall in the struggle should receive a pension from the Treasury129 and their children be adopted by the Republic.
It was decided that sixty members of the Chamber, appointed by the committees, should spread themselves over Paris, inform the National Guards of the different decrees issued by the Assembly, and re-establish their confidence, which was said to be uncertain and discouraged. In the committee to which I belonged, instead of immediately appointing commissioners130, they began an endless discussion on the uselessness and danger of the resolution adopted. In this manner a great deal of time was lost. I ended by stopping this ludicrous chatter132 with a word. "Gentlemen," I said, "the Assembly may have been mistaken; but permit me to observe that, having passed a two-fold resolution, it would be a disgrace for it to draw back, and a disgrace for us not to submit."
They voted on the spot; and I was unanimously elected a commissioner131, as I expected. My colleagues were Cormenin and Crémieux, to whom they added Goudchaux. The latter was then not so well known, although in his own way he was the most original of them all. He was at once a Radical and a banker, a rare combination; and by dint133 of his business occupations, he had succeeded by covering with a few reasonable ideas the foundation of his mind, which was filled with mad theories that always ended by making their way to the top. It was[207] impossible to be vainer, more irascible, more quarrelsome, petulant134 or excitable than he. He was unable to discuss the difficulties of the Budget without shedding tears; and yet he was one of the valiantest little men it was possible to meet.
Thanks to the stormy discussion in our committee, the other deputations had already left, and with them the guides and the escort who were to have accompanied us. Nevertheless, we set out, after putting on our scarves, and turned our steps alone and a little at hazard towards the interior of Paris, along the right bank of the Seine. By that time the insurrection had made such progress that one could see the cannon drawn135 up in line and firing between the Pont des Arts and the Pont Neuf. The National Guards, who saw us from the top of the embankment, looked at us with anxiety; they respectfully took off their hats, and said in an undertone, and with grief-stricken accents, "Long live the National Assembly!" No noisy cheers uttered at the sight of a king ever came more visibly from the heart, or pointed79 to a more unfeigned sympathy. When we had passed through the gates and were on the Carrousel, I saw that Cormenin and Crémieux were imperceptibly making for the Tuileries, and I heard one of them, I forget which, say:
"Where can we go? And what can we do of any use without guides? Is it not best to content ourselves with going through the Tuileries gardens? There are several battalions of the reserve stationed[208] there; we will inform them of the decrees of the Assembly."
"Certainly," replied the other; "I even think we shall be executing the Assembly's instructions better than our colleagues; for what can one say to people already engaged in action? It is the reserves that we should prepare to fall into line in their turn."
I have always thought it rather interesting to follow the involuntary movements of fear in clever people. Fools coarsely display their cowardice136 in all its nakedness; but the others are able to cover it with a veil so delicate, so daintily woven with small, plausible137 lies, that there is some pleasure to be found in contemplating138 this ingenious work of the brain.
As may be supposed, I was in no humour for a stroll in the Tuileries gardens. I had set out in none too good a temper; but it was no good crying over spilt milk. I therefore pointed out to Goudchaux the road our colleagues had taken.
"I know," he said, angrily; "I shall leave them and I will make public the decrees of the Assembly without them."
Together we made for the gate opposite. Cormenin and Crémieux soon rejoined us, a little ashamed of their attempt. Thus we reached the Rue Saint-Honoré, the appearance of which was perhaps what struck me most during the days of June. This noisy, populous139 street was at this moment more deserted than I had ever seen it at[209] four o'clock on a winter morning. As far as the eye could reach, we perceived not a living soul; the shops, doors and windows were hermetically closed. Nothing was visible, nothing stirred; we heard no sound of a wheel, no clatter140 of a horse, no human footstep, but only the voice of the cannon, which seemed to resound99 through an abandoned city. Yet the houses were not empty; for as we walked on, we could catch glimpses at the windows of women and children who, with their faces glued to the panes, watched us go by with an affrighted air.
At last, near the Palais-Royal, we met some large bodies of National Guards, and our mission commenced. When Crémieux saw that it was only a question of talking, he became all ardour; he told them of what had happened at the National Assembly, and held forth141 to them in a little bravura142 speech which was heartily143 applauded. We found an escort there, and passed on. We wandered a long time through the little streets of that district, until we came in front of the great barricade33 of the Rue Rambuteau, which was not yet taken and which stopped our further progress. From there we came back again through all those little streets, which were covered with blood from the recent combats: they were still fighting from time to time. For it was a war of ambuscades, whose scene was not fixed144 but every moment changed. When one least expected it, one was shot at through a garret[210] window; and on breaking into the house, one found the gun but not the marksman: the latter escaped by a back-door while the front-door was being battered145 in. For this reason the National Guards had orders to have all the shutters146 opened, and to fire on all those who showed themselves at the windows; and they obeyed these orders so literally147 that they narrowly escaped killing148 several merely inquisitive people whom the sight of our scarves tempted56 to put their noses outside.
During this walk of two or three hours, we had to make at least thirty speeches; I refer to Crémieux and myself, for Goudchaux was only able to speak on finance, and as to Cormenin, he was always as dumb as a fish. To tell the truth, almost all the burden of the day fell upon Crémieux. He filled me, I will not say with admiration149, but with surprise. Janvier has said of Crémieux that he was "an eloquent150 louse." If only he could have seen him that day, jaded151, with uncovered breast, dripping with perspiration152 and dirty with dust, wrapped in a long scarf twisted several times in every direction round his little body, but constantly hitting upon new ideas, or rather new words and phrases, now expressing in gestures what he had just expressed in words, then in words what he had just expressed in gestures: always eloquent, always ardent153! I do not believe that anyone has ever seen, and I doubt whether anyone has ever imagined, a man who was uglier or more fluent.[211]
I observed that when the National Guards were told that Paris was in a state of siege, they were pleased, and when one added that the Executive Commission was overthrown154, they cheered. Never were people so delighted to be relieved of their liberty and their government. And yet this was what Lamartine's popularity had come to in less than two months.
When we had done speaking, the men surrounded us; they asked us if we were quite sure that the Executive Commission had ceased to act; we had to show them the decree to satisfy them.
Particularly remarkable155 was the firm attitude of these men. We had come to encourage them, and it was rather they who encouraged us. "Hold on at the National Assembly," they cried, "and we'll hold on here. Courage! no transactions with the insurgents! We'll put an end to the revolt: all will end well." I had never seen the National Guard so resolute156 before, nor do I think that we could rely upon finding it so again; for its courage was prompted by necessity and despair, and proceeded from circumstances which are not likely to recur157.
Paris on that day reminded me of a city of antiquity158 whose citizens defended the walls like heroes, because they knew that if the city were taken they themselves would be dragged into slavery. As we turned our steps back towards the Assembly, Goudchaux left us. "Now that we have done our[212] errand," said he, clenching159 his teeth, and in an accent half Gascon and half Alsatian, "I want to go and fight a bit." He said this with such a martial160 air, so little in harmony with his pacific appearance, that I could not help smiling.
He did, in fact, go and fight, as I heard the next day, and so well that he might have had his little paunch pierced in two or three places, had fate so willed it. I returned from my round convinced that we should come out victorious; and what I saw on nearing the Assembly confirmed my opinion.
Thousands of men were hastening to our aid from every part of France, and entering the city by all the roads not commanded by the insurgents. Thanks to the railroads, some had already come from fifty leagues' distance, although the fighting had only begun the night before. On the next and the subsequent days, they came from distances of a hundred and two hundred leagues. These men belonged indiscriminately to every class of society; among them were many peasants, many shopkeepers, many landlords and nobles, all mingled together in the same ranks. They were armed in an irregular and insufficient161 manner, but they rushed into Paris with unequalled ardour: a spectacle as strange and unprecedented162 in our revolutionary annals as that offered by the insurrection itself. It was evident from that moment that we should end by gaining the day, for the insurgents received no reinforcements, whereas we had all France for reserves.[213]
On the Place Louis XV., I met, surrounded by the armed inhabitants of his canton, my kinsman163 Lepelletier d'Aunay, who was Vice-President of the Chamber of Deputies during the last days of the Monarchy164. He wore neither uniform nor musket46, but only a little silver-hilted sword which he had slung165 at his side over his coat by a narrow white linen bandolier. I was touched to tears on seeing this venerable white-haired man thus accoutred.
"Won't you come and dine with us this evening?"
"No, no," he replied; "what would these good folk who are with me, and who know that I have more to lose than they by the victory of the insurrection—what would they say if they saw me leaving them to take it easy? No, I will share their repast and sleep here at their bivouac. The only thing I would beg you is, if possible, to hurry the despatch166 of the provision of bread promised us, for we have had no food since morning."
I returned to the Assembly, I believe at about three, and did not go out again. The remainder of the day was taken up by accounts of the fighting: each moment produced its event and its piece of news. The arrival of volunteers from one of the departments was announced; they were bringing in prisoners; flags captured on the barricades were brought in. Deeds of bravery were described, heroic words repeated; each moment we learnt of some person of note being wounded or[214] killed. As to the final issue of the day, nothing had yet occurred to enable us to form an opinion.
The President only called the Assembly together at infrequent intervals167 and for short periods; and he was right, for assemblies are like children, and idleness always makes them say or do a number of foolish things. Each time the sitting was resumed, he himself told us all that had been learnt for certain during the adjournment168. This President, as we know, was Sénard, a well-known Rouen advocate and a man of courage; but in his youth he had contracted so deep-seated a theatrical169 habit in the daily comedy played at the bar that he had lost the faculty170 of truthfully giving his true impressions of a thing, when by accident he happened to have any. It seemed always necessary that he should add some turgidity or other of his own to the feats171 of courage he described, and that he should express the emotion, which I believe he really felt, in hollow tones, a trembling voice, and a sort of tragic172 hiccough which reminded one of an actor on the stage. Never were the sublime173 and the ridiculous brought so close together: for the facts were sublime and the narrator ridiculous.
We did not adjourn31 till late at night to take a little rest. The fighting had stopped, to be resumed on the morrow. The insurrection, although everywhere held in check, had as yet been stifled174 nowhere.
FOOTNOTES:
[11] Of the Institute, a brother of Blanqui of the 15th of May.
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1
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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deluded
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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8
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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12
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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lottery
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| n.抽彩；碰运气的事，难于算计的事 | |
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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17
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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18
cadence
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| n.（说话声调的）抑扬顿挫 | |
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19
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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21
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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22
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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peevish
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| adj.易怒的，坏脾气的 | |
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outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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27
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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temerity
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| n.鲁莽，冒失 | |
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stoutness
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| 坚固，刚毅 | |
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30
adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adjourn
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| v.（使）休会，（使）休庭 | |
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32
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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barricade
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| n.路障，栅栏，障碍；vt.设路障挡住 | |
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barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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neatly
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| adv.整洁地，干净地，灵巧地，熟练地 | |
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38
egress
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| n.出去；出口 | |
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39
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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40
trotting
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| 小跑，急走( trot的现在分词 )； 匆匆忙忙地走 | |
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41
placid
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| adj.安静的，平和的 | |
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42
inquisitive
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| adj.求知欲强的，好奇的，好寻根究底的 | |
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43
onlooker
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| n.旁观者，观众 | |
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44
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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45
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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46
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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47
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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48
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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49
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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50
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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51
scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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52
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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53
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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54
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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55
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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56
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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57
thigh
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| n.大腿；股骨 | |
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58
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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59
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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60
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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61
hoarse
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| adj.嘶哑的，沙哑的 | |
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62
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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63
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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64
converge
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| vi.会合；聚集，集中；(思想、观点等)趋近 | |
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65
outskirts
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| n.郊外，郊区 | |
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66
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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67
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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68
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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69
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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70
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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71
fatigued
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| adj. 疲乏的 | |
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72
serenity
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| n.宁静，沉着，晴朗 | |
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73
metallic
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| adj.金属的；金属制的；含金属的；产金属的；像金属的 | |
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74
panes
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| 窗玻璃( pane的名词复数 ) | |
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75
augured
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| v.预示，预兆，预言( augur的过去式和过去分词 )；成为预兆；占卜 | |
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76
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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77
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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78
enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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80
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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81
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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82
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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83
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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84
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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85
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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87
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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88
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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91
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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93
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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94
preoccupied
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| adj.全神贯注的，入神的；被抢先占有的；心事重重的v.占据（某人）思想，使对…全神贯注，使专心于( preoccupy的过去式) | |
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distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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97
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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resound
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| v.回响 | |
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100
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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101
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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102
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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104
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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105
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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106
curtly
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| adv.简短地 | |
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107
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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108
horrified
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| a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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109
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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112
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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113
seethe
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| vi.拥挤，云集；发怒，激动，骚动 | |
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114
appreciably
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| adv.相当大地 | |
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115
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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116
phlegmatically
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117
sarcastically
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| adv.挖苦地，讽刺地 | |
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118
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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119
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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120
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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121
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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122
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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123
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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124
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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125
beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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126
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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127
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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128
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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129
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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130
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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131
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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132
chatter
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| vi.／n.喋喋不休；短促尖叫；(牙齿)打战 | |
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133
dint
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| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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134
petulant
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| adj.性急的，暴躁的 | |
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135
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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136
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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137
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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138
contemplating
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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139
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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140
clatter
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| v./n.(使)发出连续而清脆的撞击声 | |
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141
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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142
bravura
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| n.华美的乐曲；勇敢大胆的表现；adj.壮勇华丽的 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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146
shutters
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| 百叶窗( shutter的名词复数 )； （照相机的）快门 | |
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147
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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148
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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jaded
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| adj.精疲力竭的；厌倦的；（因过饱或过多而）腻烦的；迟钝的 | |
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152
perspiration
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| n.汗水；出汗 | |
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153
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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154
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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156
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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157
recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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158
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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159
clenching
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| v.紧握，抓紧，咬紧( clench的现在分词 ) | |
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160
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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161
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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162
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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163
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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164
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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165
slung
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| 抛( sling的过去式和过去分词 )； 吊挂； 遣送； 押往 | |
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166
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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167
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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168
adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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169
theatrical
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| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
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170
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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171
feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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172
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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173
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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174
stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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