One of the first acts of the French Revolution was to attack the Church; and amongst all the passions born of the Revolution the first to be excited and the last to be allayed1 were the passions hostile to religion. Even when the enthusiasm for liberty had vanished, and tranquillity2 had been purchased at the price of servitude, the nation still revolted against religious authority. Napoleon, who had succeeded in subduing3 the liberal spirit of the French Revolution, made vain efforts to restrain its antichristian spirit; and even in our own time we have seen men who thought to atone5 for their servility towards the meanest agents of political power by insolence6 towards God, and who whilst they abandoned all that was most free, most noble, and most lofty in the doctrines8 of the Revolution, flattered themselves that they still remained true to its spirit by remaining irreligious.
Nevertheless it is easy now to convince ourselves that the war waged against religions was but one incident of this great Revolution, a feature striking indeed but transient in its aspect, a passing result of the ideas, the passions, and special events which preceded and prepared it, and not an integral part of its genius.
The philosophy of the eighteenth century has rightly been looked upon as one of the chief causes of the Revolution, and it is quite true that this philosophy was profoundly irreligious. But we must be careful to observe that it contains two distinct and separable parts.
One of these relates to all the new or newly revived opinions concerning the condition of society, and the principles of civil and political laws, such, for instance, as the natural equality of mankind, and the abolition9 of all privileges of caste, of class, of profession, which is the consequence of that equality; the sovereignty of the people, the omnipotence10 of social power, the uniformity of laws. All these doctrines were not only causes of the French Revolution,[6] they were its very substance: of all its effects they are the most fundamental, the most lasting11, and the most true, as far as time is concerned.
In the other part of their doctrines the philosophers of the eighteenth century attacked the Church with the utmost fury; they fell foul12 of her clergy13, her hierarchy14, her institutions, her dogmas; and, in order more surely to overthrow15 them, they endeavoured to tear up the very foundations of Christianity. But as this part of the philosophy of the eighteenth century arose out of the very abuses which the Revolution destroyed, it necessarily disappeared together with them, and was as it were buried beneath its own triumph. I will add but one word to make myself more fully16 understood, as I shall return hereafter to this important subject: it was in the character of a political institution, far more than in that of a religious doctrine7, that Christianity had inspired such fierce hatreds18; it was not so much because the priests assumed authority over the concerns of the next world, as because they were landowners, landlords, tithe-owners, and administrators19 in this world; not because the Church was unable to find a place in the new society which was about to be constituted, but because she filled the strongest and most privileged place in the old state of society which was doomed20 to destruction.
Observe how the progress of time has made and still makes this truth more and more palpable day by day. In the same measure that the political effects of the Revolution have become more firmly established, its irreligious results have been annihilated21; in the same measure that all the old political institutions which the Revolution attacked have been entirely22 destroyed—that the powers, the influences, and the classes which were the objects of its especial hostility23 have been irrevocably crushed, until even the hatred17 they inspired has begun to lose its intensity—in the same measure, in short, as the clergy has separated itself more and more from all that formerly24 fell with it, we have seen the power of the Church gradually regain25 and re-establish its ascendency over the minds of men.
Neither must it be supposed that this phenomenon is peculiar26 to France; there is hardly any Christian4 church in Europe that has not recovered vitality27 since the French Revolution.
It is a great mistake to suppose that the democratic state of society is necessarily hostile to religion: nothing in Christianity, or even in Catholicism, is absolutely opposed to the spirit of this form of society, and many things in democracy are extremely favourable28 to it. Moreover, the experience of all ages has shown that the[7] most living root of religious belief has ever been planted in the heart of the people. All the religions which have perished lingered longest in that abode29, and it would be strange indeed if institutions which tend to give power to the ideas and passions of the people were, as a permanent and inevitable30 result, to lead the minds of men towards impiety31.
What has just been said of religious, may be predicated even more strongly of social, authority.
When the Revolution overthrew32 at once all the institutions and all the customs which up to that time had maintained certain gradations in society, and kept men within certain bounds, it seemed as if the result would be the total destruction not only of one particular order of society, but of all order: not only of this or that form of government, but of all social authority; and its nature was judged to be essentially33 anarchical. Nevertheless, I maintain that this too was true only in appearance.
Within a year from the beginning of the revolution, Mirabeau wrote secretly to the King: ‘Compare the new state of things with the old rule; there is the ground for comfort and hope. One part of the acts of the National Assembly, and that the more considerable part, is evidently favourable to monarchical34 government. Is it nothing to be without parliaments? without the pays d’état? without a body of clergy? without a privileged class? without a nobility? The idea of forming a single class of all the citizens would have pleased Richelieu; this equality of the surface facilitates the exercise of power. Several successive reigns35 of an absolute monarchy36 would not have done as much for the royal authority as this one year of revolution.’ Such was the view of the Revolution taken by a man capable of guiding it.
As the object of the French Revolution was not only to change an ancient form of government, but also to abolish an ancient state of society, it had to attack at once every established authority, to destroy every recognised influence, to efface37 all traditions, to create new manners and customs, and, as it were, to purge38 the human mind of all the ideas upon which respect and obedience39 had hitherto been based. Thence arose its singularly anarchical character.
But, clear away the ruins, and you behold40 an immense central power, which has attracted and absorbed into unity41 all the fractions of authority and influence which had formerly been dispersed42 amongst a host of secondary powers, orders, classes, professions, families and individuals, and which were disseminated43 throughout the whole fabric44 of society. The world had not seen such a power[8] since the fall of the Roman Empire. This power was created by the Revolution, or rather it arose spontaneously out of the ruins which the Revolution had left. The governments which it founded are more perishable45, it is true, but a hundred times more powerful than any of those which it overthrew; we shall see hereafter that their fragility and their power were owing to the same causes.
It was this simple, regular, and imposing46 form of power which Mirabeau perceived through the dust and rubbish of ancient, half-demolished institutions. This object, in spite of its greatness, was still invisible to the eyes of the many, but time has gradually unveiled it to all eyes. At the present moment it especially attracts the attention of rulers: it is looked upon with admiration47 and envy not only by those whom the Revolution has created, but by those who are the most alien and the most hostile to it; all endeavour, within their own dominions48, to destroy immunities49 and to abolish privileges. They confound ranks, they equalise classes, they supersede50 the aristocracy by public functionaries51, local franchises52 by uniform enactments53, and the diversities of authority by the unity of a Central Government. They labour at this revolutionary task with unwearied industry, and when they meet with occasional obstacles, they do not scruple54 to copy the measures as well as the maxims55 of the Revolution. They have even stirred up the poor against the rich, the middle classes against the nobility, the peasants against their feudal56 lords. The French Revolution has been at once their curse and their instructor57.
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1
allayed
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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6
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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7
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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12
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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14
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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15
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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16
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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impiety
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| n.不敬；不孝 | |
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32
overthrew
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| overthrow的过去式 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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efface
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| v.擦掉，抹去 | |
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purge
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| n.整肃，清除，泻药，净化；vt.净化，清除，摆脱；vi.清除，通便，腹泻，变得清洁 | |
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39
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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40
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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42
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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43
disseminated
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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45
perishable
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| adj.（尤指食物）易腐的，易坏的 | |
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46
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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47
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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48
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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49
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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50
supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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51
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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52
franchises
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| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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53
enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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54
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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55
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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56
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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57
instructor
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| n.指导者，教员，教练 | |
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