It is impossible to read the letters addressed by an Intendant of one of the provinces of France, under the old monarchy2, to his superiors and his subordinates, without admiring the similitude engendered3 by similar institutions between the administrators4 of those times and the administrators of our own. They seem to join hands across the abyss of the Revolution which lies between them. The same may be said of the people they govern. The power of legislation over the minds of men was never more distinctly visible.
The Ministers of the Crown had already conceived the design of taking actual cognisance of every detail of business and of regulating everything by their own authority from Paris. As time advanced and the administration became more perfect, this passion increased. Towards the end of the eighteenth century not a charitable workshop could be established in a distant province of France until the Comptroller-General himself had fixed5 the cost, drawn6 up the scheme, and chosen the site. If a poor-house was to be built the Minister must be informed of the names of the beggars who frequent it—when they arrive—when they depart. As early as the middle of the same century (in 1733) M. d’Argenson wrote—‘The details of business thrown upon the Ministers are immense. Nothing is done without them, nothing except by them, and if their information is not as extensive as their powers, they are obliged to leave everything to be done by clerks, who become in reality the masters.’
The Comptroller-General not only called for reports on matters of business, but even for minute particulars relating to individuals. To procure7 these particulars the Intendant applied8 in his turn to his Sub-delegates, and of course repeated precisely9 what they told him, just as if he had himself been thoroughly10 acquainted with the subject.
In order to direct everything from Paris and to know everything there, it was necessary to invent a thousand checks and[55] means of control. The mass of paper documents was already enormous, and such was the tedious slowness of these administrative proceedings11, that I have remarked it always took at least a year before a parish could obtain leave to repair a steeple or to rebuild a parsonage: more frequently two or three years elapsed before the demand was granted.
The Council itself remarked in one of its minutes (March 29, 1773) that ‘the administrative formalities lead to infinite delays, and too frequently excite very well-grounded complaints; these formalities are, however, all necessary,’ added the Council.
I used to believe that the taste for statistics belonged exclusively to the administrators of the present day, but I was mistaken. At the time immediately preceding the Revolution of 1789 small printed tables were frequently sent to the Intendant, which he merely had to get filled up by his Sub-delegates and by the Syndics of parishes. The Comptroller-General required reports upon the nature of the soil, the methods of cultivation13, the quality and quantity of the produce, the number of cattle, and the occupations and manners of the inhabitants. The information thus obtained was neither less circumstantial nor more accurate than that afforded under similar circumstances by Sub-prefects and Mayors at the present day. The opinions recorded on these occasions by the Sub-delegates, as to the character of those under their authority, were for the most part far from favourable14. They continually repeated that ‘the peasants are naturally lazy, and would not work unless forced to do so in order to live.’ This economical doctrine15 seemed very prevalent amongst this class of administrators.
Even the official language of the two periods is strikingly alike. In both the style is equally colourless, flowing, vague, and feeble; the peculiar16 characteristics of each individual writer are effaced17 and lost in a general mediocrity. It is much the same thing to read the effusions of a modern Prefect or of an ancient Intendant.
Towards the end of a century, however, when the peculiar language of Diderot and Rousseau had had time to spread and mingle18 with the vulgar tongue, the false sensibility, with which the works of those writers are filled, infected the administrators and reached even the financiers. The official style, usually so dry in its texture19, was become more unctuous20 and even tender. A Sub-delegate laments22 to the Intendant of Paris ‘that in the exercise of his functions he often feels grief most poignant23 to a feeling heart.’
Then, as at the present time, the Government distributed certain charitable donations among the various parishes, on condition that the inhabitants should on their part give certain alms. When[56] the sum thus offered by them was sufficient, the Comptroller-General wrote on the margin24 of the list of contributions, ‘Good; express satisfaction;’ but if the sum was considerable, he wrote, ‘Good; express satisfaction and sensibility.’
The administrative functionaries25, nearly all belonging to the middle ranks, already formed a class imbued26 with a spirit peculiar to itself, and possessing traditions, virtues27, an honour and a pride of its own. This was, in fact, the aristocracy of the new order of society, completely formed and ready to start into life; it only waited until the Revolution had made room for it.
The administration of France was already characterised by the violent hatred28 which it entertained indiscriminately towards all those not within its own pale, whether belonging to the nobility or to the middle classes, who attempted to take any part in public affairs. The smallest independent body, which seemed likely to be formed without its intervention29, caused alarm; the smallest voluntary association, whatever was its object, was considered troublesome; and none were suffered to exist but those which it composed in an arbitrary manner, and over which it presided. Even the great industrial companies found little favour in the eyes of the administration; in a word, it did not choose that the citizens should take any concern whatever in the examination of their own affairs, and preferred sterility30 to competition. But, as it has always been necessary to allow the French people the indulgence of a little licence to console them for their servitude, the Government suffered them to discuss with great freedom all sorts of general and abstract theories of religion, philosophy, morals, and even politics. It was ready enough to allow the fundamental principles upon which society then rested to be attacked, and the existence of God himself to be discussed, provided no comments were made upon the very least of its own agents. Such speculations31 were supposed to be altogether irrelevant32 to the State.
Although the newspapers of the eighteenth century, or as they were then called the gazettes, contained more epigrams than polemics33, the administration looked upon this small power with a very jealous eye. It was indulgent enough towards books, but already extremely harsh towards newspapers; so, being unable altogether to suppress them, it endeavoured to turn them to its own purposes. Under the date of 1761 I find a circular addressed to all the Intendants throughout the kingdom, announcing that the King (Louis XV.) had directed that in future the ‘Gazette de France’ should be drawn up under the inspection34 of the Government; ‘his Majesty35 being desirous,’ says the circular, ‘to render[57] that journal interesting, and to ensure to it a superiority over all others. In consequence whereof,’ adds the Minister, ‘you will take care to send me a bulletin of everything that happens in your district likely to engage the curiosity of the public, more especially whatever relates to physical science, natural history, or remarkable36 and interesting occurrences.’ This circular is accompanied by a prospectus37 setting forth38 that the new Gazette, though appearing oftener and containing more matter than the journal which it supersedes39, will cost the subscribers much less.
Furnished with these documents, the Intendant wrote to his Sub-delegates and set them to work; but at first they replied that they knew nothing. This called forth a second letter from the Minister, complaining bitterly of the sterility of the province as to news. ‘His Majesty commands me to tell you that it is his intention that you should pay very serious attention to this matter, and that you should give the most precise order to your agents.’ Hereupon the Sub-delegates undertake the task. One of them reported that a smuggler41 of salt had been hung, and had displayed great courage; another that a woman in his district had been delivered of three girls at a birth; a third that a dreadful storm had occurred, though without doing any mischief42. One of them declared that in spite of all his efforts he had been unable to discover anything worth recording43, but that he would subscribe40 himself to so useful a journal, and would exhort44 all respectable persons to follow his example. All these efforts seem, however, to have produced but little effect, for a fresh letter informs us that ‘the King, who has the goodness,’ as the Minister says, ‘himself to enter into the whole detail of the measures for perfecting the Gazette, and who wishes to give to this journal the superiority and celebrity45 it deserves, has testified much dissatisfaction on seeing his views so ill carried out.’
History is a picture gallery, containing few originals and a great many copies.
It must be admitted, however, that in France the Central Government never imitated those Governments of the South of Europe which seem to have taken possession of everything only in order to render everything barren. The French Government frequently showed great intelligence as to its functions, and always displayed prodigious46 activity. But its activity was often unproductive and even mischievous47, because at times it endeavoured to do that which was beyond its power, or that which no one could control.
It rarely attempted, or quickly abandoned, the most necessary[58] reforms, which could only be carried out by persevering48 energy; but it constantly changed its by-laws and its regulations. Within the sphere of its presence nothing remained in repose49 for a moment. New regulations succeeded each other with such extraordinary rapidity that the agents of Government, amidst the multiplicity of commands they received, often found it difficult to discover how to obey them. Some municipal officers complained to the Comptroller-General himself of the extreme mobility50 of this subordinate legislation. ‘The variation of the financial regulations alone,’ said they, ‘is such, that a municipal officer, even were his appointment permanent, has no time for anything but studying the new rules as fast as they come out, even to the extent of being forced to neglect his own business.’
Even when the law itself was not altered its application varied51 every day. Without seeing the working of the administration under the old French Government in the secret documents which are still in existence, it is impossible to imagine the contempt into which the law eventually falls, even in the eyes of those charged with the application of it, when there are no longer either political assemblies or public journals to check the capricious activity, or to set bounds to the arbitrary and changeable humour of the Ministers and their offices.
We hardly find a single Order in Council that does not recite some anterior52 laws, often of very recent date, which had been enacted53 but never executed. There was not an edict, a royal declaration, or any solemnly registered letters-patent, that did not encounter a thousand impediments in its application. The letters of the Comptrollers-General and the Intendants show that the Government constantly permitted things to be done, by exception, at variance54 with its own orders. It rarely broke the law, but the law was perpetually made to bend slightly in all directions to meet particular cases, and to facilitate the conduct of affairs.
An Intendant writes to the minister with reference to a duty of octroi from which a contractor55 of public works wanted to be exempted56: ‘It is certain that according to the strict letter of the edicts and decrees which I have just quoted, no person throughout the kingdom is exempted from these duties; but those who are versed57 in the knowledge of affairs are well aware that these imperative58 enactments59 stand on the same footing as to the penalties which they impose, and that although they are to be found in almost every edict, declaration, and decree for the imposition of taxes, they have never prevented exceptions from being made.’
The whole essence of the then state of France is contained[59] in this passage: rigid60 rules and lax practice were its characteristics.
Any one who should attempt to judge the Government of that period by the collection of its laws would fall into the most absurd mistakes. Under the date 1757 I have found a royal declaration condemning61 to death any one who shall compose or print writings contrary to religion or established order. The bookseller who sells and the pedlar who hawks62 them are to suffer the same punishment. Was this in the age of St. Dominic? It was under the supremacy63 of Voltaire.
It is a common subject of complaint against the French that they despise law; but when, alas64! could they have learned to respect it? It may be truly said that amongst the men of the period I am describing, the place which should be filled in the human mind by the notion of law was empty. Every petitioner65 entreated66 that the established order of things should be set aside in his favour with as much vehemence67 and authority as if he were demanding that it should be properly enforced; and indeed its authority was never alleged68 against him but as a means of getting rid of his importunity69. The submission70 of the people to the existing powers was still complete, but their obedience71 was the effect of custom rather than of will, and when by chance they were stirred up, the slightest excitement led at once to violence, which again was almost always repressed by counter-violence and arbitrary power, not by the law.
In the eighteenth century the central authority in France had not yet acquired that sound and vigorous constitution which it has since exhibited; nevertheless, as it had already succeeded in destroying all intermediate authorities, and had left only a vast blank between itself and the individuals constituting the nation, it already appeared to each of them from a distance as the only spring of the social machine, the sole and indispensable agent of public life.
Nothing shows this more fully72 than the writings even of its detractors. When the long period of uneasiness which preceded the Revolution began to be felt, all sorts of new systems of society and government were concocted73. The ends which these various reformers had in view were various, but the means they proposed were always the same. They wanted to employ the power of the central authority in order to destroy all existing institutions, and to reconstruct them according to some new plan of their own device; no other power appeared to them capable of accomplishing such a task. The power of the State ought, they said, to be as[60] unlimited74 as its rights; all that was required was to force it to make a proper use of both. The elder Mirabeau, a nobleman so imbued with the notion of the rights of his order that he openly called the Intendants ‘intruders,’ and declared that if the appointment of the magistrates75 was left altogether in the hands of the Government, the courts of justice would soon be mere12 ‘bands of commissioners,’—Mirabeau himself looked only to the action of the central authority to realise his visionary schemes.
These ideas were not confined to books; they found entrance into men’s minds, modified their customs, affected76 their habits, and penetrated77 throughout society, even into every-day life.
No one imagined that any important affair could be properly carried out without the intervention of the State. Even the agriculturists—a class usually refractory78 to precept—were disposed to think that if agriculture did not improve, it was the fault of the Government, which did not give them sufficient advice and assistance. One of them writes to an Intendant in a tone of irritation79 which foreshadows the coming Revolution. ‘Why does not the Government appoint inspectors80 to go once a year into the provinces to examine the state of cultivation, to instruct the cultivators how to improve it—to tell them what to do with their cattle, how to fatten81, rear, and sell them, and where to take them to market? These inspectors should be well paid; and the farmers who exhibited proofs of the best system of husbandry should receive some mark of honour.’
Agricultural inspectors and crosses of honour! Such means of encouraging agriculture never would have entered into the head of a Suffolk farmer.
In the eyes of the majority of the French the Government was alone able to ensure public order; the people were afraid of nothing but the patrols, and men of property had no confidence in anything else. Both classes regarded the gendarme82 on his rounds not merely as the chief defender83 of order, but as order itself. ‘No one,’ says the provincial84 assembly of Guyenne, ‘can fail to observe that the sight of a patrol is well calculated to restrain those most hostile to all subordination.’ Accordingly every one wanted to have a squadron of them at his own door. The archives of an intendancy are full of requests of this nature; no one seemed to suspect that under the guise85 of a protector a master might be concealed86.[32]
Nothing struck the émigrés so much on their arrival in England as the absence of this military force. It filled them with surprise, and often even with contempt, for the English. One of[61] them, a man of ability, but whose education had not prepared him for what he was to see, wrote as follows:—‘It is perfectly87 true that an Englishman congratulates himself on having been robbed, on the score that at any rate there is no patrol in his country. A man may lament21 anything that disturbs public tranquillity88, but he will nevertheless comfort himself, when he sees the turbulent restored to society, with the reflection that the letter of the law is stronger than all other considerations. Such false notions, however,’ he adds, ‘are not absolutely universal; there are some wise people who think otherwise, and wisdom must prevail in the end.’
But that these eccentricities89 of the English could have any connection with their liberties never entered into the mind of this observer. He chose rather to explain the phenomenon by more scientific reasons. ‘In a country,’ said he, ‘where the moisture of the climate, and the want of elasticity90 in the air, give a sombre tinge91 to the temperament92, the people are disposed to give themselves up to serious objects. The English people are naturally inclined to occupy themselves with the affairs of government, to which the French are averse93.’
The French Government having thus assumed the place of Providence94, it was natural that every one should invoke95 its aid in his individual necessities. Accordingly we find an immense number of petitions which, while affecting to relate to the public interest, really concern only small individual interests.[33] The boxes containing them are perhaps the only place in which all the classes composing that society of France, which has long ceased to exist, are still mingled96. It is a melancholy97 task to read them: we find peasants praying to be indemnified for the loss of their cattle or their horses; wealthy landowners asking for assistance in rendering98 their estates more productive; manufacturers soliciting99 from the Intendant privileges by which they may be protected from a troublesome competition, and very frequently confiding100 the embarrassed state of their affairs to him, and begging him to obtain for them relief or a loan from the Comptroller-General. It appears that some fund was set apart for this purpose.
Even the nobles were often very importunate101 solicitants; the only mark of their condition is the lofty tone in which they begged. The tax of twentieths was to many of them the principal link in the chain of their dependence102.[2] Their quota103 of this tax was fixed every year by the Council upon the report of the Intendant, and[62] to him they addressed themselves in order to obtain delays and remissions. I have read a host of petitions of this nature made by nobles, nearly all men of title, and often of very high rank, in consideration, as they stated, of the insufficiency of their revenues, or the disordered state of their affairs. The nobles usually addressed the Intendant as ‘Monsieur;’ but I have observed that, under these circumstances, they invariably called him ‘Monseigneur,’ as was usually done by men of the middle class. Sometimes pride and poverty were drolly104 mixed in these petitions. One of the nobles wrote to the Intendant: ‘Your feeling heart will never consent to see the father of a family of my rank strictly105 taxed by twentieths like a father of the lower classes.’ At the periods of scarcity106, which were so frequent during the eighteenth century, the whole population of each district looked to the Intendant, and appeared to expect to be fed by him alone. It is true that every man already blamed the Government for all his sufferings. The most inevitable107 privations were ascribed to it, and even the inclemency108 of the seasons was made a subject of reproach to it.
We need not be astonished at the marvellous facility with which centralisation was re-established in France at the beginning of this century.[34] The men of 1789 had overthrown109 the edifice110, but its foundations remained deep in the very minds of the destroyers, and on these foundations it was easy to build it up anew, and to make it more stable than it had ever been before.
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1
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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unctuous
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| adj.油腔滑调的，大胆的 | |
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lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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laments
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| n.悲恸，哀歌，挽歌( lament的名词复数 )v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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poignant
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| adj.令人痛苦的，辛酸的，惨痛的 | |
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margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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sterility
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| n.不生育，不结果，贫瘠，消毒，无菌 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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irrelevant
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| adj.不恰当的，无关系的，不相干的 | |
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polemics
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| n.辩论术，辩论法；争论( polemic的名词复数 )；辩论；辩论术；辩论法 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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prospectus
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| n.计划书；说明书；慕股书 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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supersedes
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| 取代，接替( supersede的第三人称单数 ) | |
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subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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smuggler
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| n.走私者 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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mobility
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| n.可动性，变动性，情感不定 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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anterior
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| adj.较早的；在前的 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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contractor
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| n.订约人，承包人，收缩肌 | |
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exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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hawks
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| 鹰( hawk的名词复数 )； 鹰派人物，主战派人物 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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petitioner
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| n.请愿人 | |
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entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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concocted
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| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的过去式和过去分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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inspectors
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| n.检查员( inspector的名词复数 )；（英国公共汽车或火车上的）查票员；（警察）巡官；检阅官 | |
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fatten
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| v.使肥，变肥 | |
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gendarme
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| n.宪兵 | |
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defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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eccentricities
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| n.古怪行为( eccentricity的名词复数 )；反常；怪癖 | |
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elasticity
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| n.弹性，伸缩力 | |
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tinge
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| vt.(较淡)着色于，染色；使带有…气息；n.淡淡色彩，些微的气息 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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soliciting
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| v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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importunate
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| adj.强求的；纠缠不休的 | |
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102
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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103
quota
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| n.（生产、进出口等的）配额，（移民的）限额 | |
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drolly
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| adv.古里古怪地；滑稽地；幽默地；诙谐地 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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106
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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107
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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108
inclemency
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| n.险恶，严酷 | |
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109
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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