The political preponderance of capital cities over the rest of the empire is caused neither by their situation, their size, nor their wealth, but by the nature of the government. London, which contains the population of a kingdom, has never hitherto exercised a sovereign influence over the destinies of Great Britain. No citizen of the United States ever imagined that the inhabitants of New York could decide the fate of the American union. Nay3 more, no one even in the State of New York conceives that the will of that city alone could direct the affairs of the nation. Yet New York at this moment numbers as many inhabitants as Paris contained when the Revolution broke out.
At the time of the wars of religion in France Paris was thickly peopled in proportion to the rest of the kingdom as in 1789. Nevertheless, at that time it had no decisive power. At the time of the Fronde Paris was still no more than the largest city in France. In 1789 it was already France itself.
As early as 1740 Montesquieu wrote to one of his friends, ‘Nothing is left in France but Paris and the distant provinces, because Paris has not yet had time to devour4 them.’ In 1750 the Marquis de Mirabeau, a fanciful but sometimes deep thinker, said, in speaking of Paris without naming it: ‘Capital cities are necessary; but if the head grows too large, the body becomes apoplectic5 and the whole perishes. What then will be the result, if by giving over the provinces to a sort of direct dependence6, and considering their inhabitants only as subjects of the Crown of an inferior order, to whom no means of consideration are left and no career for ambition is open, every man possessing any talent is drawn7 towards the capital!’ He called this a kind of silent revolution which must deprive the provinces of all their men of rank, business, and talent.
[64]
The reader who has followed the preceding chapters attentively8 already knows the causes of this phenomenon; it would be a needless tax on his patience to enumerate9 them afresh in this place.
This revolution did not altogether escape the attention of the Government, but chiefly by its physical effect on the growth of the city. The Government saw the daily extension of Paris and was afraid that it would become difficult to administer so large a city properly. A great number of ordinances10 issued by the Kings of France, chiefly during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, were destined11 to put a stop to the growth of the capital. These sovereigns were concentrating the whole public life of France more and more in Paris or at its gates, and yet they wanted Paris to remain a small city. The erection of new houses was forbidden, or else commands were issued that they should be built in the most costly12 manner and in unattractive situations which were fixed13 upon beforehand. Every one of these ordinances, it is true, declares, that in spite of all preceding edicts Paris had continued to spread. Six times during the course of his reign2 did Louis XIV., in the height of his power, in vain attempt to check the increase of Paris; the city grew continually in spite of all edicts. Its political and social preponderance increased even faster than its walls, not so much owing to what took place within them as to the events passing without.
During this period all local liberties gradually became extinct, the symptoms of independent vitality14 disappeared. The distinctive15 features of the various provinces became confused, and the last traces of the ancient public life were effaced16. Not that the nation was falling into a state of languor17; on the contrary, activity everywhere prevailed; but the motive18 principle was no longer anywhere but in Paris. I will cite but one example of this from amongst a thousand. In the reports made to the Minister on the condition of the bookselling trade, I find that in the sixteenth century and at the beginning of the seventeenth, many considerable printing offices existed in provincial19 towns which are now without printers, or where the printers are without work. Yet there can be no doubt that many more literary productions of all kinds were published at the end of the eighteenth century than during the sixteenth; but all mental activity now emanated20 from the centre alone; Paris had totally absorbed the provinces. At the time when the French Revolution broke out, this first revolution was fully21 accomplished22.
The celebrated23 traveller Arthur Young left Paris soon after the[65] meeting of the States-General, and a few days before the taking of the Bastille; the contrast between that which he had just seen in the city and that which he found beyond its walls filled him with surprise. In Paris all was noise and activity; every hour produced a fresh political pamphlet; as many as ninety-two were published in a week. ‘Never,’ said he, ‘did I see such activity in publishing, even in London.’ Out of Paris all seemed inert24 and silent; few pamphlets and no newspapers were printed. Nevertheless, the provinces were agitated25 and ready for action, but motionless; if the inhabitants assembled from time to time, it was in order to hear the news which they expected from Paris. In every town Young asked the inhabitants what they intended to do? ‘The answer,’ he says, ‘was always the same: “Ours is but a provincial town; we must wait to see what will be done at Paris.” These people,’ he adds, ‘do not even venture to have an opinion until they know what is thought at Paris.’
Nothing was more astonishing than the extraordinary ease with which the Constituent26 Assembly destroyed at a single stroke all the ancient French provinces, many of which were older than the monarchy28, and then divided the kingdom methodically into eighty-three distinct portions, as though it had been the virgin29 soil of the New World. Europe was surprised and alarmed by a spectacle for which it was so little prepared. ‘This is the first time,’ said Burke, ‘that we have seen men tear their native land in pieces in so barbarous a manner.’ No doubt it appeared like tearing in pieces living bodies, but, in fact, the provinces that were thus dismembered were only corpses30.
While Paris was thus finally establishing its supremacy31 externally, a change took place within its own walls equally deserving the notice of history. After having been a city merely of exchange, of business, of consumption, and of pleasure, Paris had now become a manufacturing town; a second fact, which gave to the first a new and more formidable character.
The origin of this change was very remote; it appears that even during the Middle Ages Paris was already the most industrious32 as well as the largest city of the kingdom. This becomes more manifest as we approach modern times. In the same degree that the business of administration was brought to Paris, industrial affairs found their way thither33. As Paris became more and more the arbiter34 of taste, the sole centre of power and of the arts, and the chief focus of national activity, the industrial life of the nation withdrew and concentrated itself there in the same proportion.
Although the statistical35 documents anterior36 to the Revolution[66] are, for the most part, deserving of little confidence, I think it may safely be affirmed that, during the sixty years which preceded the French Revolution, the number of artisans in Paris was more than doubled; whereas during the same period the general population of the city scarcely increased one third.
Independently of the general causes which I have stated, there were other very peculiar37 causes which attracted working men to Paris from all parts of France, and agglomerated38 them by degrees in particular quarters of the town, which they ended by occupying almost exclusively. The restrictions39 imposed upon manufactures by the fiscal40 legislation of the time were lighter41 at Paris than anywhere else in France; it was nowhere so easy to escape from the tyranny of the guilds42. Certain faubourgs, such as the Faubourg St. Antoine, and of the Temple specially43, enjoyed great privileges of this nature. Louis XVI. considerably44 enlarged these immunities45 of the Faubourg St. Antoine, and did his best to gather together an immense working population in that spot, ‘being desirous,’ said that unfortunate monarch27, in one of his edicts, ‘to bestow46 upon the artisans of the Faubourg St. Antoine a further mark of our protection, and to relieve them from the restrictions which are injurious to their interests as well as to the freedom of trade.’
The number of workshops, manufactories, and foundries had increased so greatly in Paris, towards the approach of the Revolution, that the Government at length became alarmed at it. The sight of this progress inspired it with many imaginary terrors. Amongst other things, we find an Order in Council, in 1782, stating that ‘the King, apprehending47 that the rapid increase of manufactures would cause a consumption of wood likely to become prejudicial to the supply of the city, prohibits for the future the creation of any establishment of this nature within a circuit of fifteen leagues round Paris.’ The real danger likely to arise from such an agglomeration48 gave no uneasiness to any one.
Thus then Paris had become the mistress of France, and the popular army which was destined to make itself master of Paris was already assembling.
It is pretty generally admitted, I believe, now, that administrative49 centralisation and the omnipotence50 of Paris have had a great share in the overthrow51 of all the various governments which have succeeded one another during the last forty years. It will not be difficult to show that the same state of things contributed largely to the sudden and violent ruin of the old monarchy, and must be numbered among the principal causes of that first Revolution which has produced all the succeeding ones.
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1
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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devour
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| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
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apoplectic
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| adj.中风的；愤怒的；n.中风患者 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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7
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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9
enumerate
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| v.列举，计算，枚举，数 | |
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10
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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11
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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13
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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14
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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languor
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| n.无精力，倦怠 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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inert
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| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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constituent
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| n.选民；成分，组分；adj.组成的，构成的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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32
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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33
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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statistical
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| adj.统计的，统计学的 | |
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anterior
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| adj.较早的；在前的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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agglomerated
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| 团聚颗粒 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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41
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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42
guilds
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| 行会，同业公会，协会( guild的名词复数 ) | |
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43
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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44
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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45
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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46
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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47
apprehending
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的现在分词 )； 理解 | |
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48
agglomeration
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| n.结聚，一堆 | |
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49
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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50
omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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51
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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