If the reader were here to interrupt the perusal2 of this book, he would have but a very imperfect impression of the government of the old French monarchy, and he would not understand the state of society produced by the Revolution.
Since the citizens of France were thus divided and thus contracted within themselves, since the power of the Crown was so extensive and so great, it might be inferred that the spirit of independence had disappeared with public liberty, and that the whole French people were equally bent4 in subjection. Such was not the case; the Government had long conducted absolutely and alone all the common affairs of the nation; but it was as yet by no means master of every individual existence.
Amidst many institutions already prepared for absolute power some liberty survived; but it was a sort of strange liberty, which it is not easy at the present day to conceive aright, and which must be very closely scrutinised to comprehend the good and the evil resulting from it.
Whilst the Central Government superseded5 all local powers, and filled more and more the whole sphere of public authority, some institutions which the Government had allowed to subsist6, or which it had created, some old customs, some ancient manners, some abuses even, served to check its action, to keep alive in the hearts of a large number of persons a spirit of resistance, and to preserve the consistency7 and the independent outline of many characters.
Centralisation had already the same tendency, the same mode of operation, the same aims as in our own time, but it had not yet the same power. Government having, in its eagerness to turn everything into money, put up to sale most of the public offices, had thus deprived itself of the power of giving or withdrawing[95] those offices at pleasure. Thus one of its passions had considerably8 impaired9 the success of another: its rapacity10 had balanced its ambition. The State was therefore incessantly11 reduced to act through instruments which it had not forged, and which it could not break. The consequence was that its most absolute will was frequently paralysed in the execution of it. This strange and vicious constitution of the public offices thus stood in stead of a sort of political guarantee against the omnipotence12 of the central power. It was a sort of irregular and ill-constructed breakwater, which divided the action and checked the stroke of the supreme13 power.
Nor did the Government of that day dispose as yet of that countless14 multitude of favours, assistances, honours, and moneys which it has now to distribute; it was therefore far less able to seduce15 as well as to compel.
The Government moreover was imperfectly acquainted with the exact limits of its power.[50] None of its rights were regularly acknowledged or firmly established; its range of action was already immense, but that action was still hesitating and uncertain, as one who gropes along a dark and unknown track. This formidable obscurity, which at that time concealed16 the limits of every power and enshrouded every right, though it might be favourable17 to the designs of princes against the freedom of their subjects, was frequently not less favourable to the defence of it.
The administrative18 power, conscious of the novelty of its origin and of its low extraction, was ever timid in its action when any obstacle crossed its path. It is striking to observe, in reading the correspondence of the French Ministers and Intendants of the eighteenth century, how this Government, which was so absolute and so encroaching as long as its authority is not contested, stood aghast at the aspect of the least resistance; agitated19 by the slightest criticism, alarmed by the slightest noise, ready on all such occasions to stop, to hesitate, to parley20, to treat, and often to fall considerably below the natural limits of its power. The nerveless egotism of Louis XV., and the mild benevolence21 of his successor, contributed to this state of things. It never occurred to these sovereigns that they could be dethroned. They had nothing of that harsh and restless temper which fear has since often imparted to those who govern. They trampled22 on none but those whom they did not see.
Several of the privileges, of the prejudices, of the false notions[96] most opposed to the establishment of a regular and salutary free government, kept alive amongst many persons a spirit of independence, and disposed them to hold their ground against the abuses of authority.
The Nobles despised the Administration, properly so called, though they sometimes had occasion to apply to it. Even after they had abandoned their former power, they retained something of that pride of their forefathers23 which was alike adverse24 to servitude and to law. They cared little for the general liberty of the community, and readily allowed the hand of authority to lie heavy on all about them; but they did not admit that it should lie heavy on themselves, and they were ready in case of need to run all risks to prevent it. At the commencement of the Revolution that nobility of France which was about to fall with the throne, still held towards the King, and still more towards the King’s agents, an attitude far higher, and language far more free, than the middle class, which was so soon to overthrow25 the monarchy. Almost all the guarantees against the abuse of power which France possessed26 during the thirty-seven years of her representative government, were already loudly demanded by the nobles. In reading the instructions of that Order to the States-General, amidst its prejudices and its crotchets, the spirit and some of the great qualities of an aristocracy may still be felt.[51] It must ever be deplored27 that, instead of bending that nobility to the discipline of law, it was uprooted28 and struck to the earth. By that act the nation was deprived of a necessary portion of its substance, and a wound was given to freedom which will never be healed. A class which has marched for ages in the first rank has acquired, in this long and uncontested exercise of greatness, a certain loftiness of heart, a natural confidence in its strength, and a habit of being looked up to, which makes it the most resisting element in the frame of society. Not only is its own disposition29 manly30, but its example serves to augment31 the manliness32 of every other class. By extirpating33 such an Order its very enemies are enervated34. Nothing can ever completely replace it; it can be born no more; it may recover the titles and the estates, but not the soul of its progenitors36.
The Clergy37, who have since frequently shown themselves so servilely submissive to the temporal sovereign in civil matters, whosoever that temporal sovereign might be, and who become his most barefaced38 flatterers on the slightest indication of favour to the Church, formed at that time one of the most independent bodies in[97] the nation, and the only body whose peculiar39 liberties would have enforced respect.[52]
The provinces had lost their franchises40; the rights of the towns were reduced to a shadow. No ten noblemen could meet to deliberate together on any matter without the express permission of the King. But the Church of France retained to the last her periodical assemblies. Within her bosom41 even ecclesiastical power was circumscribed42 by limits which were respected.[53] The lower clergy enjoyed the protection of solid guarantees against the tyranny of their superiors, and was not prepared for passive obedience43 to the Sovereign by the uncontrolled despotism of the bishop44. I do not attempt to pass any judgment45 on this ancient constitution of the Church; I merely assert that by this constitution the spirit of the priesthood was not fashioned to political servility.
Many of the ecclesiastics46 were moreover gentlemen of birth, and they brought with them into the Church the pride and indocility of their condition. All of them had, moreover, an exalted47 rank in the State, and certain privileges there. The exercise of those feudal48 rights, which had proved so fatal to the moral power of the Church, gave to its members, in their individual capacity, a spirit of independence towards the civil authority.
But that which especially contributed to give the clergy the opinions, the wants, the feelings, and often the passions of citizens, was the ownership of land. I have had the patience to read most of the reports and debates still remaining to us from the old Provincial49 Estates of France, and particularly those of Languedoc, a province in which the clergy participated even more than elsewhere in the details of the public administration; I have also examined the journals of the Provincial Assemblies which sat in 1779 and 1787. Bringing with me in this inquiry50 the impressions of our own times, I have been surprised to find bishops51 and priests, many of whom were equally eminent52 for their piety53 and for their learning, drawing up reports on the construction of a road or a canal, discussing with great science and skill the best methods to augment the produce of agriculture, to ensure the well-being54 of the inhabitants, and to encourage industry, these churchmen being always equal, and often superior, to all the laymen55 engaged with them in the transaction of the same affairs.
I maintain, in opposition56 to an opinion which is very generally[98] and very firmly established, that the nations which deprive the Roman Catholic clergy of all participation57 in landed property, and convert their incomes into salaries, do in fact only promote the interests of the Papacy, and those of the temporal Ruler, whilst they renounce58 an important element of freedom amongst themselves.
A man who, as far as the best portion of his nature is concerned, is the subject of a foreign authority, and who in the country where he dwells can have no family, will only be linked to the soil by one durable59 tie—namely, landed property. Break that bond, and he belongs to no place in particular. In the place where the accident of birth may have cast him, he lives like an alien in the midst of a civil community, scarcely any of whose civil interests can directly affect him. His conscience binds60 him to the Pope; his maintenance to the Sovereign. His only country is the Church. In every political event he perceives little more than the advantage or the loss of his own profession. Let but the Church be free and prosperous, what matters all the rest? His most natural political state is that of indifference—an excellent member of the Christian61 commonwealth62, but elsewhere a worthless citizen. Such sentiments and such opinions as these in a body of men who are the directors of childhood, and the guardians63 of morality, cannot fail to enervate35 the soul of the entire nation in relation to public life.
A correct impression of the revolution which may be effected in the human mind by a change wrought64 in social conditions, may be obtained from a perusal of the Instructions given to the Delegates of the Clergy at the States-General of 1789.[54]
The clergy in those documents frequently showed their intolerance, and sometimes a tenacious65 attachment66 to several of their former privileges; but, in other respects, not less hostile to despotism, not less favourable to civil liberty, not less enamoured of political liberty, than the middle classes or the nobility, this Order proclaimed that personal liberty must be secured, not by promises alone, but by a form of procedure analogous67 to the Habeas Corpus Act. They demanded the destruction of the State prisons, the abolition68 of extraordinary jurisdictions70 and of the practice of calling up causes to the Council of State, publicity71 of procedure, the permanence of judicial72 officers, the admissibility of all ranks to public employments, which should be open to merit alone; a system of military recruiting less oppressive and humiliating to the people, and from which none should be exempted73; the extinction74 by purchase of seignorial rights, which sprung from the feudal system were, they said, contrary to freedom; unrestricted freedom of[99] labour; the suppression of internal custom-houses; the multiplication75 of private schools, insomuch that one gratuitous76 school should exist in every parish; lay charitable institutions in all the rural districts, such as workhouses and workshops of charity; and every kind of encouragement to agriculture.
In the sphere of politics, properly so called, the clergy proclaimed, louder than any other class, that the nation had an indefeasible and inalienable right to assemble to enact77 laws and to vote taxes. No Frenchman, said the priests of that day, can be forced to pay a tax which he has not voted in person or by his representative. The clergy further demanded that States-General freely elected should annually78 assemble; that they should in presence of the nation discuss all its chief affairs; that they should make general laws paramount79 to all usages or particular privileges; that the deputies should be inviolable and the ministers of the Crown constantly responsible. The clergy also desired that assemblies of States should be created in all the provinces, and municipal corporations in all the towns. Of divine right not a word.
Upon the whole, and notwithstanding the notorious vices80 of some of its members, I question if there ever existed in the world a clergy more remarkable82 than the Catholic clergy of France at the moment when it was overtaken by the Revolution—a clergy more enlightened, more national, less circumscribed within the bounds of private duty and more alive to public obligations, and at the same time more zealous83 for the faith:—persecution proved it. I entered on the study of these forgotten institutions full of prejudices against the clergy of that day: I conclude that study full of respect for them. They had in truth no defects but those inherent in all corporate84 bodies, whether political or religious, when they are strongly constituted and knit together; such as a tendency to aggression85, a certain intolerance of disposition, and an instinctive—sometimes a blind—attachment to the particular rights of their Order.
The Middle Classes of the time preceding the Revolution were also much better prepared than those of the present day to show a spirit of independence. Many even of the defects of their social constitution contributed to this result. We have already seen that the public employments occupied by these classes were even more numerous than at present, and that the passion for obtaining these situations was equally intense. But mark the difference of the age. Most of those places being neither given nor taken away by the Government, increased the importance of those who filled them without placing them at the mercy of the ruler; hence, the very[100] cause which now completes the subjection of so many persons was precisely86 that which most powerfully enabled them at that time to maintain their independence.
The immunities87 of all kinds which so unhappily separated the middle from the lower classes, converted the former into a spurious aristocracy, which often displayed the pride and the spirit of resistance of the real aristocracy. In each of those small particular associations which divided the middle classes into so many sections, the general advantage was readily overlooked, but the interests and the rights of each body were always kept in view. The common dignity, the common privileges were to be defended.[55] No man could ever lose himself in the crowd, or find a hiding-place for base subserviency88. Every man stood, as it were, on a stage, extremely contracted it is true, but in a glare of light, and there he found himself in presence of the same audience, ever ready to applaud or to condemn89 him.
The art of stifling90 every murmur91 of resistance was at that time far less perfected than it is at present. France had not yet become that dumb region in which we dwell: every sound on the contrary had an echo, though political liberty was still unknown, and every voice that was raised might be heard afar.
That which more especially in those times ensured to the oppressed the means of being heard was the constitution of the Courts of Justice. France had become a land of absolute government by her political and administrative institutions, but her people were still free by her institutions of justice. The judicial administration of the old monarchy was complicated, troublesome, tedious, and expensive: these were no doubt great faults, but servility towards the Government was not to be met with there—that servility which is but another form of venality92, and the worst form. That capital vice81, which not only corrupts93 the judge, but soon infects the whole body of the people, was altogether unknown to the elder magistracy. The judges could not be removed, and they sought no promotion—two things alike necessary to their independence; for what matters it that a judge cannot be coerced94 if there are a thousand means of seduction?
It is true that the power of the Crown had succeeded in depriving the Courts of ordinary jurisdiction69 of the cognisance of almost all the suits in which the public authorities were interested; but though they had been stripped, they still were feared. Though they might be prevented from recording95 their judgments96, the Government did not always dare to prevent them from receiving[101] complaints or from recording their opinions; and as the language of the Courts still preserved the tone of that old language of France which loved to call things by their right names, the magistrates97 not unfrequently stigmatised the acts of the Government as arbitrary and despotic.[56] The irregular intervention98 of the Courts in the affairs of government, which often disturbed the conduct of them, thus served occasionally to protect the liberties of the subject. The evil was great, but it served to curb99 a greater evil.
In these judicial bodies and all around them the vigour100 of the ancient manners of the nation was preserved in the midst of modern opinions. The Parliaments of France doubtless thought more of themselves than of the commonwealth; but it must be acknowledged that, in defence of their own independence and honour, they always bore themselves with intrepidity101, and that they imparted their spirit to all that came near them.
When in 1770 the Parliament of Paris was broken, the magistrates who belonged to it submitted to the loss of their profession and their power without a single instance of any individual yielding to the will of the sovereign. Nay102, more, some Courts of a different kind, such as the Court of Aids, which were neither affected103 nor menaced, voluntarily exposed themselves to the same harsh treatment, when that treatment had become certain. Nor is this all: the leading advocates who practised before the Parliament resolved of their own accord to share its fortune; they renounced104 all that made their glory and their wealth, and condemned105 themselves to silence rather than appear before dishonoured106 judges. I know of nothing in the history of free nations grander than what occurred on this occasion, and yet this happened in the eighteenth century, hard by the court of Louis XV.
The habits of the French Courts of justice had become in many respects the habits of the nation. The Courts of justice had given birth to the notion that every question was open to discussion and every decision subject to appeal, and likewise to the use of publicity, and to a taste for forms of proceeding—things adverse to servitude: this was the only part of the education of a free people which the institutions of the old monarchy had given to France. The administration itself had borrowed largely from the language and the practice of the Courts. The King considered himself obliged to assign motives107 for his edicts, and to state his reasons before he drew the conclusion; the Council of State caused its orders to be preceded by long preambles109; the Intendants promulgated[102] their ordinances110 in the forms of judicial procedure. In all the administrative bodies of any antiquity111, such, for example, as the body of the Treasurers112 of France or that of the élus (who assessed the taille), the cases were publicly debated and decided113 after argument at the bar. All these usages, all these formalities, were so many barriers to the arbitrary power of the sovereign.
The people alone, applying that term to the lower orders of society, and especially the people of the rural districts, were almost always unable to offer any resistance to oppression except by violence.
Most of the means of defence which I have here passed in review were, in fact, beyond their reach; to employ those means, a place in society where they could be seen, or a voice loud enough to make itself heard, was requisite114; But above the ranks of the lower orders there was not a man in France who, if he had the courage, might not contest his obedience and resist in giving way.
The King spoke115 as the chief of the nation rather than as its master. ‘We glory,’ said Louis XVI., at his accession, in the preamble108 of a decree, ‘we glory to command a free and generous nation.’ One of his ancestors had already expressed the same idea in older language, when, thanking the States-General for the boldness of their remonstrances116, he said, ‘We like better to speak to freemen than to serfs.’
The men of the eighteenth century knew little of that sort of passion for comfort which is the mother of servitude—a relaxing passion, though it be tenacious and unalterable, which mingles117 and intertwines itself with many private virtues118, such as domestic affections, regularity119 of life, respect for religion, and even with the lukewarm, though assiduous, practice of public worship, which favours propriety120 but proscribes121 heroism122, and excels in making decent livers but base citizens. The men of the eighteenth century were better and they were worse.
The French of that age were addicted123 to joy and passionately124 fond of amusement; they were perhaps more lax in their habits, and more vehement125 in their passions and opinions than those of the present day, but they were strangers to the temperate126 and decorous sensualism that we see about us. In the upper classes men thought more of adorning127 life than of rendering128 it comfortable; they sought to be illustrious rather than to be rich. Even in the middle ranks the pursuit of comfort never absorbed every faculty129 of the mind; that pursuit was often abandoned for higher and more refined enjoyments130; every man placed some object beyond the love of money before his eyes. ‘I know my countrymen,[103]’ said a contemporary writer, in language which, though eccentric, is spirited, ‘apt to melt and dissipate the metals, they are not prone131 to pay them habitual132 reverence133, and they will not be slow to turn again to their former idols134, to valour, to glory, and, I will add, to magnanimity.’
The baseness of mankind is, moreover, not to be estimated by the degree of their subserviency to a sovereign power; that standard would be an incorrect one. However submissive the French may have been before the Revolution to the will of the King, one sort of obedience was altogether unknown to them: they knew not what it was to bow before an illegitimate and contested power—a power but little honoured, frequently despised, but which is willingly endured because it may be serviceable or because it may hurt. To this degrading form of servitude they were ever strangers. The King inspired them with feelings which none of the most absolute princes who have since appeared in the world have been able to call forth135, and which are become incomprehensible to the present generation, so entirely136 has the Revolution extirpated137 them from the hearts of the nation. They loved him with the affection due to a father; they revered138 him with the respect due to God. In submitting to the most arbitrary of his commands they yielded less to compulsion than to loyalty139, and thus they frequently preserved great freedom of mind even in the most complete dependence3. To them the greatest evil of obedience was compulsion; to us it is the least: the worst is in that servile sentiment which leads men to obey. We have no right to despise our forefathers. Would to God that we could recover, with their prejudices and their faults, something of their greatness!
It would then be a mistake to think that the state of society in France before the Revolution was one of servility and dependence.[57] Much more liberty existed in that society than in our own time; but it was a species of irregular and intermittent140 liberty, always contracted within the bounds of certain classes, linked to the notion of exemption141 and of privilege, which rendered it almost as easy to defy the law as to defy arbitrary power, and scarcely ever went far enough to furnish to all classes of the community the most natural and necessary securities.[58] Thus reduced, and thus deformed142, liberty was still not unfruitful. It was this liberty which, at the very time when centralisation was tending more and more to equalise, to emasculate, and to dim the character of the nation, still preserved[104] amongst a large class of private persons their native vigour, their colour, and their outline, fostered self-respect in the heart, and often caused the love of glory to predominate over every other taste. By this liberty were formed those vigorous characters, those proud and daring spirits which were about to appear, and were to make the French Revolution at once the object of the admiration143 and the terror of succeeding generations. It would have been so strange that virtues so masculine should have grown on a soil where freedom was no more.
But if this sort of ill-regulated and morbid144 liberty prepared the French to overflow145 despotism, perhaps it likewise rendered them less fit than any other people to establish in lieu of that despotism the free and peaceful empire of constitutional law.
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1
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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seduce
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| vt.勾引，诱奸，诱惑，引诱 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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uprooted
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| v.把（某物）连根拔起( uproot的过去式和过去分词 )；根除；赶走；把…赶出家园 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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manliness
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| 刚毅 | |
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extirpating
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的现在分词 )；根除 | |
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enervated
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| adj.衰弱的，无力的v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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enervate
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| v.使虚弱，使无力 | |
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progenitors
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| n.祖先( progenitor的名词复数 )；先驱；前辈；原本 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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barefaced
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| adj.厚颜无耻的，公然的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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franchises
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| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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circumscribed
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| adj.[医]局限的：受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；划定…范围；限制；限定 | |
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43
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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44
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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45
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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46
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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47
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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48
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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49
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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50
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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51
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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52
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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53
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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54
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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55
laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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56
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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57
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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58
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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59
durable
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| adj.持久的，耐久的 | |
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60
binds
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| v.约束( bind的第三人称单数 )；装订；捆绑；（用长布条）缠绕 | |
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61
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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62
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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63
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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64
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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65
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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66
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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67
analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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68
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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69
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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70
jurisdictions
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| 司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 )； 裁判权； 管辖区域； 管辖范围 | |
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71
publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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72
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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73
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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75
multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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76
gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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77
enact
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| vt.制定(法律)；上演，扮演 | |
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78
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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79
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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80
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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81
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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82
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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83
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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84
corporate
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| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
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85
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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86
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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87
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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88
subserviency
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| n.有用，裨益 | |
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89
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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90
stifling
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| a.令人窒息的 | |
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91
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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92
venality
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| n.贪赃枉法，腐败 | |
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93
corrupts
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的第三人称单数 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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94
coerced
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| v.迫使做( coerce的过去式和过去分词 )；强迫；（以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段）控制；支配 | |
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95
recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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96
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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97
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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98
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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99
curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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100
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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101
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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102
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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103
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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104
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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105
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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106
dishonoured
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| a.不光彩的，不名誉的 | |
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107
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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108
preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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109
preambles
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| n.序( preamble的名词复数 )；绪言；（法令、文件等的）序文；前言 | |
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110
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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111
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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112
treasurers
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| （团体等的）司库，财务主管( treasurer的名词复数 ) | |
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113
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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114
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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115
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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116
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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117
mingles
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| 混合，混入( mingle的第三人称单数 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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118
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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119
regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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120
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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121
proscribes
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的第三人称单数 ) | |
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122
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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123
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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124
passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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125
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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126
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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127
adorning
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| 修饰，装饰物 | |
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128
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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129
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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130
enjoyments
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| 愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 )； 令人愉快的事物； 享有； 享受 | |
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131
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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132
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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133
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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134
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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135
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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136
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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137
extirpated
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 )；根除 | |
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138
revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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139
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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140
intermittent
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| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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141
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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142
deformed
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| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
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143
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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144
morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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145
overflow
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| v.(使)外溢，(使)溢出；溢出，流出，漫出 | |
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