It cannot be doubted that the exhaustion5 of the kingdom under Louis XIV. began long before the reverses of that monarch4. The first indication of it is to be perceived in the most glorious years of his reign. France was ruined long before she had ceased to conquer. Vauban left behind him an alarming essay on the administrative6 statistics of his time. The Intendants of the provinces, in the reports addressed by them to the Duke of Burgundy at the close of the seventeenth century, and before the disastrous7 War of the Spanish Succession had begun, all alluded8 to the gradual decline of the nation, and they speak of it not as a very recent occurrence: ‘The population has considerably9 decreased in this district,’ says one of them. ‘This town, formerly10 so rich and flourishing, is now without employment,’ says another. Or again: ‘There have been manufactures in this province, but they are now abandoned;’ or, ‘The farmers formerly raised much more from the soil than they do at present; agriculture was in a far better condition twenty years ago.’ ‘Population and production have diminished by about one-fifth in the last thirty years,’ said an Intendant of Orleans at the same period. The perusal11 of these reports might be recommended to those persons who are favourable12 to absolute government, and to those princes who are fond of war.
As these hardships had their chief source in the evils of the constitution, the death of Louis XIV., and even the restoration of peace, did not restore the prosperity of the nation. It was the general opinion of all those who wrote on the art of government or on social economy in the first half of the eighteenth century, that the provinces were not recovering themselves; many even thought that their ruin was progressive. Paris alone, they said, grows in wealth and in extent. Intendants, ex-ministers, and men of business were of the same opinion on this point as men of letters.
[147]
For myself, I confess that I do not believe in this continuous decline of France throughout the first half of the eighteenth century; but an opinion so generally entertained amongst persons so well informed, proves at least that the country was making at that time no visible progress. All the administrative records connected with this period of the history of France which have fallen under my observation denote, indeed, a sort of lethargy in the community. The government continued to revolve13 in the orbit of routine without inventing any new thing; the towns made scarcely an effort to render the condition of their inhabitants more comfortable or more wholesome14; even in private life no considerable enterprise was set on foot.
About thirty or forty years before the Revolution broke out the scene began to change. It seemed as if a sort of inward perturbation, not remarked before, thrilled through the social frame. At first none but a most attentive15 eye could discern it; but gradually this movement became more characterised and more distinct. Year by year it gained in rapidity and in extent; the nation stirs, and seems about to rise once more. But, beware! It is not the old life of France which re-animates her. The breath of a new life pervades16 the mighty17 body, but pervades it only to complete its dissolution. Restless and agitated18 in their own condition, all classes are straining for something else; to better that condition is the universal desire, but this desire is so feverish19 and wayward that it leads men to curse the past, and to conceive a state of society altogether the reverse of that which lies before them.
Nor was it long before the same spirit penetrated20 to the heart of the Government. The Government was thus internally transformed without any external, alteration21; the laws of the kingdom were unchanged, but they were differently applied22.
I have elsewhere remarked that the Comptrollers-General and the Intendants of 1760 had no resemblance to the same officers in 1780. The correspondence of the public offices demonstrates this fact in detail. Yet the Intendant of 1780 had the same powers, the same agents, the same arbitrary authority as his predecessor23, but not the same purposes; the only care of the former was to keep his province in a state of obedience24, to raise the militia25, above all to collect the taxes; the latter has very different views, his head is full of a thousand schemes for the augmentation of the wealth of the nation. Roads, canals, manufactures, commerce, are the chief objects of his thoughts; agriculture more particularly[148] attracts his notice. Sully came into fashion amongst the administrators27 of that age.
Then it was that they began to form the agricultural societies, which I have already mentioned; they established exhibitions, they distributed prizes. Some of the circulars of the Comptrollers-General were more like treatises28 on husbandry than official correspondence.
In the collection of all the taxes the change which had come over the mind of the governing body was especially perceptible. The existing law was still unfair, arbitrary and harsh, as it had long been, but all its defects were mitigated29 in the application of it.
‘When I began to study our fiscal30 laws,’ says M. Mollien,[72] in his Memoirs31, ‘I was terrified by what I found there: fines, imprisonment32, corporal punishment, were placed at the disposal of exceptional courts for mere33 oversights34; the clerks of the revenue farms had almost all property and persons in their power, subject to the discretion35 of their oaths. Fortunately I did not confine myself to the mere perusal of this code, and I soon had occasion to find out that between the text of the law and its application there was the same difference as between the manners of the old and the new race of financiers.’
‘The collection of taxes may undoubtedly36 give rise to infinite abuses and annoyances,’ said the Provincial37 Assembly of Lower Normandy in 1787; ‘we must, however, do justice to the gentleness and consideration with which these powers have been exercised for some years past.’
The examination of public records fully38 bears out this assertion. They frequently show a genuine respect for the life and liberty of man, and more especially a sincere commiseration39 for the sufferings of the poor, which before would have been sought for in vain. Acts of violence committed by the fiscal officers on paupers40 had become rare; remissions of taxation41 were more frequent, relief more abundant. The King augmented42 all the funds intended to establish workshops of charity in the rural districts, or to assist the indigent43, and he often founded new ones. Thus more than[149] 80,000 livres were distributed by the State in this manner in the district of Upper Guienne alone in 1779; 40,000 in 1784 in that of Tours; 48,000 in that of Normandy in 1787. Louis XVI. did not leave this portion of the duties of government to his Ministers only; he sometimes took it upon himself. When in 1776, an edict of the Crown fixed44 the compensation due to the peasantry whose fields were devastated45 by the King’s game in the neighbourhood of the Royal seats, and established a simple and certain method of enforcing the payment of it, the King himself drew the preamble46 of the decree. Turgot relates that this virtuous47 and unfortunate Prince handed the paper to him with these words: ‘You see that I too have been at work.’ If we were to pourtray the Government of the old French monarchy such as it was in the last years of its existence, the image would be too highly flattered and too unlike the reality.
As these changes were brought about in the minds of the governing class and of the governed, the prosperity of the nation expanded with a rapidity heretofore unknown. It was announced by numerous symptoms: the population largely augmented; the wealth of the country augmented more largely still. The American War did not arrest this movement; the State was embarrassed by it, but the community continued to enrich itself by becoming more industrious48, more enterprising, more inventive.
‘Since 1774,’ says one of the members of the administration of that time, ‘different kinds of industry have by their extension enlarged the area of taxation on all commodities. ‘If we compare the terms of arrangement agreed upon at different periods of the reign of Louis XVI. between the State and the financial companies which farmed the public revenue, the rate of payment will be found to have risen at each renewal49 with increasing rapidity. The farm of 1786 produced fourteen millions more than that of 1780. ‘It may be reckoned that the produce of duties on consumption is increasing at the rate of two millions per annum,’ said Necker, in his Report of 1781.
Arthur Young declared that, in 1788, Bordeaux carried on a larger trade than Liverpool. He adds: ‘Latterly the progress of maritime50 commerce has been more rapid in France than in England; trade has doubled there in the last twenty years.’
With due regard to the difference of the times we are speaking of, it may be established that in no one of the periods which have followed the Revolution of 1789 has the national prosperity of France augmented more rapidly than it did in the twenty years[150] preceding that event.[73] The period of thirty-seven years of the constitutional monarchy of France, which were times of peace and progress, can alone be compared in this respect to the reign of Louis XVI.
The aspect of this prosperity, already so great and so rapidly increasing, may well be matter of surprise, if we think of all the defects which the Government of France still included, and all the restrictions51 against which the industry of the nation had still to contend. Perhaps there may be politicians who, unable to explain the fact, deny it, being of the opinion of Molière’s physician that a patient cannot recover against the rules of art. How are we to believe that France prospered52 and grew rich with unequal taxation, with a diversity of customary law, with internal custom-houses, with feudal53 rights, with guilds54, with purchased offices, &c.? In spite of all this, France was beginning to grow rich and expand on every side, because within all this clumsy and ill-regulated machinery55, which seemed calculated to check rather than to impel56 the social engine, two simple and powerful springs were concealed57, which, already, sufficed to keep the fabric58 together, and to drive it along in the direction of public prosperity—a Government which was still powerful enough to maintain order throughout the kingdom, though it had ceased to be despotic; a nation which, in its upper classes, was already the most enlightened and the most free on the continent of Europe, and in which every man could enrich himself after his own fashion and preserve the fortune he had once acquired.
The King still spoke59 the language of an arbitrary ruler, but in reality he himself obeyed that public opinion which inspired or influenced him day by day, and which he constantly consulted, flattered, feared; absolute by the letter of the laws, limited by their application. As early as 1784, Necker said in a public document as a thing not disputed: ‘Most foreigners are unable to form an idea of the authority now exercised in France by public opinion; they can hardly understand what is that invisible power which makes itself obeyed even in the King’s palace; yet such is the fact.’
Nothing is more superficial than to attribute the greatness and the power of a people exclusively to the mechanism60 of its laws; for, in this respect, the result is obtained not so much by the perfection of the engine as by the amount of the propelling power. Look at England, whose administrative laws still at the present day appear so much more complicated, more anomalous61, more[151] irregular, than those of France![74] Yet is there a country in Europe where the national wealth is greater, where private property is more extended, varied62, and secure, or where society is more stable and more rich? This is not caused by the excellence63 of any laws in particular, but by the spirit which pervades the whole legislation of England. The imperfection of certain organs matters nothing, because the whole is instinct with life.
As the prosperity, which I have just described, began to extend in France, the community nevertheless became more unsettled and uneasy; public discontent grew fierce; hatred64 against all established institutions increased. The nation was visibly advancing towards a revolution.
Nay65, more, those parts of France which were about to become the chief centres of this revolution were precisely66 the parts of the territory where the work of improvement was most perceptible. An examination of what remains67 of the archives of the ancient circumscription68 of the Ile de France readily shows that the abuses of the monarchy had been soonest and most effectually reformed in the immediate69 vicinity of Paris.[75] There, the liberty and property of the peasants were already better secured than in any other of what were termed the pays d’élection. Personal forced service had disappeared long before 1789. The taille was levied70 with greater regularity71, moderation, and fairness than in any other part of France. The ordinance72 made in 1772 for the amelioration of this tax in this district is a striking proof of what an Intendant could do for the advantage or for the misery73 of a whole province. As seen through this document, the aspect of the tax was already changed. Government commissioners74 were to proceed every year to each parish; the community was to assemble before them; the value of the taxable property was to be publicly established, and the resources of every tax-payer to be ascertained75 in his presence; in short, the taille was assessed with the assent76 of all those who had to pay it. The arbitrary powers of the village syndic, the unprofitable violence of the fiscal officers, were at an end. The taille no doubt retained its inherent defects under any system of collection: it lighted upon but one class of taxpayers77, and lay as heavy on industry as upon property; but in all other respects it widely differed from that which still bore the same name in the neighbouring divisions of the territory.
Nowhere, on the contrary, were the institutions of the whole monarchy less changed than on the banks of the Loire, near the[152] mouths of that river, in the marshes78 of Poitou and the heaths of Brittany. Yet there it was that the fire of civil war was kindled79 and kept alive, and that the fiercest and longest resistance was opposed to the Revolution; so that it might be said that the French found their position the more intolerable the better it became. Surprising as this fact is, history is full of such contradictions.
It is not always by going from bad to worse that a country falls into a revolution. It happens most frequently that a people, which had supported the most crushing laws without complaint, and apparently80 as if they were unfelt, throws them off with violence as soon as the burden begins to be diminished. The state of things destroyed by a revolution is almost always somewhat better than that which immediately preceded it; and experience has shown that the most dangerous moment for a bad government is usually that when it enters upon the work of reform. Nothing short of great political genius can save a sovereign who undertakes to relieve his subjects after a long period of oppression. The evils which were endured with patience so long as they were inevitable81 seem intolerable as soon as a hope can be entertained of escaping from them. The abuses which are removed seem to lay bare those which remain, and to render the sense of them more acute; the evil has decreased, it is true, but the perception of the evil is more keen. Feudalism in all its strength had not inspired as much aversion to the French as it did on the eve of its disappearance82. The slightest arbitrary proceedings83 of Louis XVI. seemed more hard to bear than all the despotism of Louis XIV.[76] The brief detention84 of Beaumarchais produced more excitement in Paris than the Dragonnades.
No one any longer contended in 1780 that France was in a state of decline; there seemed, on the contrary, to be just then no bounds to her progress. Then it was that the theory of the continual and indefinite perfectibility of man took its origin. Twenty years before nothing was to be hoped of the future: then nothing was to be feared. The imagination, grasping at this near and unheard-of felicity, caused men to overlook the advantages they already possessed85, and hurried them forward to something new.
Independently of these general reasons, there were other causes of this phenomenon which were more peculiar86 and not less powerful. Although the financial administration had improved with everything else, it still retained the vices87 which are inherent in[153] absolute government. As the financial department was secret and uncontrolled, many of the worst practices which had prevailed under Louis XIV. and Louis XV. were still followed. The very efforts which the Government made to augment26 the public prosperity—the relief and the rewards it distributed—the public works it caused to be executed—continually increased the expenditure88 without adding to the revenue in the same proportion; hence the King was continually thrown into embarrassments89 greater than those of his predecessors90. Like them, he left his creditors91 unpaid93; like them, he borrowed in all directions, but without publicity94 and without competition, and the creditors of the Crown were never sure of receiving their interest; even their capital was always at the mercy of the sovereign.
A witness worthy95 of credit, for he had seen these things with his own eyes and was better qualified96 than any other person to see them well, remarks on this subject:—‘The French were exposed to nothing but risks in their relations with their own Government. If they placed their capital in the State stocks, they could never reckon with certainty on the payment of interest to a given day; if they built ships, repaired the roads, clothed the army, they had nothing to cover their advance and no certainty of repayment97, so that they were reduced to calculate the chances of a Government contract as if it were a loan on terms of the utmost risk.’ And the same person adds, very judiciously98: ‘At this time, when the rapid growth of industry had developed amongst a larger number of men the love of property and the taste and the desire of comfort, those who had entrusted99 a portion of their property to the State were the more impatient of a breach100 of contract on the part of that creditor92 who was especially bound to fulfil his obligations.’
The abuses which are here imputed101 to the French administration were not at all new; what was new was the impression they produced. The vices of the financial system had even been far more crying in former times; but changes had taken place in Government and in society which rendered them infinitely102 more perceptible than they were of old.
The Government, having become more active in the last twenty years, and having embarked103 in every species of undertaking104 which it had never thought of before, was at last become the greatest consumer of the produce of industry and the greatest contractor105 of public works in the kingdom. The number of persons who had pecuniary106 transactions with the State, who were interested in Government loans, lived by Government wages, or speculated in Government contracts, had prodigiously107 increased. Never before[154] had the fortune of the nation and the fortunes of private persons been so much intermingled. The mismanagement of the public finances, which had long been no more than a public evil, thus became to a multitude of families a private calamity108. In 1789 the State was indebted nearly 600 millions of francs to creditors who were almost all in debt themselves, and who inoculated109 with their own dissatisfaction against the Government all those whom the irregularity of the public Treasury110 caused to participate in their embarrassments. And it must be observed, that as malcontents of this class became more numerous, they also became more exasperated111; for the love of speculation112, the thirst for wealth, the taste for comfort, having grown and extended in proportion to the business transacted113, the same evils which they might have endured thirty years before without complaint now appeared altogether insupportable.
Hence it arose that the fundholders, the traders, the manufacturers, and other persons engaged in business or in monetary114 affairs, who generally form the class most hostile to political innovation, the most friendly to existing governments, whatever they may be, and the most submissive to the laws even when they despise and detest115 them, were on this occasion the class most eager and resolute116 for reform. They loudly demanded a complete revolution in the whole system of finance, without reflecting that to touch this part of the Government was to cause every other part to fall.
How could such a catastrophe117 be averted118? On the one hand, a nation in which the desire of making fortunes extended every day—on the other, a Government which incessantly119 excited this passion, which agitated, inflamed120, and beggared the nation, driving by either path on its own destruction.
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1
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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revolve
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| vi.(使)旋转；循环出现 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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pervades
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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oversights
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| n.疏忽( oversight的名词复数 )；忽略；失察；负责 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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commiseration
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| n.怜悯，同情 | |
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paupers
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| n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 )；贫民；贫穷 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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indigent
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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guilds
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| 行会，同业公会，协会( guild的名词复数 ) | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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impel
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| v.推动；激励，迫使 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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mechanism
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| n.机械装置；机构，结构 | |
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anomalous
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| adj.反常的；不规则的 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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circumscription
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| n.界限；限界 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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72
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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taxpayers
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| 纳税人，纳税的机构( taxpayer的名词复数 ) | |
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marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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creditor
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| n.债仅人，债主，贷方 | |
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unpaid
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| adj.未付款的，无报酬的 | |
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publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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repayment
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| n.偿还，偿还款；报酬 | |
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judiciously
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| adv.明断地，明智而审慎地 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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103
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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contractor
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| n.订约人，承包人，收缩肌 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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prodigiously
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| adv.异常地，惊人地，巨大地 | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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inoculated
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| v.给…做预防注射( inoculate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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112
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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113
transacted
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| v.办理（业务等）( transact的过去式和过去分词 )；交易，谈判 | |
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114
monetary
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| adj.货币的，钱的；通货的；金融的；财政的 | |
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115
detest
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| vt.痛恨，憎恶 | |
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116
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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117
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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118
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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120
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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