As the common people of France had not appeared for one single moment on the theatre of public affairs for upwards1 of one hundred and forty years, no one any longer imagined that they could ever again resume their position. They appeared unconscious, and were therefore believed to be deaf; accordingly, those who began to take an interest in their condition talked about them in their presence just as if they had not been there. It seemed as if these remarks could only be heard by those who were placed above the common people, and that the only danger to be apprehended2 was that they might not be fully3 understood by the upper classes.
The very men who had most to fear from the fury of the people declaimed loudly in their presence on the cruel injustice4 under which the people had always suffered. They pointed5 out to each other the monstrous6 vices7 of those institutions which had weighed most heavily upon the lower orders: they employed all their powers of rhetoric8 in depicting9 the miseries10 of the common people and their ill-paid labour; and thus they infuriated while they endeavoured to relieve them. I do not speak of the writers, but of the Government, of its chief agents, and of those belonging to the privileged class itself.
When the King, thirteen years before the Revolution, tried to abolish the use of compulsory11 labour, he said, in the preamble12 to this decree, ‘With the exception of a small number of provinces (the pays d’état), almost all the roads throughout the kingdom have been made by the gratuitous13 labour of the poorest part of our subjects. Thus the whole burden has fallen on those who possess nothing but their hands, and who are interested only in a secondary degree in the existence of roads; those really interested are the landowners, nearly all privileged persons, whose estates are increased in value by the construction of roads. By forcing the poor to keep them up unaided, and by compelling them to give their time and labour without remuneration, they are deprived of[156] their sole resource against want and hunger, because they are made to labour for the profit of the rich.’
When, at the same period, an attempt was made to abolish the restrictions14 which the system of trading companies or guilds15 imposed on artisans, it was proclaimed, in the King’s name, ‘that the right to work is the most sacred of all possessions; that every law by which it is infringed16 violates the natural rights of man, and is null and void in itself; that the existing corporations are moreover grotesque17 and tyrannical institutions, the result of selfishness, avarice18, and violence.’ Such words as these were dangerous, no doubt, but, what was infinitely19 more so, was that they were spoken in vain. A few months later the corporations and the system of compulsory labour were again established.
It is said that Turgot was the Minister who put this language into the King’s mouth, but most of Turgot’s successors made him hold no other. When, in 1780, the King announced to his subjects that the increase of the taille would, for the future, be subject to public registration21, he took care to add, by way of commentary, ‘Those persons who are subject to the taille, besides being harassed22 by the vexations incident to its collection, have likewise hitherto been exposed to unexpected augmentations of the tax, insomuch that the contributions paid by the poorest part of our subjects have increased in a much greater proportion than those paid by all the rest.’ When the King, not yet venturing to place all the public burdens on an equal footing, attempted at least to establish equality of taxation24 in those which were already imposed on the middle class, he said, ‘His Majesty25 hopes that rich persons will not consider themselves aggrieved26 by being placed on the common level, and made to bear their part of a burden which they ought long since to have shared more equally.’
But it was, above all, at periods of scarcity27 that nothing was left untried to inflame28 the passions of the people far more than to provide for their wants. In order to stimulate29 the charity of the rich, one Intendant talked of ‘the injustice and insensibility of those landowners who owe all they possess to the labours of the poor, and who let them die of hunger at the very moment they are toiling30 to augment23 the returns of landed property.’ The King, too, thus expressed himself on a similar occasion: ‘His Majesty is determined31 to defend the people against man?uvres which expose them to the want of the most needful food, by forcing them to give their labour at any price that the rich choose to bestow32. The King will not suffer one part of his subjects to be sacrificed to the avidity of the other.’
[157]
Until the very end of the monarchy33 the strife34 which subsisted35 among the different administrative36 powers gave occasion for all sorts of demonstrations37 of this kind; the contending parties readily imputed38 to each other the miseries of the people. A strong instance of this appeared in the quarrel which arose, in 1772, between the Parliament of Toulouse and the King, with reference to the transport of grain. ‘The Government, by its bad measures, places the poor in danger of dying of hunger,’ said the Parliament. ‘The ambition of the Parliament and the avidity of the rich are the cause of the general distress,’ retorted the King. Thus both the parties were endeavouring to impress the minds of the common people with the belief that their superiors are always to blame for their sufferings.
These things are not contained in the secret correspondence of the time, but in public documents which the Government and the Parliaments themselves took care to have printed and published by thousands. The King took occasion incidentally to tell very harsh truths both to his predecessors39 and to himself. ‘The treasure of the State,’ said he on one occasion, ‘has been burdened by the lavish40 expenditure41 of several successive reigns42. Many of our inalienable domains43 have been granted on leases at nominal44 rents.’ On another occasion he was made to say, with more truth than prudence45, ‘The privileged trading companies mainly owed their origin to the fiscal46 avidity of the Crown.’ Farther on, he remarked that ‘if useless expenses have often been incurred47, and if the taille has increased beyond all bounds, it has been because the Board of Finance found an increase of the taille the easiest resource inasmuch as it was clandestine48, and was therefore employed, although many other expedients49 would have been less burdensome to our people.’[77]
All this was addressed to the enlightened part of the nation, in order to convince it of the utility of certain measures which private interests rendered unpopular. As for the common people, it was assumed that if they listened they did not understand.
It must be admitted that at the bottom of all these charitable feelings there remained a strong bias50 of contempt for these wretched beings whose miseries the higher classes so sincerely wished to relieve: and that we are somewhat reminded, by this display of compassion51, of the notion of Madame Duchatelet, who, as Voltaire’s secretary tells us, did not scruple52 to undress herself before her attendants, not thinking it by any means proved that lackeys53 are men. And let it not be supposed that Louis XVI.[158] or his ministers were the only persons who held the dangerous language which I have just cited; the privileged persons, who were about to become the first objects of the popular fury, expressed themselves in exactly the same manner before their inferiors. It must be admitted that in France the higher classes of society had begun to pay attention to the condition of the poor before they had any reason to fear them; they interested themselves in their fate at a time when they had not begun to believe that the sufferings of the poor were the precursors54 of their own perdition. This was peculiarly visible in the ten years which preceded 1789; the peasants were the constant objects of compassion, their condition was continually discussed, the means of affording them relief were examined, the chief abuses from which they suffered were exposed, and the fiscal laws which pressed most heavily upon them were condemned55; but the manner in which this new-born sympathy was expressed was as imprudent as the long-continued insensibility which had preceded it.
If we read the reports of the Provincial56 Assemblies which met in some parts of France in 1779, and subsequently throughout the kingdom, and if we study the other public records left by them, we shall be touched by the generous sentiments expressed in them, and astonished at the wonderful imprudence of the language in which they are expressed.
The Provincial Assembly of Lower Normandy said, in 1787, ‘We have too frequently seen the money destined57 by the King for roads serve only to increase the prosperity of the rich without any benefit to the people. It has often been employed to embellish58 the approach to a country mansion59 instead of making a more convenient entrance to a town or village.’ In the same assembly the Orders of nobility and clergy60, after describing the abuses of compulsory labour, spontaneously offered to contribute out of their own funds 50,000 livres towards the improvement of the roads, in order, as they said, that the roads of the province might be made practicable without any further cost to the people. It would probably have cost these privileged classes less to abolish the compulsory system, and to substitute for it a general tax of which they should pay their quota61; but though willing to give up the profit derived62 from inequality of taxation, they liked to maintain the appearance of the privilege. While they gave up that part of their rights which was profitable, they carefully retained that which was odious63.
Other assemblies, composed entirely64 of landowners exempt65 from the taille, and who fully intended to continue so, nevertheless[159] depicted66 in the darkest colours the hardships which the taille inflicted67 on the poor. They drew a frightful68 picture of all its abuses, which they circulated in all directions. But the most singular part of the affair is that to these strong marks of the interest they felt in the common people, they from time to time added public expressions of contempt for them. The people had already become the object of their sympathy without having ceased to be the object of their disdain69.
The Provincial Assembly of Upper Guienne, speaking of the peasants whose cause they so warmly pleaded, called them coarse and ignorant creatures, turbulent spirits, and rough and intractable characters. Turgot, who did so much for the people, seldom spoke20 of them otherwise.[78]
These harsh expressions were used in acts intended for the greatest publicity70, and meant to meet the eyes of the peasants themselves. It seemed as though the framers of them imagined that they were living in a country like Galicia, where the higher classes speak a different language from the lower, and cannot be understood by them. The feudalists of the eighteenth century, who frequently displayed towards the ratepayers and others who owed them feudal71 services, a disposition72 to indulgence, moderation, and justice, unknown to their predecessors, still spoke occasionally of ‘vile peasants.’ These insults seem to have been ‘in proper form,’ as the lawyers say.
The nearer we approach towards 1789, the more lively and imprudent does this sympathy with the hardships of the common people become. I have held in my hands the circulars addressed by several Provincial Assemblies in the very beginning of 1788 to the inhabitants of the different parishes, calling upon them to state in detail all the grievances73 of which they might have to complain.
One of these circulars is signed by an abbé, a great lord, three nobles, and a man of the middle class, all members of the Assembly, and acting74 in its name. This committee directed the Syndic of each parish to convoke75 all the peasants, and to inquire of them what they had to say against the manner in which the various taxes which they paid were assessed and collected. ‘We are generally aware,’ they say, ‘that most of the taxes, especially the gabelle and the taille, have disastrous76 consequences for the cultivators, but we are anxious to be acquainted with every single abuse.’ The curiosity of the Provincial Assembly did not stop there; it investigated the number of persons in the parish enjoying any privileges[160] with respect to taxes, whether nobles, ecclesiastics77, or roturiers, and the precise nature of these privileges; the value of the property of those thus exempted78; whether or not they resided on their estates; whether there was much Church property, or, as the phrase then was, land in mortmain, which was out of the market, and its value. All this even was not enough to satisfy them; they wanted to be told the share of duties, taille, additional dues, poll-tax, and forced labour-rate which the privileged class would have to pay, supposing equality of taxation existed.
This was to inflame every man individually by the catalogue of his own grievances; it pointed out to him the authors of his wrongs, emboldened79 him by showing him how few they were in number, and fired his heart with cupidity80, envy, and hatred81. It seemed as if the Jacquerie, the Maillotins, and the Sixteen were totally forgotten, and that no one was aware that the French people, which is the quietest and most kindly82 disposed in the world, so long as it remains83 in its natural frame of mind, becomes the most barbarous as soon as it is roused by violent passions.
Unfortunately I have not been able to procure84 all the returns sent in by the peasants in reply to these fatal questions; but I have found enough to show the general spirit which pervaded85 them.
In these reports the name of every privileged person, whether of the nobility or the middle class, is carefully mentioned; his mode of life is frequently described, and always in an unfavourable manner. The value of his property is curiously86 examined; the number and extent of his privileges are insisted on at length, and especially the injury they do to all the other inhabitants of the village. The bushels of corn which have to be paid to him as dues are reckoned up; his income is calculated in an envious87 tone—an income by which no one profits, they say. The casual dues of the parish priest—his stipend88, as it was already called—are pronounced to be excessive; it is remarked with bitterness that everything at church must be paid for, and that a poor man cannot even get buried gratis89. As to the taxes, they are all unfairly assessed and oppressive; not one of them finds favour, and they are all spoken of in a tone of violence which betrays exasperation90.
‘The indirect taxes are detestable,’ they say; ‘there is not a household in which the clerk of the excise91 does not come and search, nothing is sacred from his eyes and hands. The registration dues are crushing. The collector of the taille is a tyrant92, whose rapacity93 leads him to avail himself of every means of harassing94 the poor. The bailiffs are no better; no honest farmer[161] can be secure from their ferocity. The collectors are forced to ruin their neighbours in order to avoid exposing themselves to the voracity95 of these despots.’
The Revolution not only announces its approach in this inquiry96; it is already there, speaking its own proper language and showing its face without disguise.
Amid all the differences which exist between the religious Revolution of the sixteenth century and the French Revolution of the eighteenth, one contrast is peculiarly striking: in the sixteenth century most of the great nobles changed their religion from motives97 of ambition or cupidity; the people, on the contrary, from conviction and without any hope of profit. In the eighteenth century the reverse was the case; disinterested98 convictions and generous sympathies then agitated99 the enlightened classes and incited100 them to revolution, while a bitter feeling of their wrongs and an ardent101 desire to alter their position excited the common people. The enthusiasm of the former put the last stroke to inflaming102 and arming the rage and the desires of the latter.
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1
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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6
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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depicting
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| 描绘，描画( depict的现在分词 )； 描述 | |
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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guilds
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| 行会，同业公会，协会( guild的名词复数 ) | |
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infringed
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| v.违反（规章等）( infringe的过去式和过去分词 )；侵犯（某人的权利）；侵害（某人的自由、权益等） | |
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grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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registration
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| n.登记，注册，挂号 | |
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harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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45
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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47
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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clandestine
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| adj.秘密的，暗中从事的 | |
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49
expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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50
bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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51
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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52
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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53
lackeys
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| n.听差( lackey的名词复数 )；男仆（通常穿制服）；卑躬屈膝的人；被待为奴仆的人 | |
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precursors
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| n.先驱( precursor的名词复数 )；先行者；先兆；初期形式 | |
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55
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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56
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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57
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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58
embellish
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| v.装饰，布置；给…添加细节，润饰 | |
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mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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60
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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61
quota
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| n.（生产、进出口等的）配额，（移民的）限额 | |
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62
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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63
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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64
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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65
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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69
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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convoke
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| v.召集会议 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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emboldened
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| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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stipend
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| n.薪贴；奖学金；养老金 | |
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gratis
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| adj.免费的 | |
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exasperation
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| n.愤慨 | |
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excise
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| n.(国产)货物税；vt.切除，删去 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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voracity
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| n.贪食，贪婪 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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inflaming
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| v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的现在分词 ) | |
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