What I have previously2 said of France is applicable to the whole Continent. In the ten or fifteen years preceding the French Revolution, the human mind was abandoned, throughout Europe, to strange, incoherent, and irregular impulses, symptoms of a new and extraordinary disease, which would have singularly alarmed the world if the world had understood them.
A conception of the greatness of man in general, and of the omnipotence3 of his reason and the boundless4 range of his intelligence, had penetrated5 and pervaded6 the spirit of the age; yet this lofty conception of mankind in general was commingled7 with a boundless contempt for the age in which men were living and the society to which they belonged. Never was so much humility10 united to so much pride—the pride of humanity was inflated11 to madness; the estimate each man formed of his age and country was singularly low.
All over the Continent that instinctive12 attachment13 and involuntary respect which the men of all ages and all countries are wont14 in general to feel for their own peculiar15 institutions, for their traditional customs, and for the wisdom or the virtues16 of their forefathers17, had almost ceased to exist among the educated classes. Nothing was spoken of but the decrepitude18 and incoherence of existing institutions, the vices19 and corruption20 of existing society.
Traces of this state of mind may be discovered throughout the literature of Germany. The philosophy, the history, the poetry, even the novels of the time, are full of it. Every product of the intellect was so stamped by it, that the books of that epoch22 bear a mark that distinguishes them from the works of every other age. All the memoirs23 of that day, which gave birth to a profusion24 of[193] memoirs—all the correspondence of the time which has been published—attest a state of mind so different from the present, that nothing short of this concurrence25 of certain and abundant evidence could convince us of the fact.
Every page of Schlosser’s ‘History of the Eighteenth Century’ reveals this general presentiment26, that a great change was about to take place in the condition of mankind.
George Forster, one of the companions of Captain Cook, to whose expedition he had been attached with his father as a naturalist27, writes to Jacobi in 1779: ‘Things cannot remain as they are: this is announced by every symptom in the world of science, in the world of theology, and in that of politics. Much as my heart has hitherto desired peace, not less do I desire to see the arrival of this crisis on which such mighty28 hopes are founded.’[85] ‘Europe,’ he writes again in 1782, ‘seems to me on the brink29 of a horrible revolution; in truth the mass is so corrupt21 that bleeding may well be necessary.’[86] ‘The present state of society,’ said Jacobi, ‘presents to me nothing but the aspect of a dead and stagnant30 sea: that is why I could desire an inundation31, be it what it may, even of barbarians32, to sweep away this reeking33 marsh34 and lay bare a fresh soil.’[87] ‘We are living in the midst of shattered institutions and forms’—a monstrous35 chaos36 which everywhere reflects an image of dismay[88] and of death.’ These things were written in a pretty country house, by wealthy people, surrounded by their literary friends, who passed their time in endless philosophical37 discussions which affected38, excited, and inflamed39 them till they shed torrents40 of daily tears—in imagination.
It was not the princes, the ministers, the rulers, or those, in short, who, in different capacities, were directing the march of affairs, who perceived that some great change was at hand. The idea that government could become quite different from what government then was,—that all which had lasted so long might be destroyed and superseded42 by that which as yet only existed in the brain of a few men of letters—the thought that the existing[194] order of things might be overthrown43 to establish a new order in the midst of disorder44 and ruin, would have appeared to them an absurd illusion and a fantastic dream. The gradual improvement of society seemed to them the limit of the possible.
It is a common error of the people who are called wise and practical in ordinary times, to judge by certain rules the men whose very object is to change or to destroy those rules. When a time is come at which passion takes the guidance of affairs, the beliefs of men of experience are less worthy45 of consideration than the schemes which engage the imagination of dreamers.
It is curious to see in the official correspondence of that epoch, civil officers of ability and foresight46 laying their plans, framing their measures, and calculating scientifically the use they will make of their powers, at a time when the Government they are serving, the laws they are applying, the society they are living in, and they themselves shall be no more.
‘What scenes are passing in France!’ writes Johann Müller on the 6th of August, 1789.[89] ‘Blessed be the impression they produce on the nations and on their masters! I know there are excesses, but the cost of a free constitution is not too great. Is not a storm which purifies the air better than an atmosphere tainted47 as with the plague, even though here and there it should strike a few heads?’ ‘What an event,’ exclaimed Fox, ‘how much the greatest it is that ever happened in the world! and how much the best!’[90]
Can we be surprised that this conception of the Revolution as a general uprising of humanity, a conception which enlarged and invigorated so many small and feeble souls, should have taken possession at once of the mind of France, when even other countries partook of it? Nor is it astonishing that the first excesses of the Revolution should have affected the best patriots48 of France so little, when even foreigners who were not excited by the struggle or embittered49 by personal grievances50 could extend so much indulgence to them.
Let it not be supposed that this sort of abhorrence51 of themselves and of their age, which had thus strangely fallen upon almost all the inhabitants of the continent of Europe, was a superficial or a transient sentiment.
Ten years later, when the French Revolution had inflicted52 on Germany all sorts of violent transformations53 accompanied by death[195] and destruction, even then, one of those Germans, in whom enthusiasm for France had turned to bitter hatred54, exclaims, mindful of the past, in a confidential55 effusion, ‘What was is no more. What new edifice56 will be raised on the ruins, I know not. But this I know, that it would be the direst calamity57 if this tremendous era were again to give birth to the apathy58 and the worn-out forms of the past.’ ‘Yes,’ replied the person to whom these words were addressed, ‘the old social body must perish.’[91]
The years which preceded the French Revolution were, in almost every part of Europe, years of great national prosperity. The useful arts were everywhere more cultivated. The taste for enjoyments59, which follow in the train of affluence60, was more diffused61. Industry and commerce, which supply these wants, were improving and spreading. It seemed as if the life of man becoming thus more busy and more sensual, the human mind would lose sight of those abstract studies which embrace society, and would centre more and more on the petty cares of daily life. But the contrary took place. Throughout Europe, almost as much as in France, all the educated classes were plunged62 in philosophical discussions and dogmatical theories. Even in places ordinarily the most remote from speculations63 of this nature, the same train of argument was eagerly pursued. In the most trading cities of Germany, in Hamburg, Lubeck, and Dantzig, the merchants, traders, and manufacturers would meet after the labours of the day to discuss amongst themselves the great questions which affect the existence, the condition, the happiness of man. Even the women, amidst their petty household cares, were sometimes distracted by these enigmas64 of life. ‘We thought,’ says Perthes, ‘that by becoming highly enlightened, one might become perfect.’
‘Der K?nig sey der beste Mann, sonst sey der bessere K?nig,’
said the poet Claudius.
This period too gave birth to a new passion, embodied65 in a new word—cosmopolitism—which was to swallow up patriotism66. It seemed as if all classes were bent67 on escaping whenever they could from the care of their private affairs, to give themselves up to the grand interests of humanity.
As in France the love of letters filled a large space even in the busiest times, the publication of a new book was an event of interest in the smallest towns as well as in the chief cities. Everything was a subject of inquiry68; everything was a source of[196] emotion. Treasures of passion seemed accumulated in every breast, which sought but an occasion to break forth69.
Thus, a traveller who had been round the globe was an object of general attention. When Forster went to Germany in 1774, he was received with enthusiasm. Not a town but gave him an ovation70. Crowds flocked about him to hear his adventures from his own lips, but still more to hear him describe the unknown countries he had visited, and the strange customs of the men among whom he had been living. Was not their savage71 simplicity72 worthy more than all our riches and our arts: were not their instincts above our virtues?[92]
A certain unfrocked Lutheran priest, one Basidow, ignorant, quarrelsome, and a drunkard, a caricature of Luther, excogitated a new system of schools which was, he said, to change the ideas and manners of his countrymen. He put forth his scheme in coarse and intemperate73 language. The object, as he took care to announce, was not only to regenerate74 Germany, but the human race. Forthwith, all Germany is in movement. Princes, nobles, commons, towns, cities, abet75 the great innovator76. Lords and ladies of high estate write to Basidow to ask his advice. Mothers of families place his books in the hands of their children. The old schools founded by Melanchthon are forsaken77. A college, designed to educate these reformers of mankind, is founded under the name of the ‘Philanthropian,’ blazes for a moment, and disappears. The enthusiasm drops, leaving behind it confusion and doubt.
The real spirit of the age was to reject every form of mysticism, and to cling in all things to the evidence most palpable to the understanding. Nevertheless, in this violent perturbation of mind, men, not knowing as yet which way to look, cast themselves suddenly on the supernatural. On the eve of the French Revolution, Europe was covered with strange fraternities and secret societies, which only revived under new names delusions78 that had long been forgotten. Such, were the doctrines79 of Swedenborg, of the Martinists, of the Freemasons, the Illuminati, the Rosicrucians, the disciples80 of Strict Abstinence, the Mesmerists, and many other varieties of similar sects82. Many of these sects originally contemplated83 no more than the private advantage of their members.[197] But all of them now aspired84 to embrace the destinies of mankind. Most of them had been, at the time of their birth, wholly philosophical or religious: all now turned at once to politics, and were absorbed in them. By different means they all proposed to bring about the regeneration of society and the reform of governments. It is especially worthy of remark that this sense of unrest, this perturbation of the human mind which I am describing, did not manifest itself in the lower classes, which bore nevertheless the burden of existing abuses. Those classes were still motionless and inert85. Not the poor man, but the rich man was tossing in this feverish86 condition: the movement sunk not lower than the upper rank of the middle classes. Nowadays secret societies are filled by poor workmen, obscure artisans, or ignorant peasants. At the time I am speaking of they consisted entirely87 of princes, great nobles, capitalists, merchants, and men of letters.
When in 1786 the secret papers of the Illuminati were seized in the hands of their principal chiefs, many anarchical documents were found among them, in which personal property was denounced as the source of all evil, and absolute equality of conditions was vaunted. In the archives of the same sect81 a list of adepts88 was found. It consisted entirely of the most distinguished89 names in Germany, princes, great nobles, and ministers: the founder90 of the sect was himself a professor of canon law. The King of Poland and Prince Frederick of Prussia were Rosicrucians. The new King of Prussia, who had just succeeded Frederick the Great on the throne, immediately sent for the leading Rosicrucians and intrusted to them important missions.[93] ‘It is asserted,’ says Mounier[94] in his books on these sects, ‘that several great personages of France and Germany, some of whom were Protestants, took the tonsure91 in order to be admitted into the sect of Strict Observance.’
Another thing well worthy of notice: it was a time when the sciences had discredited92 the marvellous, as they became more positive and more certain—when the inexplicable93 was easily taken for the false, and when in all things reason claimed to supersede41 authority, reality the imaginary, and free inquiry faith: nevertheless there was not one of the sects I have just mentioned but had some point of contact with the supernatural; all of them ended in some fantastic conclusion. Some of them were imbued95 with mystical conceptions: others fancied they had found out the secret to change some of the laws of nature. At that moment[198] every species of enthusiasm might pass for science, every dreamer could find listeners, every impostor could find believers: nothing is more characteristic of the perplexed96 and agitated97 condition of men’s minds, running to and fro, like a benighted98 traveller who has lost his way, and who, instead of getting onward99, doubles back upon his own footsteps. And it was not the common herd100 of the people who were at the head of these extravagances; men of letters, men of learning believed in alchemy, in the visible action of the demon101, in the transmutation of metals, in the apparition102 of ghosts. Strange instance of belief in every form of absurdity103, growing amidst the decay of religious convictions—of men putting faith in every invisible and supernatural influence, except in that of God!
These mountebanks were the especial delight of sovereigns. Forster writes to his father from Cassel in 1782: ‘An old French adventuress is here who shows spirits to the Landgrave, and receives 150 louis d’or. He is vain enough to think that the devil may take the trouble to tempt9 him in person. She has with her another Frenchman who casts out bad spirits from the afflicted,’ etc. etc. Great monarchs104 had at their courts charlatans105 of the first water—Cagliostro, the Count de St. Germain or Mesmer: the little princes were fain to put up, for want of better, with ridiculous little tricksters.
The aspect of this society was nevertheless one of the most imposing106 which has ever been presented to the world, in spite of the errors and follies107 of the age. Never had humanity been prouder of itself than at that moment, for at no other moment, from the birth of all the ages, had man believed in his own omnipotence. The whole of Europe resembled a camp, awakening108 at break of day, bustling109 at first in different directions, until the rising sun points out the destined110 track and illuminates111 the road of march. Alas112! how little do those who come at the close of a great revolution resemble those who begin it,—full of lofty hopes, of generous designs, of stores of energy they are ready to pour forth, of noble delusions, of unselfish disinterestedness113. Many contemporary writers, unable to discern the general causes which had produced the strange subversion114 of society they were witnessing, attributed it to a conspiracy115 of secret societies.[95] As if any private conspiracy could ever explain a movement of such depth and so destructive of human institutions. The secret societies were certainly not the cause of the Revolution: but they[199] must be considered as one of the most conspicuous116 signs of its approach.
They were not the only signs.
It would be a mistake to suppose that the American Revolution was hailed with ardent117 sympathy in France alone: the noise of it went forth to the ends of Europe: everywhere it was regarded as a beacon118. Steffens, who fifty years later took so active a part in rousing Germany against France, relates in his Memoirs, that in early childhood the first thing that excited him was the cause of American independence.
‘I still remember vividly,’ says he, ‘what happened at Elsinore and in the roadstead, on the day when that peace was signed which secured the triumph of freedom. The day was fine; the roadstead was full of people of all nations. We awaited with eager impatience119 the very dawn. All the ships were dressed—the masts ornamented120 with pennons, everything covered with flags; the weather was calm, with just wind enough to cause the gay bunting to flutter in the breeze; the boom of cannon121, the cheers of the crews on deck, completed the festal character of the day. My father had invited some friends to his table; they drank to the victory of the Americans and the triumph of the popular cause, whilst a dim presentiment that great events would result from this triumph mingled8 with their rejoicings. It was the bright and cheering dawn of a bloody122 day. My father sought to imbue94 us with the love of political freedom. Contrary to the habit of the house, he had us brought to table; where he impressed on us the importance of the event we were witnessing, and bade us drink with him and his guests to the welfare of the new commonwealth123.’[96]
Of the men who, in every corner of old Europe, felt themselves thus moved by the deeds of a small community in the New World, not one thoroughly124 understood the deep and secret cause of his own emotion, yet all heard a signal in that distant sound. What it announced was still unknown. It was the voice of John crying in the wilderness125 that new times were at hand.
Seek not to assign to these facts which I have been relating any peculiar cause: all of them were different symptoms of the same social disease. On all hands the old institutions and the old powers no longer fitted accurately126 the new condition and the new wants of man. Hence that strange unrest which led even the great and the worldly to regard their own state of life as intolerable. Hence that universal thirst for change, which came unbidden[200] to every mind, though no one knew as yet how that change could be brought about. An internal and spontaneous impulse seemed to shake at once the whole fabric127 of society, and disturbed to their foundations the ideas and habits of every man. To hold back was felt to be impossible: yet none knew on which side they would incline; and the whole of Europe was in the condition of a huge mass which oscillates before it falls.
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1
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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commingled
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| v.混合，掺和，合并( commingle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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inflated
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| adj.（价格）飞涨的；（通货）膨胀的；言过其实的；充了气的v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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decrepitude
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| n.衰老；破旧 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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presentiment
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| n.预感，预觉 | |
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naturalist
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| n.博物学家(尤指直接观察动植物者) | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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stagnant
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| adj.不流动的，停滞的，不景气的 | |
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inundation
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| n.the act or fact of overflowing | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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reeking
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| v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的现在分词 )；散发臭气；发出难闻的气味 (of sth)；明显带有（令人不快或生疑的跡象） | |
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marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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51
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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52
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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transformations
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| n.变化( transformation的名词复数 )；转换；转换；变换 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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enjoyments
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| 愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 )； 令人愉快的事物； 享有； 享受 | |
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affluence
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| n.充裕，富足 | |
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diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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64
enigmas
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| n.难于理解的问题、人、物、情况等，奥秘( enigma的名词复数 ) | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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regenerate
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| vt.使恢复，使新生；vi.恢复，再生；adj.恢复的 | |
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abet
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| v.教唆，鼓励帮助 | |
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innovator
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| n.改革者；创新者 | |
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Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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delusions
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| n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 )；谬见；错觉；妄想 | |
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79
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inert
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| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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adepts
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| n.专家，能手( adept的名词复数 ) | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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tonsure
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| n.削发；v.剃 | |
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discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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imbue
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| v.灌输(某种强烈的情感或意见)，感染 | |
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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benighted
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| adj.蒙昧的 | |
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onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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100
herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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102
apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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103
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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104
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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charlatans
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| n.冒充内行者，骗子( charlatan的名词复数 ) | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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108
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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bustling
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| adj.喧闹的 | |
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110
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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111
illuminates
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| v.使明亮( illuminate的第三人称单数 )；照亮；装饰；说明 | |
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112
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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113
disinterestedness
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114
subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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115
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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116
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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117
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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118
beacon
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| n.烽火，（警告用的）闪火灯，灯塔 | |
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119
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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120
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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122
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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123
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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124
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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125
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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126
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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127
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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