It is scarcely worth while even to imagine the Highlands of East Africa denuded9 of their native inhabitants and occupied solely10 by Europeans. Such an idea is utterly11 impossible. Whatever may be the increase in the white population in the future, it is safe to say that it will be far more than counter-balanced by the multiplication12 of the natives, as they are guarded against famine and prevented from civil war. But were such a solution possible, it would be almost the last thing in the world desired by those who clamour for "a white man's country." For observe it is not against the black aboriginal4 that the prejudices and interests of the white settler or trader are arrayed. The African, it is conceded, is welcome to stay in his own country. No economic competition has yet arisen or is likely to arise between him and the new-comers. Their spheres of activity lie wholly apart, for the white man absolutely refuses to do black man's work; not for that harsh toil13 does he exile himself from the land of his birth; while the native could not, in his present state of development, displace the white man in skilled employments and the superintendence and the organization of 47 industry—even if he would—and nothing is farther from his ambitions.
It is the brown man who is the rival. The European has neither the wish nor the power to constitute a white proletariat in countries like East Africa. In his view the blacks should be the private soldiers of the army, but the non-commissioned officers and the commanders must be white. This should not be dismissed as a mere14 assertion of racial arrogance15. It is an obstinate16 fact. It is already a grave defect for a community to found itself upon the manual labour of an inferior race, and many are the complications and perils17 that spring therefrom. But what of the second storey? If there is to be any kind of white society dwelling18 together year after year within the standards of life and comfort to which Europeans have universally been accustomed to aspire19, and largely to attain20, this middle stage in the economic system must provide that white society with the means of earning—as professional men, as planters, merchants, traders, farmers, bankers, overseers, contractors21, builders, engineers, accountants, clerks—a living for themselves and their families. And here strikes in the 48 Asiatic. In every single employment of this class, his power of subsisting upon a few shillings a month, his industry, his thrift22, his sharp business aptitudes23 give him the economic superiority, and if economic superiority is to be the final rule—as it has never been and never will be in the history of the world—there is not a single employment of this middle class, from which he will not, to a very large extent, clear the white man, as surely and as remorselessly as the brown rat extirpated24 the black from British soil.
Then what remains25? What sort of social organizations shall we be building up with so much thought and labour in these new lands under the British Crown? There is already no white working class. There is to be no white middle class. Room is left only for the capitalist pure and simple—if one may so describe him. A vast army of African labourers, officered by educated Indians or Chinese, and directed by a few individuals of diverse nationalities employing cosmopolitan26 capital—that is the nightmare which haunts the white population of South Africa, and at which what there is of a white population in East Africa is already shrieking27 vigorously. 49
Yet hear the other side. How stands the claim of the British Indian? His rights as a human being, his rights as a British subject, are equally engaged. It was the Sikh soldier who bore an honourable28 part in the conquest and pacification29 of these East African countries. It is the Indian trader who, penetrating30 and maintaining himself in all sorts of places to which no white man would go or in which no white man could earn a living, has more than any one else developed the early beginnings of trade and opened up the first slender means of communication. It was by Indian labour that the one vital railway on which everything else depends was constructed. It is the Indian banker who supplies perhaps the larger part of the capital yet available for business and enterprise, and to whom the white settlers have not hesitated to recur31 for financial aid. The Indian was here long before the first British official. He may point to as many generations of useful industry on the coast and inland as the white settlers—especially the most recently-arrived contingents32 from South Africa (the loudest against him of all)—can count years of residence. Is it possible for any Government with a scrap33 of respect for honest dealing34 50 between man and man, to embark35 upon a policy of deliberately36 squeezing out the native of India from regions in which he has established himself under every security of public faith? Most of all must we ask, is such a policy possible to the Government which bears sway over three hundred millions of our Indian Empire?
We are in presence of one of those apparently37 hopeless antagonisms38 of interests which baffle and dispirit all who are concerned in their adjustment. And these questions are not confined to East Africa or to South Africa. A whole series of new problems has arisen, and will grow graver and larger as the immediate39 history of the British Empire unfolds. They erect40 themselves upon a field almost wholly unstudied, and familiar only by the prejudices which in every direction obstruct41 movement and view. The entry of the Asiatic as labourer, trader, and capitalist into competition in industry and enterprise not only with, but in, the Western world is a new fact of first importance. Cheap, swift, easy means of communication, the establishment of peace and order over land and sea, the ever-growing inter-dependence of all men and all 51 countries upon one another, have given wings to Asiatic commercial ambition and rendered Asiatic manual labour fluid, as it has never before been fluid since the beginning of things.
Unless these new elements in the economic life of mankind can be scientifically and harmoniously42 controlled and assimilated, great and novel dangers menace alike the Asiatic and the European he supplants43. On the one hand we see the possible exploitation under various unhealthy conditions of immense masses of Asiatic labour, to the moral injury of the employer and to the degradation44 and suffering of the employed; on the other the overturn of the standards of living laboriously45 achieved or long obstinately46 battled for among Europeans. Superadded to these we must foresee the confusion of blood, of manners, of morals, amounting, where operative upon any extensive scale, almost to the disintegration47 of the existing order of society. And behind—very close behind—lie the appeals to force, by mobs or Empires, to decide in a brutal48 fashion the brutal question which of two sets of irreconcilable49 interests shall prevail. It is not easy to measure the degree of political instability that will be introduced into international 52 relations, when the subjects of a powerful military and naval50 State are continually exposed to penal51 legislation and open violence, and into private life when the white artisan is invited to acquiesce52 in his own extinction53, in virtue54 of laws which he himself controls, by a competitor whom, he believes, he could strike down with his hands.
Yet the Asiatic, and here I also include the African native, has immense services to render and energies to contribute to the happiness and material progress of the world. There are spacious55 lands whose promise can never be realized, there are unnumbered harvests which can never be garnered56, without his active co-operation. There are roads and railways and reservoirs which only he can make. There are mines and forests which will slumber57 for ever without his aid. The mighty58 continent of tropical Africa lies open to the colonizing59 and organizing capacities of the East. All those new products which modern industry insistently60 demands are offered in measureless abundance to the West—if only we could solve the Sphinx's riddle61 in its newest form.
And is it after all beyond our reach to 53 provide, if not a perfect, at any rate a practical answer? There ought to be no insuperable difficulty, in the present state of political knowledge and social organization, in assigning different spheres to the external activity of different races. The Great Powers have partitioned Africa territorially62; is it beyond the wit of man to divide it economically? The co-operation of many different kinds of men is needed for the cultivation64 of such a noble estate. Is it impossible to regulate in full and intricate detail the conditions under which that co-operation shall take place? Here white men can live and thrive; there they cannot. Here is a task for one, there the opportunity of another. The world is big enough. [I write as the stream of the Nile bears me between the immense spaces of beautiful, fertile, unpopulated country that lie north of the Albert Lake.] There is plenty of room for all. Why cannot we settle it fairly?
It must be noted65 that the question of Asiatic immigration presents itself to the Imperial point of view in several quite distinct forms. There are, first of all, colonies which stand on the basis of a white proletariat, and whose inhabitants, rich and poor, employers and 54 employed, are all Europeans. The right of such colonies to forbid the entry of large numbers of Asiatics, and to preserve themselves from the racial chaos66 and economic disturbance67 inseparable from such immigration, cannot be denied, although its exercise ought no doubt to be governed by various prudential and other considerations. But these colonies differ markedly from those where the mass of the population is not white, but black. Again, there are colonies which possess responsible government, and where the number of the white middle-class inhabitants very largely exceeds the Asiatic community. It is evident that these stand in a wholly different position from that of places like the tropical Protectorates of East and West Africa.
Indeed, it may be contended that the very fact that the native of British India will undoubtedly68, wisely or unwisely, rightly or wrongly, be refused access in any large numbers to several South African and all Australian Colonies by their respective Governments, makes it all the more desirable that the Imperial Government should afford in the tropical Protectorates outlet69 and scope to the enterprise and colonizing capacity of Hindustan. 55 And, as I have written, these countries are big enough for all. There is no reason why those Highland6 areas which promise the white man a home and a career, and where alone he can live in comfort, should not, as a matter of practical administration, be in the main reserved for him. Nor, on the other hand, why the Asiatic, if only he does not teach the African natives evil ways—a contingency70 which must not be forgotten—should not be encouraged to trade and settle as he will in the enormous regions of tropical fertility to which he is naturally adapted. Somewhere in this direction—I do not wish to dogmatize—the immediate course of sound policy would seem to lie, and, guided by the lights of science and tolerance71, we may easily find it.
But the course of these reflections has carried me a good deal farther than the politics of Nairobi would seem to justify72; and I hasten to return to the question with which I started: "Can the Highlands of East Africa be made 'a white man's country'?" Let us examine this by a fresh process. As one rides or marches through the valleys and across the wide plateaux of these uplands, braced73 by their delicious air, listening to the music of their streams, and 56 feasting the eye upon their natural wealth and beauty, a sense of bewilderment overcomes the mind. How is it they have never become the home of some superior race, prosperous, healthy, and free? Why is it that, now a railway has opened the door and so much has been published about them, there has not been one furious river of immigration from the cramped75 and insanitary jungle-slums of Europe? Why, most of all, are those who have come—the pioneers, the men of energy and adventure, of large ambitions and strong hands—why are they in so many cases only just keeping their heads above water? Why should complaint and discontent and positive discouragement be so general among this limited class?
I have always experienced a feeling of devout76 thankfulness never to have possessed77 a square yard of that perverse78 commodity called "land." But I will confess that, travelling in the East African Highlands for the first time in my life, I have learned what the sensation of land-hunger is like. We may repress, but we cannot escape, the desire to peg79 out one of these fair and wide estates, with all the rewards they offer to industry and inventiveness in the open air. Yet all around are men possessing thousands 57 of fertile acres, with mountains and rivers and shady trees, acquired for little or nothing, all struggling, all fretful, nervous, high-strung, many disappointed, some despairing, some smashed.
What are the true lineaments concealed80 behind the veil of boundless81 promise in which this land is shrouded82? Are they not stamped with mockery? Is not the eye that regards you fierce as well as bright? "When I first saw this country," said a colonist3 to me, "I fell in love with it. I had seen all the best of Australia. I had prospered83 in New Zealand. I knew South Africa. I thought at last I had struck 'God's own country.' I wrote letters to all my friends urging them to come. I wrote a series of articles in the newspapers praising the splendours of its scenery and the excellence84 of its climate. Before the last of the articles appeared my capital was nearly expended85, my fences had been trampled86 down by troops of zebra, my imported stock had perished, my title-deeds were still blocked in the Land Office, and I myself had nearly died of a malignant87 fever. Since then I have left others to extol88 the glories of East Africa." 58
These second thoughts err63, no doubt, as much on the side of extravagant89 depression as the first impression was over-sanguine. But that there is a rude reverse to the East African medal is a fact which cannot be disputed, and which ought not, in the interests either of the immigrant or of the country to be concealed. It is still quite unproved that a European can make even the Highlands of East Africa his permanent home—that is to say, that he can live there without sensible degeneration for fifteen or twenty years at a stretch without ever returning to the temperate zones; still less that he can breed and rear families through several generations. The exhilaration of the air must not lead people to forget that an altitude of from five to eight thousand feet above the sea-level is an unusual condition, producing results, not yet ascertained90, upon the nervous system, the brain, and the heart. Its coolness can never remove the fact that we are upon the Equator. Although the skies look so familiar and kindly91 with their white fleecy clouds and passing showers, the direct ray of the sun—almost vertical92 at all seasons of the year—strikes down on man and beast alike, and woe93 to the white man whom he finds 59 uncovered! Although sheep and oxen multiply so rapidly, although crossing them with imported stock produces in each generation astonishing improvements in quality, they are subject to many perils little understood and often fatal. And if the landscape recalls to the pensive94 traveller the peaceful beauties of gentler climes at home, let him remember that it nurses with blithe95 fecundity96 poisonous reptiles97, and pest-spreading insects, and terrible beasts of prey98.
There is no reason, however, for doubting that modern science possesses, or will discover, the means of eradicating99 or mitigating100 many of these evils. As the development of the country and the scientific investigation101 of tropical agriculture and tropical disease proceed, the difficulties which beset102 the early settler will gradually be removed. He will learn how to clothe and house himself; what to plant, what to breed, and what to avoid. The spread of East Coast fever, now carried by the ticks from one animal to another, and carried by the infected animals from one district to another, will be arrested, and controlled by a proper system of wire-fencing and quarantine. Remedies will be discovered 60 against the various diseases which attack sheep or horses. Zebra, rhinoceros103, buffalo104, and other picturesque105 and fascinating nuisances will be driven from or exterminated106 within the settled areas, and confined to the ample reserves of uninhabited land. The slow but steady growth of a white population will create a market for local agricultural produce. The powerfully equipped Scientific Departments, the Veterinary and Forestry107 Departments, and the Department of Agriculture newly established on a considerable scale, will be able to guide and assist the enterprise of the new-comer, and save him from repeating the ill-starred experiments of the pioneer. Roads will improve, and railways and mono-rail tramways will extend. Step by step life and the means of living will become easier and more secure. Still it will not be proved that the pure-bred European can rear his children under the Equatorial sun and at an elevation108 of more than six thousand feet; and till that is proved "the white man's country" will remain a white man's dream.
I have written of Europeans and Asiatics. What of the African? About four millions 61 of these dark folk are comprised within the districts of the East Africa Protectorate which are actually or partially109 administered. Many more lie beyond those wide and advancing boundaries. What is to be their part in shaping the future of their country? It is, after all, their Africa. What are they going to do for it, and what is it going to do for them? "The natives," says the planter, "evince a great reluctance110 to work, especially to work regularly." "They must be made to work," say others. "Made to work for whom?" we innocently ask. "For us, of course," is the ready answer; "what did you think we meant?" And here we run into another herd111 of rhinoceros questions—awkward, thick-skinned, and horned, with a short sight, an evil temper, and a tendency to rush blindly up wind upon any alarm. Is the native idle? Does he not keep himself and pay his taxes? Or does he loll at his ease while his three or four wives till the soil, bear the burden, and earn his living? And if idle, has he a right to remain idle—a naked and unconscious philosopher, living "the simple life," without cares or wants,—a gentleman of leisure 62 in a panting world? Is that to be the last word? Is civilization to say definitely that when the African native has kept himself, or made his women keep him, she has no further claim upon him? The white man shall do the rest. He shall preserve the peace, that the tribes may prosper74 and multiply. His watchful112 and foreseeing eye, strained and weary with the effort, shall still make provision against famine; his science, though he himself goes down in the struggle, shall grapple with pestilence113 and cure disease. Far from his home or from his family he shall hew114 the trees and dig the wells, shall dam the streams and build the roads, with anxious heart and "in the sweat of his brow," according to the curse laid upon the child of many wants, while the child of few wants watches him from the shade and thinks him mad.
And to compare the life and lot of the African aboriginal—secure in his abyss of contented115 degradation, rich in that he lacks everything and wants nothing—with the long nightmare of worry and privation, of dirt and gloom and squalour, lit only by gleams of torturing knowledge and tantalizing116 hope, which constitutes 63 the lives of so many poor people in England and Scotland, is to feel the ground tremble under foot. "It would never do to have a lot of 'mean whites' in this country," I heard one day a gentleman say. "It would destroy the respect of the native for the white man, if he saw what miserable117 people we have got at home." So here, at any rate, the boot is on the other leg, and Civilization is ashamed of her arrangements in the presence of a savage118, embarrassed lest he should see what lies behind the gold and purple robe of State, and begin to suspect that the all-powerful white man is a fraud. But this is an irrelevancy119!
I am clearly of opinion that no man has a right to be idle, whoever he be or wherever he lives. He is bound to go forward and take an honest share in the general work of the world. And I do not except the African native. To a very much larger extent than is often recognized by some who discuss these questions, the natives are industrious120, willing to learn, and capable of being led forward. Live for a few weeks, as I have done, in close association with the disciplined soldiers of the King's African Rifles, or with the smart sailors of the Uganda Marine121, and it seems 64 wonderful to contrast them with the population from which they have emerged. How strong, how good-natured, how clever they are! How proud their white officers are of them! What pains they take to please the travellers whom they escort; how frankly122 they are delighted by a word of praise or thanks! Just and honourable discipline, careful education, sympathetic comprehension, are all that is needed to bring a very large proportion of the native tribes of East Africa to a far higher social level than that at which they now stand. And why should men only be taught to be soldiers? Is war always to have the best of everything? Cannot peaceful industry be made as attractive, be as highly organized, as carefully studied as the combined use of deadly weapons? "Why," as Ruskin asks, "cannot men take pride in building villages instead of only carrying them?"
I wonder why my pen slips off into these labyrinths123, when all I set out to do was to give some general idea of politics at Nairobi? But in truth the problems of East Africa are the problems of the world. We see the social, racial, and economic stresses which 65 rack modern society already at work here, but in miniature; and if we choose to study the model when the whole engine is at hand, it is because on the smaller scale we can see more clearly, and because in East Africa and Uganda the future is still uncompromised. The British Government has it in its hands to shape the development and destiny of these new countries and their varied124 peoples with an authority and from an elevation far superior to that with which Cabinets can cope with the giant tangles125 at home. And the fact stirs the mind. But by this time the reader will have had as much of East African politics as I had when, after three days of deputations and disputations, the train steamed out of Nairobi to take us to the Great Lake and beyond.
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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aboriginals
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| （某国的）公民( aboriginal的名词复数 )； 土著人特征； 土生动物（或植物） | |
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highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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denuded
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| adj.[医]变光的，裸露的v.使赤裸( denude的过去式和过去分词 )；剥光覆盖物 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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contractors
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| n.（建筑、监造中的）承包人( contractor的名词复数 ) | |
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thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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aptitudes
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| （学习方面的）才能，资质，天资( aptitude的名词复数 ) | |
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extirpated
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 )；根除 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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shrieking
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| v.尖叫( shriek的现在分词 ) | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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contingents
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| （志趣相投、尤指来自同一地方的）一组与会者( contingent的名词复数 )； 代表团； （军队的）分遣队； 小分队 | |
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scrap
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| n.碎片；废料；v.废弃，报废 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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antagonisms
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| 对抗，敌对( antagonism的名词复数 ) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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harmoniously
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| 和谐地，调和地 | |
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supplants
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的第三人称单数 ) | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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laboriously
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| adv.艰苦地；费力地；辛勤地；（文体等）佶屈聱牙地 | |
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obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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disintegration
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| n.分散，解体 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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51
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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52
acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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53
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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54
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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55
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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56
garnered
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| v.收集并（通常）贮藏（某物），取得，获得( garner的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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58
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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59
colonizing
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| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
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60
insistently
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| ad.坚持地 | |
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61
riddle
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| n.谜，谜语，粗筛；vt.解谜，给…出谜，筛，检查，鉴定，非难，充满于；vi.出谜 | |
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62
territorially
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63
err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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64
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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65
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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66
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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67
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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68
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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69
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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70
contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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71
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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72
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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73
braced
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| adj.拉牢的v.支住( brace的过去式和过去分词 )；撑牢；使自己站稳；振作起来 | |
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74
prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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76
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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77
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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79
peg
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| n.木栓，木钉；vt.用木钉钉，用短桩固定 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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81
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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82
shrouded
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| v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 )；保密 | |
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83
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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86
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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88
extol
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| v.赞美，颂扬 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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90
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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vertical
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| adj.垂直的，顶点的，纵向的；n.垂直物，垂直的位置 | |
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woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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pensive
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| a.沉思的,哀思的,忧沉的 | |
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95
blithe
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| adj.快乐的，无忧无虑的 | |
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96
fecundity
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| n.生产力；丰富 | |
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97
reptiles
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| n.爬行动物，爬虫( reptile的名词复数 ) | |
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98
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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99
eradicating
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| 摧毁，完全根除( eradicate的现在分词 ) | |
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100
mitigating
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的现在分词 ) | |
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101
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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102
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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103
rhinoceros
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| n.犀牛 | |
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104
buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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105
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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106
exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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107
forestry
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| n.森林学；林业 | |
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108
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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109
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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110
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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111
herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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112
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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113
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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114
hew
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| v.砍；伐；削 | |
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115
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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116
tantalizing
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| adj.逗人的；惹弄人的；撩人的；煽情的v.逗弄，引诱，折磨( tantalize的现在分词 ) | |
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117
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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118
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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119
irrelevancy
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| n.不恰当，离题，不相干的事物 | |
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120
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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121
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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122
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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123
labyrinths
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| 迷宫( labyrinth的名词复数 )； （文字，建筑）错综复杂的 | |
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124
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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125
tangles
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| （使）缠结， （使）乱作一团( tangle的第三人称单数 ) | |
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