The movement which Mohammed Ahmed created did not escape the common fate of human enterprise; nor was it long before the warm generous blood of a patriotic19 and religious revolt congealed20 into the dark clot21 of a military empire. With the expulsion or destruction of the foreign officials, soldiers, and traders, the racial element began to subside22. The reason for its existence was removed. With the increasing disorders24 the social agitation25 dwindled26; for communism pre-supposes wealth, and the wealth of the Soudan was greatly diminished. There remained only the fanatical fury which the belief in the divine mission of the Mahdi had excited; and as the necessity for a leader passed away, the belief in his sanctity grew weaker. But meanwhile a new force was making itself felt on the character of the revolt. The triumph no less than the plunder27 which had rewarded the Mahdi's victories had called into existence a military spirit distinct from the warlike passions of the tribesmen—the spirit of the professional soldier.
The siege of Khartoum was carried on while this new influence was taking the place of the original forces of revolt. There was a period when a neutral point was obtained and the Mahdist power languished28. But the invasion of the Eastern Soudan by the British troops in the spring and the necessary advance of the relieving columns in the winter of 1884 revived the patriotic element. The tribes who had made a great effort to free themselves from foreign domination saw in the operations of Sir Gerald Graham and Lord Wolseley an attempt to bring them again under the yoke29. The impulse which was given to the Mahdi's cause was sufficient to raise a fierce opposition30 to the invading forces. The delay in the despatch31 of the relief expedition had sealed the fate of Khartoum, and the fall of the town established the supremacy32 of the military spirit on which the Dervish Empire was afterwards founded.
All the warlike operations of Mohammedan peoples are characterised by fanaticism33, but with this general reservation it may be said—that the Arabs who destroyed Yusef, who assaulted El Obeid, who annihilated34 Hicks fought in the glory of religious zeal35; that the Arabs who opposed Graham, Earle, and Stewart fought in defence of the soil; and that the Arabs who were conquered by Kitchener fought in the pride of an army. Fanatics36 charged at Shekan; patriots37 at Abu Klea; warriors38 at Omdurman.
In order to describe conveniently the changing character of the revolt, I have anticipated the story and must revert39 to a period when the social and racial influences were already weakening and the military spirit was not yet grown strong. If the defeat of Yusef Pasha decided40 the whole people of the Soudan to rise in arms and strike for their liberties, the defeat of Hicks satisfied the British Government that those liberties were won. The powerful influence of the desire to rule prompted the Khedive's Ministers to make still further efforts to preserve their country's possessions. Had Egypt been left to herself, other desperate efforts would have been made. But the British Government had finally abandoned the policy of non-interference with Egyptian action in the Soudan. They 'advised' its abandonment. The protests of Sherif Pasha provoked Lord Granville to explain the meaning of the word 'advice.' The Khedive bowed to superior authority. The Minister resigned. The policy of evacuation was firmly adopted. 'Let us,' said the Ministers, 'collect the garrisons41 and come away.' It was simple to decide on the course to be pursued, but almost impossible to follow it. Several of the Egyptian garrisons, as in Darfur and El Obeid, had already fallen. The others were either besieged43, like Sennar, Tokar, and Sinkat, or cut off from the north, as in the case of the Equatorial Province, by the area of rebellion. The capital of the Soudan was, however, as yet unmolested; and as its Egyptian population exceeded the aggregate44 of the provincial45 towns, the first task of the Egyptian Government was obvious.
Mr. Gladstone's Administration had repressed the revolt of Arabi Pasha. Through their policy the British were in armed occupation of Egypt. British officers were reorganising the army. A British official supervised the finances. A British plenipotentiary 'advised' the re-established Tewfik. A British fleet lay attentive46 before the ruins of Alexandria, and it was evident that Great Britain could annex47 the country in name as well as in fact. But Imperialism48 was not the object of the Radical49 Cabinet. Their aim was philanthropic and disinterested50. As they were now determined51 that the Egyptians should evacuate52 the Soudan, so they had always been resolved that the British should evacuate Egypt.
Throughout this chapter it will be seen that the desire to get out of the country at once is the keynote of the British policy. Every act, whether of war or administration, is intended to be final. Every despatch is directed to breaking the connection between the two countries and winding53 up the severed54 strings55. But responsibilities which had been lightly assumed clung like the shirt of Nessus. The ordinary practice of civilised nations demanded that some attempt should be made to justify56 interference by reorganisation. The British Government watched therefore with anxious solicitude57 the efforts of Egypt to evacuate the Soudan and bring the garrisons safely home. They utterly58 declined to assist with military force, but they were generous with their advice. Everybody at that time distrusted the capacities of the Egyptians, and it was thought the evacuation might be accomplished59 if it were entrusted60 to stronger and more honest men than were bred by the banks of the Nile. The Ministers looked about them, wondering how they could assist the Egyptian Government without risk or expense to themselves, and in an evil hour for their fame and fortunes someone whispered the word 'Gordon.' Forthwith they proceeded to telegraph to Cairo: 'Would General Charles Gordon be of any use to you or to the Egyptian Government; and, if so, in what capacity'? The Egyptian Government replied through Sir Evelyn Baring that as the movement in the Soudan was partly religious they were 'very much averse62' from the appointment of a Christian63 in high command. The eyes of all those who possessed64 local knowledge were turned to a different person. There was one man who might stem the tide of Mahdism, who might perhaps restore the falling dominion65 of Egypt, who might at least save the garrisons of the Soudan. In their necessity and distress66 the Khedivial advisers67 and the British plenipotentiary looked as a desperate remedy to the man whose liberty they had curtailed68, whose property they had confiscated69, and whose son they had executed—Zubehr Pasha.
This was the agent for whom the Government of Egypt hankered. The idea was supported by all who were acquainted with the local conditions. A week after Sir Evelyn Baring had declined General Gordon's services he wrote: 'Whatever may be Zubehr's faults, he is said to be a man of great energy and resolution. The Egyptian Government considers that his services may be very useful.... Baker70 Pasha is anxious to avail himself of Zubehr Pasha's services.'[Sir Evelyn Baring, letter of December 9, 1883.] It is certain that had the Egyptian Government been a free agent, Zubehr would have been sent to the Soudan as its Sultan, and assisted by arms, money, and perhaps by men, to make head against the Mahdi. It is probable that at this particular period the Mahdi would have collapsed71 before a man whose fame was nearly equal to, and whose resources would have been much greater than, his own. But the British Ministry72 would countenance73 no dealings with such a man. They scouted74 the idea of Zubehr, and by so doing increased their obligation to suggest an alternative. Zubehr being rejected, Gordon remained. It is scarcely possible to conceive a greater contrast than that which these two men presented. It was a leap from the Equator to the North Pole.
When difficulties and dangers perplex all minds, it has often happened in history that many men by different lines of thought arrive at the same conclusion. No complete record has yet been published of the telegrams which passed between the Government and their agent at this juncture75. The Blue-books preserve a disingenuous76 discretion77. But it is known that from the very first Sir Evelyn Baring was bitterly opposed to General Gordon's appointment. No personal friendship existed between them, and the Administrator78 dreaded79 the return to the feverish80 complications of Egyptian politics of the man who had always been identified with unrest, improvisation81, and disturbance82. The pressure was, however, too strong for him to withstand. Nubar Pasha, the Foreign Office, the British public, everyone clamoured for the appointment. Had Baring refused to give way, it is probable that he would have been overruled. At length he yielded, and, as soon as his consent had been obtained, the government turned with delight to Gordon. On the 17th of January Lord Wolseley requested him to come to England. On the 18th he met the Cabinet. That same night he started on the long journey from which he was never to return.
Gordon embarked84 on his mission in high spirits, sustained by that belief in personality which too often misleads great men and beautiful women. It was, he said, the greatest honour ever conferred upon him. Everything smiled. The nation was delighted. The Ministers were intensely relieved. The most unbounded confidence was reposed85 in the envoy86. His interview with the Khedive was 'very satisfactory.' His complete authority was proclaimed to all the notables and natives of the Soudan [Proclamation of the Khedive, January 26, 1884.] He was assured of the support of the Egyptian Government [Sir E. Baring to Major-General Gordon, January 25, 1884.] The London Foreign Office, having with becoming modesty87 admitted that they had not 'sufficient local knowledge,' [Earl Granville to Sir E. Baring, January 22, 1884.] accorded him 'widest discretionary power.' [Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville, February 1, 1884.] One hundred thousand pounds was placed to his credit, and he was informed that further sums would be supplied when this was exhausted88. He was assured that no effort would be wanting on the part of the Cairene authorities, whether English or Egyptian, to afford him all the support and co-operation in their power [Sir E. Baring to Major-General Gordon, January 25, 1884.] 'There is no sort of difference,' wrote Sir Evelyn Baring, 'between General Gordon's views and those entertained by Nubar Pasha and myself.' [Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville, February 1,1884.] Under these propitious89 auguries90 the dismal and disastrous91 enterprise began.
His task, though difficult and, as it ultimately proved, impossible, was clearly defined. 'You will bear in mind,' wrote Sir Evelyn Baring, 'that the main end to be pursued is the evacuation of the Soudan.' 'The object... of your mission to the Soudan,' declared the Khedive, 'is to carry into execution the evacuation of those territories and to withdraw our troops, civil officials, and such of the inhabitants... as may wish to leave for Egypt... and after the evacuation to take the necessary steps for establishing an organised Government in the different provinces.' Nor was he himself under any misconception. He drew up a memorandum92 when on board the Tanjore in which he fully93 acquiesced94 in the evacuation of the Soudan. In a sentence which breathes the same spirit as Mr. Gladstone's famous expression, 'a people rightly struggling to be free,' he wrote: 'I must say that it would be an iniquity95 to conquer these peoples and then hand them back to the Egyptians without guarantees of future good government.' Finally, he unhesitatingly asserted: 'No one who has ever lived in the Soudan can escape the reflection "What a useless possession is this land!"' And Colonel Stewart, who accompanied him and endorsed96 the memorandum, added: 'And what a huge encumbrance97 to Egypt!' Thus far there was complete agreement between the British envoy and the Liberal Cabinet.
It is beyond the scope of these pages to describe his long ride across the desert from Korosko to Abu Hamed, his interview with the notables at Berber, or his proclamation of the abandonment of the Soudan, which some affirm to have been an important cause of his ruin. On the 22nd of February he arrived at Khartoum. He was received with rejoicing by the whole population. They recognised again their just Governor-General and their present deliverer. Those who had been about to fly for the north took fresh heart. They believed that behind the figure of the envoy stood the resources of an Empire. The Mahdi and the gathering98 Dervishes were perplexed99 and alarmed. Confusion and hesitancy disturbed their councils and delayed their movements. Gordon had come. The armies would follow. Both friends and foes100 were deceived. The great man was at Khartoum, but there he would remain—alone.
Whatever confidence the General had felt in the power of his personal influence had been dispelled102 on the journey to Khartoum. He had no more illusions. His experienced eye reviewed the whole situation. He saw himself confronted with a tremendous racial movement. The people of the Soudan had risen against foreigners. His only troops were Soudanese. He was himself a foreigner. Foremost among the leaders of the revolt were the Arab slave dealers103, furious at the attempted suppression of their trade. No one, not even Sir Samuel Baker, had tried harder to suppress it than Gordon. Lastly, the whole movement had assumed a fanatical character. Islam marched against the infidel. Gordon was a Christian. His own soldiers were under the spell they were to try to destroy. To them their commander was accursed. Every influence was hostile, and in particular hostile to his person. The combined forces of race, class, and religion were against him. He bowed before their irresistible104 strength. On the very day of his arrival at Khartoum, while the townsfolk were cheering his name in the streets and the batteries were firing joyful105 salutes106, while the people of England thought his mission already accomplished and the Government congratulated themselves on the wisdom of their action, General Gordon sat himself down and telegraphed a formal request to Cairo for Zubehr Pasha.
The whole story of his relations with Zubehr is extremely characteristic. Zubehr's son, Suliman, had been executed, if not by Gordon's orders, at least during his administration of the Soudan and with his complete approval. 'Thus,' he had said, 'does God make gaps in the ranks of His enemies.' He had hardly started from London on his new mission, when he telegraphed to Sir Evelyn Baring, telling him that Zubehr was a most dangerous man and requesting that he might be at once deported107 to Cyprus. This was, of course, quite beyond the powers or intention of the British Agent. The General arrived in Cairo like a whirlwind close behind his telegram, and was very angry to hear that Zubehr was still in Egypt. Before starting up the river he went to see Sherif Pasha. In the ex-Minister's ante-room he met the very man he had determined to avoid—Zubehr. He greeted him with effusion. They had a long talk about the Soudan, after which Gordon hurried to the Agency and informed Sir Evelyn Baring that Zubehr must accompany him to Khartoum at once. Baring was amazed. He did not himself disapprove108 of the plan. He had, in fact, already recommended it. But he thought the change in Gordon's attitude too sudden to be relied on. To-morrow he might change again. He begged the General to think more seriously of the matter. Gordon with his usual frankness admitted that his change of mind had been very sudden. He had been conscious, he said, of a 'mystic feeling' that Zubehr was necessary to save the situation in the Soudan.
Gordon left Cairo still considering the matter. So soon as he made his formal demand from Khartoum for the assistance of Zubehr it was evident that his belief in the old slave dealer's usefulness was a sound conviction and not a mere109 passing caprice. Besides, he had now become 'the man on the spot,' and as such his words carried double force. Sir Evelyn Baring determined to support the recommendation with his whole influence. Never was so good a case made out for the appointment of so bad a man. The Envoy Extraordinary asked for him; Colonel Stewart, his colleague, concurred110; the British Agent strongly urged the request; the Egyptian Government were unanimous; and behind all these were ranged every single person who had the slightest acquaintance with the Soudan. nothing could exceed the vigour111 with which the demand was made. On the 1st of March General Gordon telegraphed: 'I tell you plainly, it is impossible to get Cairo employees out of Khartoum unless the Government helps in the way I told you. They refuse Zubehr.... but it was the only chance.' And again on the 8th: 'If you do not send Zubehr, you have no chance of getting the garrisons away.' 'I believe,' said Sir Evelyn Baring in support of these telegrams, 'that General Gordon is quite right when he says that Zubehr Pasha is the only possible man. Nubar is strongly in favour of him. Dr. Bohndorf, the African traveller, fully confirms what General Gordon says of the influence of Zubehr.' The Pasha was vile112, but indispensable.
Her Majesty113's Government refused absolutely to have anything to do with Zubehr. They declined to allow the Egyptian Government to employ him. They would not entertain the proposal, and scarcely consented to discuss it. The historians of the future may occupy their leisure and exercise their wits in deciding whether the Ministers and the people were right or wrong; whether they had a right to indulge their sensitiveness at so terrible a cost; whether they were not more nice than wise; whether their dignity was more offended by what was incurred114 or by what was avoided.
General Gordon has explained his views very clearly and concisely115: 'Had Zubehr Pasha been sent up when I asked for him, Berber would in all probability never have fallen, and one might have made a Soudan Government in opposition to the Mahdi. We choose to refuse his coming up because of his antecedents in re slave trade; granted that we had reason, yet, as we take no precautions as to the future of these lands with respect to the slave trade, the above opposition seems absurd. I will not send up 'A' because he will do this, but I will leave the country to 'B', who will do exactly the same [Major-General Gordon, JOURNALS AT KHARTOUM.]
But if the justice of the decision is doubtful, its consequences were obvious. Either the British Government were concerned with the Soudan, or they were not. If they were not, then they had no reason or right to prohibit the appointment of Zubehr. If they were, they were bound to see that the garrisons were rescued. It was an open question whether Great Britain was originally responsible for the safety of the garrisons. General Gordon contended that we were bound to save them at all costs, and he backed his belief with his life. Others may hold that Governments have no right to lay, or at any rate must be very judicious116 in the laying of burdens on the backs of their own countrymen in order that they may indulge a refined sense of chivalry117 towards foreigners. England had not misgoverned the Soudan, had not raised the revolt or planted the garrisons. All that Egypt had a right to expect was commiseration118. But the moment Zubehr was prohibited the situation was changed. The refusal to permit his employment was tantamount to an admission that affairs in the Soudan involved the honour of England as well as the honour of Egypt. When the British people—for this was not merely the act of the Government—adopted a high moral attitude with regard to Zubehr, they bound themselves to rescue the garrisons, peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary.
With their refusal to allow Zubehr to go to the Soudan began the long and miserable119 disagreement between the Government and their envoy. Puzzled and disturbed at the reception accorded to his first request, Gordon cast about for other expedients120. He had already stated that Zubehr was 'the only chance.' But it is the duty of subordinates to suggest other courses when those they recommend are rejected; and with a whole-hearted enthusiasm and unreserved loyalty121 the General threw himself into the affair and proposed plan after plan with apparent hope.
Gordon considered that he was personally pledged to effect the evacuation of Khartoum by the garrison42 and civil servants. He had appointed some of the inhabitants to positions of trust, thus compromising them with the Mahdi. Others had undoubtedly122 been encouraged to delay their departure by his arrival. He therefore considered that his honour was involved in their safety. Henceforward he was inflexible123. Neither rewards nor threats could move him. Nothing that men could offer would induce him to leave Khartoum till its inhabitants were rescued. The Government on their side were equally stubborn. Nothing, however sacred, should induce them to send troops to Khartoum, or in any way involve themselves in the middle of Africa. The town might fall; the garrison might be slaughtered124; their envoy—But what possibilities they were prepared to face as regards him will not be known until all of this and the next generation are buried and forgotten.
The deadlock126 was complete. To some men the Foreign Office might have suggested lines of retreat, covered by the highest official praise, and leading to preferment and reward. Others would have welcomed an order to leave so perilous127 a post. But the man they had sent was the one man of all others who was beyond their control, who cared nothing for what they could give or take away. So events dragged on their wretched course. Gordon's proposals became more and more impracticable as the best courses he could devise were successively vetoed by the Government, and as his irritation130 and disappointment increased. The editor of his Journals has enumerated131 them with indignant care. He had asked for Zubehr. Zubehr was refused. He had requested Turkish troops. Turkish troops were refused. He had asked for Mohammedan regiments132 from India. The Government regretted their inability to comply. He asked for a Firman from the Sultan to strengthen his position. It was 'peremptorily133 refused.' He proposed to go south in his steamers to Equatoria. The Government forbade him to proceed beyond Khartoum. He asked that 200 British troops might be sent to Berber. They were refused. He begged that a few might be sent to Assuan. None were sent. He proposed to visit the Mahdi himself and try to arrange matters with him personally. Perhaps he recognised a kindred spirit. The Government in this case very naturally forbade him.
At last the quarrel is open. He makes no effort to conceal134 his disgust. 'I leave you,' he says, the 'indelible disgrace of abandoning the garrisons.' [Major-General Gordon to Sir E. Baring (telegraphic), received at Cairo April 16.] Such abandonment is, he declares, 'the climax135 of meanness.' [Ibid, despatched April 8.] He reiterates136 his determination to abide137 with the garrison of Khartoum. 'I will not leave these people after all they have gone through.' [Major-General Gordon to Sir E. Baring, Khartoum, July 30; received at Cairo October 15.] He tosses his commission contemptuously from him: 'I would also ask her Majesty's Government to accept the resignation of my commission.' [Major-General Gordon to Sir E. Baring (telegraphic), Khartoum, March 9.] The Government 'trust that he will not resign,' [Earl Granville to Sir E. Baring, Foreign Office, March 13.] and his offer remains138 in abeyance139. Finally, in bitterness and vexation, thinking himself abandoned and disavowed, he appeals to Sir Evelyn Baring personally: 'I feel sure, whatever you may feel diplomatically, I have your support—and that of every man professing140 himself a gentleman—in private'; [Major-General Gordon to Sir E. Baring (telegraphic), received at Cairo April 16.] and as a last hope he begs Sir Samuel Baker to appeal to 'British and American millionaires' to subscribe141 two hundred thousand pounds to enable him to carry out the evacuation without, and even in spite of, the Governments of Cairo and London; and Sir Samuel Baker writes a long letter to the Times in passionate142 protest and entreaty143.
Such are the chief features in the wretched business. Even the Blue-books in their dry recital144 arouse in the reader painful and indignant emotions. But meanwhile other and still more stirring events were passing outside the world of paper and ink.
The arrival of Gordon at Khartoum had seriously perplexed and alarmed Mohammed Ahmed and his Khalifas. Their following was discouraged, and they themselves feared lest the General should be the herald145 of armies. His Berber proclamation reassured146 them, and as the weeks passed without reinforcements arriving, the Mahdi and Abdullah, with that courage which in several great emergencies drew them to the boldest courses, determined to put a brave face on the matter and blockade Khartoum itself. They were assisted in this enterprise by a revival147 of the patriotic impulse throughout the country and a consequent stimulus148 to the revolt. To discover the cause it is necessary to look to the Eastern Soudan, where the next tragedy, after the defeat of Hicks, is laid.
The Hadendoa tribe, infuriated by oppression and misgovernment, had joined the rebellion under the leadership of the celebrated149, and perhaps immortal150, Osman Digna. The Egyptian garrisons of Tokar and Sinkat were beleaguered151 and hard pressed. Her Majesty's Government disclaimed152 all responsibility. Yet, since these towns were not far from the coast, they did not prohibit an attempt on the part of the Egyptian Government to rescue the besieged soldiers. Accordingly an Egyptian force 3,500 strong marched from Suakin in February 1884 to relieve Tokar, under the command of General Baker, once the gallant153 colonel of the 10th Hussars. Hard by the wells of Teb they were, on the 5th of February, attacked by about a thousand Arabs.
'On the square being only threatened by a small force of the enemy... the Egyptian troops threw down their arms and ran, carrying away the black troops with them, and allowing themselves to be killed without the slightest resistance.' [General Baker to Sir E. Baring, February 6 (official despatch), telegraphic.] The British and European officers in vain endeavoured to rally them. The single Soudanese battalion154 fired impartially155 on friend and foe101. The general, with that unshaken courage and high military skill which had already on the Danube gained him a continental156 reputation, collected some fifteen hundred men, mostly unarmed, and so returned to Suakin. Ninety-six officers and 2,250 men were killed. Krupp guns, machine guns, rifles, and a large supply of ammunition157 fell to the victorious158 Arabs. Success inflamed159 their ardour to the point of madness. The attack of the towns was pressed with redoubled vigour. The garrison of Sinkat, 800 strong, sallied out and attempted to fight their way to Suakin. The garrison of Tokar surrendered. Both were destroyed.
The evil was done. The slaughter125 was complete. Yet the British Government resolved to add to it. The garrisons they had refused to rescue they now determined to avenge160. In spite of their philanthropic professions, and in spite of the advice of General Gordon, who felt that his position at Khartoum would be still further compromised by operations on his only line of retreat [Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville, Cairo, February 23.], a considerable military expedition consisting of one cavalry161 and two infantry162 brigades, was sent to Suakin. The command was entrusted to General Graham. Troops were hurriedly concentrated. The 10th Hussars, returning from India, were stopped and mounted on the horses of the gendarmerie. With admirable celerity the force took the field. Within a month of the defeat at Teb they engaged the enemy almost on the very scene of the disaster. On the 4th of March they slew163 3,000 Hadendoa and drove the rest in disorder23 from the ground. Four weeks later a second action was fought at Tamai. Again the success of the British troops was complete; again the slaughter of the Arabs was enormous. But neither victory was bloodless. El Teb cost 24 officers and 168 men; Tamai, 13 officers and 208 men. The effect of these operations was the dispersal of Osman Digna's gathering. That astute164 man, not for the first or last time, made a good retreat.
Ten thousand men had thus been killed in the space of three months in the Eastern Soudan. By the discipline of their armies the Government were triumphant165. The tribes of the Red Sea shore cowered166 before them. But as they fought without reason, so they conquered without profit.
As soon as Gordon had been finally refused the assistance of Zubehr Pasha, it was evident that the rescue of the garrisons was impossible. The General had been sent as the last hope. Rightly or wrongly, his recommendations were ignored. His mission was an admitted failure. After that the only question was how to bring him away as quickly as possible. It was certain that he would not come willingly. Force was necessary. Yet it was difficult to know how to apply it. After the victories in the Eastern Soudan the opportunity presented itself. The road was open. The local tribes were crushed. Berber had not then fallen. The Mahdi was himself still on the road from El Obeid to Khartoum. Sir Evelyn Baring saw the chance. He did not then occupy the formidable and imposing167 position in Egyptian politics that he has since attained168. But with all his influence he urged the despatch of a small flying column to Khartoum. His idea was simple. One thousand or twelve hundred men were to mount on camels and ride thither169 via Berber. Those who fell ill or whose camels broke down would have to take their chance by the roadside. The plan, however, broke down in the military detail. Only one honourable170 course remained—a regular expedition. This the British Agent at once began to urge. This the Government obstinately171 refused to admit; and meanwhile time was passing.
The situation at Khartoum became grave even before the breach172 between General Gordon and Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet was complete. While the British Government was indulging in vengeful operations in the Eastern Soudan, the Mahdi advanced slowly but steadily173 upon the town with a following variously estimated at from fifteen to twenty thousand men. On the 7th of March Colonel Stewart telegraphed from Khartoum: 'The Mahdi has attempted to raise the people of Shendi by an emissary.... We may be cut off;' [Lieut.-Colonel Stewart to Sir E. Baring, March 7, 1884.] and on the 11th Gordon himself reported: 'The rebels are four hours distant on the Blue Nile.' [Major-General Gordon to Sir E. Baring, March 11, 1884.] Thereafter no more telegrams came, for on the 15th the wire was cut between Shendi and Berber, and the blockade had commenced.
The long and glorious defence of the town of Khartoum will always fascinate attention. That one man, a European among Africans, a Christian among Mohammedans, should by his genius have inspired the efforts of 7,000 soldiers of inferior race, and by his courage have sustained the hearts of 30,000 inhabitants of notorious timidity, and with such materials and encumbrances174 have offered a vigorous resistance to the increasing attacks of an enemy who, though cruel, would yet accept surrender, during a period of 317 days, is an event perhaps without parallel in history. But it may safely be predicted that no one will ever write an account which will compare in interest or in detail with that set forth by the man himself in the famous. 'Journals at Khartoum.'
The brief account has delighted thousands of readers in Europe and America. Perhaps it is because he is careless of the sympathy of men that Charles Gordon so readily wins it. Before the first of the six parts into which the Journals were divided is finished, the reader has been won. Henceforth he sees the world through Gordon's eyes. With him he scoffs175 at the diplomatists; despises the Government; becomes impatient—unreasonably, perhaps—with a certain Major Kitchener in the Intelligence Branch, whose information miscarried or was not despatched; is wearied by the impracticable Shaiggia Irregulars; takes interest in the turkey-cock and his harem of four wives; laughs at the 'black sluts' seeing their faces for the first time in the mirror. With him he trembles for the fate of the 'poor little beast,' the Husseinyeh, when she drifts stern foremost on the shoal, 'a penny steamer under cannon176 fire'; day after day he gazes through the General's powerful telescope from the palace roof down the long brown reaches of the river towards the rocks of the Shabluka Gorge177, and longs for some sign of the relieving steamers; and when the end of the account is reached, no man of British birth can read the last words, 'Now mark this, if the Expeditionary Force—and I ask for no more than two hundred men—does not come within ten days, the town may fall; and I have done my best for the honour of our country. Good-bye,' without being thrilled with vain regrets and futile178 resolutions. And then the account stops short. Nor will the silence ever be broken. The sixth instalment of the Journals was despatched on the 14th of December; and when it is finished the reader, separated suddenly from the pleasant companionship, experiences a feeling of loss and annoyance179. Imagination, long supported, is brushed aside by stern reality. Henceforward Gordon's perils180 were unrecorded.
I would select one episode only from the Journals as an example of the peculiarity181 and the sternness of Charles Gordon's character—his behaviour towards Slatin. This Austrian officer had been Governor of Darfur with the rank in the Egyptian service of Bey. For four years he had struggled vainly against the rebellion. He had fought numerous engagements with varied182 success. He had been several times wounded. Throughout his province and even beyond its limits he bore the reputation of a brave and capable soldier. The story of his life of suffering and adventure, written by himself, is widely known, and he is thought by those who have read it to be a man of feeling and of honour. By those who enjoy his personal acquaintance this belief is unhesitatingly confirmed. He had, however, committed an act which deprived him of Gordon's sympathy and respect. During the fighting in Darfur, after several defeats, his Mohammedan soldiers were discouraged and attributed their evil fortune to the fact that their commander was an infidel under the curse of the Almighty183. Slatin therefore proclaimed himself a follower184 of the Prophet, and outwardly at least adopted the faith of Islam. The troops, delighted at his conversion185 and cheered by the hope of success, renewed their efforts, and the resistance of the Governor of Darfur was prolonged. The end, however, was deferred186, not averted187. After the destruction of General Hicks's army Slatin was compelled to surrender to the Dervishes. The religion he had assumed to secure victory he observed to escape death. The Arab leaders, who admired his courage, treated him at first with respect and kindness, and he was conducted to the Mahdi in his encampment before Khartoum. There during the siege he remained, closely watched but not imprisoned189. Thence he wrote letters to Gordon explaining his surrender, excusing his apostacy, and begging that he might be allowed—not even assisted—to escape to Khartoum. The letters are extant, and scarcely anyone who reads them, reflecting on the twelve years of danger and degradation190 that lay before this man, will refuse their compassion191.
Gordon was inflexible. Before the arrival of the letters his allusions192 to Slatin are contemptuous: 'One cannot help being amused at the Mahdi carrying all the Europeans about with him—nuns, priests, Greeks, Austrian officers—what a medley193, a regular Etat-Major!' [JOURNALS AT KHARTOUM.] He is suspicious of the circumstances of his surrender. 'The Greek... says Slatin had 4,000 ardebs of dura, 1,500 cows, and plenty of ammunition: he has been given eight horses by the Mahdi.' He will not vouch194 for such a man; but he adds, with characteristic justice, 'all this information must be taken with reserve.'
At length the letters came. At the peril128 of his life, when ordered to write and demand the surrender of the town, Slatin substituted an appeal to Gordon to countenance his escape. This is the uncompromising minute in the Journals: 'Oct. 16. The letters of Slatin have arrived. I have no remarks to make on them, and cannot make out why he wrote them.' In the afternoon, indeed, he betrays some pity; but it is the pity of a man for a mouse. 'He is evidently not a Spartan195... he will want some quarantine... one feels sorry for him.' The next day he is again inexorable, and gives his reasons clearly. 'I shall have nothing to do with Slatin's coming here to stay, unless he has the Mahdi's positive leave, which he is not likely to get; his doing so would be the breaking of his parole which should be as sacred when given to the Mahdi as to any other power, and it would jeopardise the safety of all these Europeans, prisoners with Mahdi.'
Slatin's position, it should be observed, was not that of an officer released on parole, but of a prisoner of war in durance in the enemy's camp. In such circumstances he was clearly entitled to escape at his own proper risk. If his captors gave him the chance, they had only themselves to blame. His position was not dissimilar from that of the black soldiers who had been captured by the Dervishes and were now made to serve against the Government. These deserted196 to Khartoum daily, and the General fully acquiesced in their doing so. As to Slatin's escape affecting the treatment of the other European prisoners, it must be observed that when at various times escapes were effected from Omdurman, and ultimately when Slatin himself escaped, no ill-treatment was inflicted197 on the rest of the prisoners; and even had such ill-treatment been the certain consequence of an escape, that need not have debarred a man, according to the customs of war, from attempting to regain198 his liberty. Nothing but his free and formal promise, obtained in return for favours received, can alienate199 that right. If the Mahdi chose to slaughter the remaining prisoners, the responsibility rested with the Mahdi.
Slatin was, however, in no position to argue his case. His correspondence with Gordon was discovered. For some days his life hung on a thread. For several months he was heavily chained and fed on a daily handful of uncooked doura, such as is given to horses and mules200. Tidings of these things were carried to Gordon. 'Slatin,' he observes icily, 'is still in chains.' He never doubted the righteousness of the course he had adopted, never for an instant. But few will deny that there were strong arguments on both sides. Many will assert that they were nicely balanced. Gordon must have weighed them carefully. He never wavered. Yet he needed Slatin. He was alone. He had no one in whose military capacity he could put the slightest confidence. Again and again in the Journals he expresses his want of trustworthy subordinates. He could not be everywhere, he said. 'Nearly every order has to be repeated two or three times. I am weary of my life.' 'What one has felt so much here is the want of men like Gessi, or Messadaglia, or Slatin, but I have no one to whom I could entrust61 expeditions.....'
This was the man who would have employed Zubehr and bowed to expediency201. But Zubehr had never 'denied his Lord.'
The actual defence of Khartoum is within the province of the Journals, nor shall I attempt a chronological202 account. After the 10th of September, when General Gordon sent Colonel Stewart and Messrs. Power and Herbin down the river in the ill-fated Abbas steamer, he was altogether alone. Many men have bowed to the weight of responsibility. Gordon's responsibility was undivided. There was no one to whom he could talk as an equal. There was no one to whom he could—as to a trusty subordinate—reveal his doubts. To some minds the exercise of power is pleasant, but few sensations are more painful than responsibility without control. The General could not supervise the defence. The officers robbed the soldiers of their rations3. The sentries203 slumbered204 at their posts. The townspeople bewailed their misfortunes, and all ranks and classes intrigued205 with the enemy in the hope of securing safety when the town should fall. Frequent efforts were made to stir up the inhabitants or sap their confidence. Spies of all kinds pervaded206 the town. The Egyptian Pashas, despairing, meditated207 treason. Once an attempt was made to fire the magazine. Once no less than eighty thousand ardebs of grain was stolen from the arsenal208. From time to time the restless and ceaseless activity of the commander might discover some plot and arrest the conspirators209; or, checking some account, might detect some robbery; but he was fully aware that what he found out was scarcely a tithe210 of what he could not hope to know. The Egyptian officers were untrustworthy. Yet he had to trust them. The inhabitants were thoroughly211 broken by war, and many were disloyal. He had to feed and inspirit them. The town itself was scarcely defensible. It must be defended to the end. From the flat roof of his palace his telescope commanded a view of the forts and lines. Here he would spend the greater part of each day, scrutinising the defences and the surrounding country with his powerful glass. When he observed that the sentries on the forts had left their posts, he would send over to have them flogged and their superiors punished. When his 'penny steamers' engaged the Dervish batteries he would watch, 'on tenter-hooks,' a combat which might be fatal to the defence, but which, since he could not direct it, must be left to officers by turns timid and reckless: and in the dark hours of the night he could not even watch. The Journals, the only receptacle of his confidences, display the bitterness of his sufferings no less than the greatness of his character. 'There is no contagion,' he writes, 'equal to that of fear. I have been rendered furious when from anxiety I could not eat, I would find those at the same table were in like manner affected212.'
To the military anxieties was added every kind of worry which may weary a man's soul. The women clamoured for bread. The townsfolk heaped reproaches upon him. The quarrel with the British Government had cut him very deeply. The belief that he was abandoned and discredited213, that history would make light of his efforts, would perhaps never know of them, filled his mind with a sense of wrong and injustice214 which preyed215 upon his spirits. The miseries216 of the townsfolk wrung217 his noble, generous heart. The utter loneliness depressed218 him. And over all lay the shadow of uncertainty219. To the very end the possibility that 'all might be well' mocked him with false hopes. The first light of any morning might reveal the longed-for steamers of relief and the uniforms of British soldiers. He was denied even the numbing220 anaesthetic of despair.
Yet he was sustained by two great moral and mental stimulants221: his honour as a man, his faith as a Christian. The first had put all courses which he did not think right once and for all out of the question, and so allayed222 many doubts and prevented many vain regrets. But the second was the real source of his strength. He was sure that beyond this hazardous223 existence, with all its wrongs and inequalities, another life awaited him—a life which, if he had been faithful and true here upon earth, would afford him greater faculties224 for good and wider opportunities for their use. 'Look at me now,' he once said to a fellow-traveller, 'with small armies to command and no cities to govern. I hope that death will set me free from pain, and that great armies will be given me, and that I shall have vast cities under my command.' [Lieut.-Colonel N. Newham Davis, 'Some Gordon Reminiscences,' published in THE MAN OF THE WORLD newspaper, December 14, 1898.] Such was his bright hope of immortality225.
As the severity of military operations increases, so also must the sternness of discipline. The zeal of the soldiers, their warlike instincts, and the interests and excitements of war may ensure obedience226 of orders and the cheerful endurance of perils and hardships during a short and prosperous campaign. But when fortune is dubious227 or adverse228; when retreats as well as advances are necessary; when supplies fail, arrangements miscarry, and disasters impend229, and when the struggle is protracted230, men can only be persuaded to accept evil things by the lively realisation of the fact that greater terrors await their refusal. The ugly truth is revealed that fear is the foundation of obedience. It is certain that the influence of General Gordon upon the garrison and townspeople of Khartoum owed its greatest strength to that sinister231 element. 'It is quite painful,' he writes in his Journals in September, 'to see men tremble so, when they come and see me, that they cannot hold the match to their cigarette.' Yet he employed all other methods of inspiring their efforts. As the winter drew on, the sufferings of the besieged increased and their faith in their commander and his promises of relief diminished. To preserve their hopes—and, by their hopes, their courage and loyalty—was beyond the power of man. But what a great man in the utmost exercise of his faculties and authority might do, Gordon did.
His extraordinary spirit never burned more brightly than in these last, gloomy days. The money to pay the troops was exhausted. He issued notes, signing them with his own name. The citizens groaned232 under the triple scourge233 of scarcity234, disease, and war. He ordered the bands to play merrily and discharged rockets. It was said that they were abandoned, that help would never come, that the expedition was a myth—the lie of a General who was disavowed by his Government. Forthwith he placarded the walls with the news of victories and of the advance of a triumphant British army; or hired all the best houses by the river's bank for the accommodation of the officers of the relieving force. A Dervish shell crashed through his palace. He ordered the date of its arrival to be inscribed235 above the hole. For those who served him faithfully he struck medals and presented them with pomp and circumstance. Others less laudable he shot. And by all these means and expedients the defence of the city was prolonged through the summer, autumn, and winter of 1884 and on into the year 1885.
All this time the public anxiety in England had been steadily growing. If Gordon was abandoned, he was by no means forgotten. As his mission had been followed with intense interest throughout the whole country, so its failure had caused general despondency. Disappointment soon gave place to alarm. The subject of the personal safety of the distinguished236 envoy was first raised in the House of Commons on the 16th of March by Lord Randolph Churchill. Availing himself of the opportunities provided by Supply, he criticised the vacillating policy of the Government, their purposeless slaughter in the Eastern Soudan, and their failure to establish the Suakin-Berber route. He proceeded to draw attention to the perilous position of General Gordon at Khartoum.
'Colonel Coetlogon has stated that Khartoum may be easily captured; we know that General Gordon is surrounded by hostile tribes and cut off from communications with Cairo and London; and under these circumstances the House has a right to ask her Majesty's Government whether they are going to do anything to relieve him. Are they going to remain indifferent to the fate of the one man on whom they have counted to extricate237 them from their dilemmas238, to leave him to shift for himself, and not make a single effort on his behalf?' [HANSARD'S PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES, March 16, 1884.]
The Government remained impassive. Lord E. Fitzmaurice made some sort of reply, and there were Ministerial cheers. But the subject, Once raised, was not allowed to drop. Inspired and animated239 by the earnest energy of a young man, the Opposition were continually growing stronger. The conduct of Egyptian affairs afforded ample opportunity for criticism and attack. All through the summer months and almost every night Ministers were invited to declare whether they would rescue their envoy or leave him to his fate. Mr. Gladstone returned evasive answers. The Conservative Press took the cue. The agitation became intense. Even among the supporters of the Government there was dissatisfaction. But the Prime Minister was obdurate240 and unflinching. At length, at the end of the Session, the whole matter was brought forward in the gravest and most formal way by the moving of a vote of censure241. The debate that followed Sir Michael Hicks Beach's motion was long and acrimonious242. Mr. Gladstone's speech only increased the disquietude of his followers243 and the fury of the Opposition. Mr. Forster openly declared his disagreement with his leader; and although Lord Hartington in winding up the debate threw out some hopes of an expedition in the autumn, the Government majority fell on the division to twenty-eight. And after the prorogation244 the controversy245 was carried on with undiminished vigour outside the walls of Parliament, and the clamour in the country grew louder and louder.
It is usual to look upon Mr. Gladstone's conduct in the matter of the relief of Gordon as dictated246 by benevolent247 weakness. History may take another view. Strong and stubborn as was the character of the General, that of the Minister was its equal. If Gordon was the better man, Gladstone was incomparably the greater. It was easy for the First Minister of the Crown to despatch an expedition against savages249. He was accustomed to the exercise of power. Compared with the resources of the Empire, the enterprise was insignificant250. Few men have feared responsibility less than Gladstone. On the other hand, the expressed desire of the nation was a force to which he had always bowed—to which, indeed, he owed his political existence. Yet, in spite of the growing agitation throughout the land, he remained stern and silent. Most men do what is right, or what they persuade themselves is right; nor is it difficult to believe that Mr. Gladstone did not feel justified251 in involving the nation in operations in the heart of the Soudan for the purpose, not of saving the life of the envoy—for Gordon had but to embark83 on his steamers and come home—but simply in order to vindicate252 the personal honour of a man. And it is possible that a feeling of resentment253 against the officer whose intractable nature was bringing such odium upon the Government may have coloured his resolution with a darker tinge254.
But for all his power and influence he was forced to give way. The Government which had long ignored the call of honour abroad, was driven to the Soudan by the cries of shame at home. Lord Hartington, at that time Secretary of State for War, must be dissociated from the general censure which his principal colleagues have incurred. He was the first to recognise the obligation which lay upon the Cabinet, and through the Cabinet upon the nation, and it was to his influence that the despatch of the relieving expedition was mainly due. The Commander-in-Chief and the Adjutant-General, who were fully alive to the critical position at Khartoum, added their recommendations. But even at the last moment Mr. Gladstone was induced to sanction the advance only by the belief that the scale of the operations would be small, and that only a single brigade would be necessary. The decision was taken forthwith by the Ministry and announced to the nation. The Adjutant-General, however, asked for a very different force from what the Government had anticipated, and the single brigade was expanded into an expedition of ten thousand men, selected from the whole army.
To reverse the decision was now, however, impossible, and the 'Gordon Relief Expedition' began. The commander to whom the conduct of the operations had been entrusted reviewed the situation. He saw himself confronted with a task which was easy and safe if it were undertaken at leisure, and which was doubtful and perilous if begun in haste. All the fruits of a long and successful career were staked on the result, and it is scarcely wonderful that he declined to be swift and reckless. Shrewdly estimating the military difficulties, he made his plans for a methodical and deliberate advance which would leave nothing to luck, and which resembles in character that afterwards carried out by Sir H. Kitchener. He excluded the idea of a wild glorious rush which might result in astonishing success or terrible disaster.
Troops and stores were steadily collected at Wady Halfa and along the Nile. The new Camel Corps255, consisting of four regiments, practised their drills and evolutions. To pilot the boats up the Cataracts256 voyageurs were brought from Canada. At length, when all preparations were complete, the expedition started. The plan was simple. A strong column of infantry in boats was to work up the river. In case that should not arrive in time, the Camel Corps was to strike across the Bayuda Desert from Korti to Metemma. Having arrived there, a small detachment was to be thrown into Khartoum by Gordon's steamers to sustain the defence until the arrival of the main body in March or even April of 1885, when the town could be regularly relieved.
The dramatic character of the enterprise and its picturesque258 and original features fascinated the nation, and the advance was watched with breathless interest. The fortunes of the River Column have been graphically259 described by one who played no small part in their attempt. 'The Campaign of the Cataracts' [By Sir William Butler] is a record of hard and unceasing toil260. Day after day the long lines of soldiers hauled on the tow-ropes or pulled at the oars14 of the broad-bottomed boats. Night after night they camped on the banks amid the grim desolation of the Monassir Desert. Yet their monotonous261 labours were encouraged by the knowledge that as soon as the bend of the river at Abu Hamed was reached the strong north wind would carry them swiftly to Khartoum. And it seemed a strange and bitter irony262 that the order to turn back and the news that all had been in vain was announced to the troops on the very day when they had cleared the cataracts and were moving forward at five times their former speed.
The Desert Column started from Korti on the 30th of December. Their strength did not exceed 1,100 officers and men, but they were the flower of the army. Dropping their communications, they set forth along the caravan263 route towards Metemma. The knowledge which we have since gained of the resources of the Mahdists enables the peril of their desperate venture to be fully appreciated. Although the Dervishes were neither so well armed nor trained as at a later date, they were nearly as numerous and equally devoid264 of fear. Their tactics were more in accordance with modern conditions: their fanaticism was at its height. The British force, on the other hand, was equipped with weapons scarcely comparable with those employed in the concluding campaigns. Instead of the powerful Lee-Metford rifle, with its smokeless powder, its magazine action, and its absence of recoil265, they were armed with the Martini-Henry, which possessed none of these advantages. In place of the deadly Maxim266 there was the Gardner gun—the very gun that jammed at Tamai, and that jammed again at Abu Klea. The artillery267 was also in every respect inferior to that now in general use. Besides all this, the principles of fire-discipline and of scientific musketry were new, little understood, and hardly admitted. Nevertheless, the Camel Corps went boldly forward, and engaged an enemy whose destruction ultimately required the strength of a better-armed and better-instructed army twelve times as strong.
On the 3rd of January they reached Gakdul Wells. A hundred miles of their march was accomplished. But they were now delayed by the necessity of escorting a second column of supplies to Gakdul, and after that until the arrival of reinforcements which raised their strength to 1,800 of all ranks. The interval268 was employed in building two small forts and establishing an advanced depot269; nor was it until the 13th that the march was resumed. The number of camels was not sufficient for the necessities of the transport. The food of the camels was too poor for the work they had to perform. By the 16th, however, they had made fifty miles, and approached the wells of Abu Klea. Here their further advance was disputed by the enemy.
The news of the advance of the Desert Column had been duly reported to the Mahdi and his Arab generals. A small party of English, it was said, with camels and some cavalry, were coming swiftly to the rescue of the accursed city. Their numbers were few, scarce 2,000 men. How should they hope to prevail against 'the expected Mahdi' and the conquering Ansar who had destroyed Hicks? They were mad; yet they should die; not one should escape. The delay in the advance offered ample opportunity. A great force of Arabs was concentrated. Slatin relates how several thousand men under important Emirs were detached from the army before Khartoum and marched northward270 eager for the slaughter of 'the enemies of God.' At Metemma the main strength of the Jaalin tribe was collected. With the reinforcements from Omdurman the total force of the Arabs actually at hand was not less than 10,000, and behind were many thousands more. They permitted the little column to advance until their retreat, if defeated, was impossible, and then, confident of victory, offered battle near the wells of Abu Klea.
The Camel Corps remained halted during the morning of the 16th, and built a small fort, in which they placed their reserve of stores, and made some arrangement for the reception of wounded. At one o'clock they moved leisurely271 forward, passed through the rocky defile272 which led into the valley of Abu Klea and bivouacked. Early the next morning the force moved out in square formation and advanced upon the enemy. The most savage248 and bloody273 action ever fought in the Soudan by British troops followed. Notwithstanding the numbers and the valour of the Arabs, that they penetrated274 the square, and that they inflicted on the troops a loss of nine officers and sixty-five men killed and nine officers and eighty-five men wounded—10 percent of the entire force—they were driven from the field with great slaughter, and the Desert Column camped at the wells.
On the morning of the 18th they rested, placed their wounded in the small fort they had built, and buried their dead. In the afternoon they continued their advance, marched all through the night, and, having covered twenty-three miles, halted exhausted, almost within sight of the river, at daylight on the 19th. Meanwhile the enemy had again collected in great strength, and an effective rifle fire was opened on the column. Sir Herbert Stewart received the wound of which a few weeks later he died. The command devolved upon Sir Charles Wilson. The position was desperate. Water was running short. The Nile was only four miles away; but the column were impeded275 by their wounded and stores, and between the river and the thirsty men lay the Dervish army, infuriated by their losses and fully aware of the sore straits to which their astonishing enemy was now reduced.
It now became necessary to divide the small force. Some must remain to guard the baggage and the wounded; the others must fight their way to the water. At three o'clock in the afternoon of the 19th, 900 men left the hastily made zeriba and marched towards the river. Without their camels or those of the transport they appeared insignificant, a mere speck276 on the broad plain of Metemma. The Dervishes hastened to clinch277 the matter.
The square advances slowly and painfully over the stony278 ground, with frequent jerky halts to preserve order and to pick up the wounded. Little puffs279 of white smoke dot the distant sandhills. Here and there a gaudy280 flag waves defiantly281. In front the green tops of the palm-trees by the Nile tantalise but stimulate282 the soldiers. On the left the great mud labyrinth283 of Metemma stretches indefinitely. Suddenly the firing stops. The low scrub in front is alive with the swarming284 figures of the enemy. All the flags dance forward together. Ragged129 white figures spring up in hundreds. Emirs on horses appear as if by magic. Everywhere are men running swiftly forward, waving their spears and calling upon the Prophet of God to speed their enterprise. The square halts. The weary men begin to fire with thoughtful care, The Dervishes drop thickly. On then, children of the desert! you are so many, they are so few. They are worn with fatigue285 and their throats are parched286. You have drunk deeply of the Nile. One rush will trample287 the accursed under the feet of the faithful. The charge continues. A bugle288 sounds in the waiting square. The firing stops. What is this? They lose heart. Their ammunition is exhausted. On, then, and make an end. Again the smoke ripples289 along the line of bayonets and fire is re-opened, this time at closer range and with far greater effect. The stubborn grandeur290 of the British soldier is displayed by desperate circumstances. The men shoot to hit. The attack crumples291. The Emirs—horse and man—collapse. The others turn and walk—for they will not run—sullenly back towards the town. The square starts forward. The road to the river is open. With dusk the water is reached, and never have victors gained a more longed-for prize. The Nile is won. Gordon remains.
Sir Charles Wilson, having collected his force, remained three days by the bank of the Nile before attempting any further advance on Khartoum. He has explained why this delay was necessary, to the satisfaction of most military critics. Nor is it easy to believe that men who had made such splendid efforts would have willingly lost a single moment. On the fourth day he embarked on two of Gordon's steamers, which awaited the relieving column, and taking with him twenty British soldiers and a few blue-jackets set forth towards the Shabluka Gorge and the town that lay beyond. On the 27th of January the rescuers came in sight of Khartoum and under the fire of the enemy. Many of their perilous adventures seem to belong to romance rather than to reality: the tiny gimcrack boats struggling with the strong stream of the cataract257, running the gauntlet of the Arab guns, dropping disconsolately292 down the river with their terrible news, or wrecked293 and stranded294 on the sandbank; Stuart-Wortley rowing to the camp before Metemma for help; Beresford starting in the remaining steamer; the bursting of the boiler295 by a Dervish shell; Benbow mending it in a single day; Wilson's rescue and the return to the entrenchment296 at Gubat. But the scene that appeals to the imagination above all the others is that where with both banks ablaze297 with musketry and artillery, the black smoke pouring through the shot-holes in the funnels298, the water rising in spurts299 from the bullets, the men who had come so far and braved so much stared at the palace roof and, seeing no flag flying, knew that all was over and that they had come too late.
The news of the Dervish defeats at Abu Klea and Abu Kru impelled300 the Mahdi to a desperate venture. The English were but 120 miles away. They were few, but victorious. It was difficult to say what force could stop such men. In spite of the wrath301 of the true God and the valour of Islam they might prevail. The Mahdi depended on success for existence. The tremendous forces of fanaticism are exerted only in a forward direction. Retreat meant ruin. All must be staked on an immediate302 assault. And, besides, the moment was ripe. Thus the Arab chiefs reasoned, and wisely resolved to be reckless. Thus the night of the 25th of January arrived.
The band played as usual in the evening. Gradually the shadows fell and it became dark. The hungry inhabitants betook themselves to bed. The anxious but indomitable commander knew that the crisis impended303, and knew also that he was powerless to avert188 it. Perhaps he slept, satisfied that he had done his duty; and in the silence of the night the savage enemy crawled stealthily towards the town. The weary and disheartened sentinels, weakened by famine and tired of war, maintained a doubtful vigilance along the ramparts. The subsiding304 waters of the river had left a bare gap between the White Nile and the wall. Perhaps there was treachery besides. On a sudden the loud explosion of musketry broke the stillness of the night and the slumbers305 of the people; and with a continual shouting thousands of Dervishes swarmed306 through the unprotected space and entered Khartoum.
One mob of assailants made their way to the palace. Gordon came out to meet them. The whole courtyard was filled with wild, harlequin figures and sharp, glittering blades. He attempted a parley307. 'Where is your master, the Mahdi?' He knew his influence over native races. Perhaps he hoped to save the lives of some of the inhabitants. Perhaps in that supreme308 moment imagination flashed another picture before his eyes; and he saw himself confronted with the false prophet of a false religion, confronted with the European prisoners who had 'denied their Lord,' offered the choice of death or the Koran; saw himself facing that savage circle with a fanaticism equal to, and a courage greater than, their own; marching in all the pride of faith 'and with retorted scorn' to a martyr's death.
It was not to be. Mad with the joy of victory and religious frenzy309, they rushed upon him and, while he disdained310 even to fire his revolver, stabbed him in many places. The body fell down the steps and lay—a twisted heap—at the foot. There it was decapitated. The head was carried to the Mahdi. The trunk was stabbed again and again by the infuriated creatures, till nothing but a shapeless bundle of torn flesh and bloody rags remained of what had been a great and famous man and the envoy of her Britannic Majesty. The blood soaked into the ground, and left a dark stain which was not immediately effaced312. Slatin mentions that the Arabs used often to visit the place. Ohrwalder went himself, and more than six weeks after the capture of the town, saw 'black spots' upon the steps. But they have all since been obliterated313.
Such, briefly314, is the story of the fall of Khartoum and of the death of Gordon. The fact that the two steamers arrived only two days after the capture of the town has given colour to the belief that, but for the three days' delay at Metemma, the catastrophe315 might have been averted. This view appears incorrect. The Arabs had long held Khartoum at their mercy. They hoped, indeed, to compel its surrender by famine and to avoid an assault, which after their experience at El Obeid they knew must cost them dear. Gordon has stated in his Journals that the town became defenceless by the middle of December. The arrival of twenty British soldiers and a few officers could not have materially affected the situation—could only, in fact, have increased the loss. Yet nearly everyone who reads the tale will wish—in spite of reason—that some help, however little, had reached the lonely man; that before the darkness fell he had grasped an English hand, and learned that his countrymen had not abandoned him, had not forgotten—would never forget.
It may not be possible as yet to fix the exact place which Charles Gordon will occupy in English history. It is certainly a high one. Whether he will rank as a commander with Peterborough, Wolfe, and Olive, those who come after us must decide. We may, however, assert that he was a man of stainless316 honour and enduring courage, who in varied capacities displayed a fertile and abundant genius. He was careless alike of the honours and comforts of the world, and looked forward with firm faith to the rewards of a future state. The severity of his religion did not impair317 the amiability318 of his character. The uncertainty of his moods may have frequently affected the soundness of his opinions, but not often the justice of his actions. Gordon's statue, set up in the indignant grief of the nation in the space which is appropriated to the monuments of Great Captains by sea and land, claims the attention of the passer-by, not only because it is comparatively new. The figure, its pose, and its story are familiar even to the poorest citizens of London and to people from all parts of the United Kingdom. Serene319 amid the noise of the traffic, as formerly320 in that of the battle, the famous General seems still, with bowed head and thoughtful countenance, to revolve311 the problems of the dark Soudan and, inattentive to the clamour of men, inquires what is acceptable to God.
With the capture of the city and the death of the envoy the reason for the expedition disappeared. It remained only to withdraw the troops. The stores which had been brought across the desert at a terrible cost were thrown hastily into the Nile. The battered321 steamers which had waited so long at Metemma were hurriedly dismantled322. The Camel Corps, their extraordinary efforts futile and their camels killed, marched back on foot to Korti. Their retreat was pressed by the exultant323 enemy. The River Column, whose boats after months of labour had just cleared the Cataracts, and who had gained a success at Kirbekan, were carried back swiftly by the strong current against which they had hopefully struggled. The whole Expeditionary Force—Guards, Highlanders, sailors, Hussars, Indian soldiers, Canadian voyageurs, mules, camels, and artillery—trooped back forlornly over the desert sands, and behind them the rising tide of barbarism followed swiftly, until the whole vast region was submerged. For several months the garrison of Kassala under a gallant Egyptian maintained a desperate resistance, but at last famine forced them to surrender, and they shared the fate of the garrisons of El Obeid, Darfur, Sobat, Tokar, Sinkat, Sennar, and Khartoum. The evacuation of the Soudan was thus completed.
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1
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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2
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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4
humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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degenerates
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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distended
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| v.（使）膨胀，肿胀( distend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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8
blustering
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| adj.狂风大作的，狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 )；咆哮；（风）呼啸；狂吹 | |
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9
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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10
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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12
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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14
oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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15
withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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16
acorn
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| n.橡实，橡子 | |
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foliage
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| n.叶子，树叶，簇叶 | |
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18
underneath
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| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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20
congealed
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| v.使凝结，冻结( congeal的过去式和过去分词 )；（指血）凝结 | |
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21
clot
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| n.凝块；v.使凝成块 | |
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22
subside
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| vi.平静，平息；下沉，塌陷，沉降 | |
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23
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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24
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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25
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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26
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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27
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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28
languished
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| 长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 )； 受折磨； 变得（越来越）衰弱； 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
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29
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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30
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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31
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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32
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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33
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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34
annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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35
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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36
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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38
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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39
revert
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| v.恢复，复归，回到 | |
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40
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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41
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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42
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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43
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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44
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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45
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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46
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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47
annex
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| vt.兼并，吞并；n.附属建筑物 | |
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48
imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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49
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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50
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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51
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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52
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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53
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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54
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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55
strings
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| n.弦 | |
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56
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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57
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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58
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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59
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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60
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
entrust
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| v.信赖，信托，交托 | |
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62
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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63
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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64
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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65
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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66
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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67
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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68
curtailed
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| v.截断，缩短( curtail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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71
collapsed
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| adj.倒塌的 | |
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72
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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73
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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74
scouted
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| 寻找，侦察( scout的过去式和过去分词 )； 物色（优秀运动员、演员、音乐家等） | |
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75
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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76
disingenuous
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| adj.不诚恳的，虚伪的 | |
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77
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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78
administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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79
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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80
feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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81
improvisation
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| n.即席演奏(或演唱)；即兴创作 | |
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82
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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83
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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84
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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85
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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86
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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87
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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88
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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89
propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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90
auguries
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| n.（古罗马）占卜术，占卜仪式( augury的名词复数 )；预兆 | |
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91
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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92
memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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93
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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94
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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96
endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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97
encumbrance
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| n.妨碍物，累赘 | |
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98
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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99
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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100
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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101
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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102
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
dealers
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| n.商人( dealer的名词复数 )；贩毒者；毒品贩子；发牌者 | |
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104
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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105
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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106
salutes
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| n.致敬，欢迎，敬礼( salute的名词复数 )v.欢迎，致敬( salute的第三人称单数 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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107
deported
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| v.将…驱逐出境( deport的过去式和过去分词 )；举止 | |
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108
disapprove
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| v.不赞成，不同意，不批准 | |
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109
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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110
concurred
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| 同意（concur的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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111
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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112
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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113
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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114
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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115
concisely
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| adv.简明地 | |
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116
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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117
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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118
commiseration
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| n.怜悯，同情 | |
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119
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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120
expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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121
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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122
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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123
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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124
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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126
deadlock
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| n.僵局，僵持 | |
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127
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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128
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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129
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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130
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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131
enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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133
peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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134
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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135
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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136
reiterates
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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137
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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138
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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139
abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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140
professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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141
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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142
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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143
entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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144
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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145
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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146
reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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147
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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148
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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149
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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150
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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151
beleaguered
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|
| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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152
disclaimed
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| v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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154
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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155
impartially
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| adv.公平地，无私地 | |
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156
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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157
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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158
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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159
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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160
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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161
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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162
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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163
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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164
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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165
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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166
cowered
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| v.畏缩，抖缩( cower的过去式 ) | |
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167
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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168
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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169
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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170
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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171
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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172
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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173
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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174
encumbrances
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| n.负担( encumbrance的名词复数 )；累赘；妨碍；阻碍 | |
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175
scoffs
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| 嘲笑，嘲弄( scoff的第三人称单数 ) | |
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176
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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177
gorge
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| n.咽喉，胃，暴食，山峡；v.塞饱，狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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178
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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179
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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180
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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181
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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182
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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183
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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184
follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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185
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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186
deferred
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|
| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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187
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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188
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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189
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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190
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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191
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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192
allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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193
medley
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| n.混合 | |
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194
vouch
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| v.担保；断定；n.被担保者 | |
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195
spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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196
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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197
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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198
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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199
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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200
mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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201
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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202
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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203
sentries
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| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
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204
slumbered
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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205
intrigued
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| adj.好奇的，被迷住了的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的过去式)；激起…的兴趣或好奇心；“intrigue”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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206
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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207
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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208
arsenal
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| n.兵工厂，军械库 | |
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209
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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210
tithe
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| n.十分之一税；v.课什一税，缴什一税 | |
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211
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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212
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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213
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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214
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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215
preyed
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| v.掠食( prey的过去式和过去分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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216
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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217
wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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218
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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219
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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220
numbing
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| adj.使麻木的，使失去感觉的v.使麻木，使麻痹( numb的现在分词 ) | |
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221
stimulants
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| n.兴奋剂( stimulant的名词复数 )；含兴奋剂的饮料；刺激物；激励物 | |
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222
allayed
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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223
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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224
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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225
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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226
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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227
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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228
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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229
impend
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| v.迫近，逼近，即将发生 | |
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230
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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231
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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232
groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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233
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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234
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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235
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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236
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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237
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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238
dilemmas
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| n.左右为难( dilemma的名词复数 )；窘境，困境 | |
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239
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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240
obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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241
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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242
acrimonious
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| adj.严厉的，辛辣的，刻毒的 | |
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243
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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244
prorogation
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| n.休会，闭会 | |
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245
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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246
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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247
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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248
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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249
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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250
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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251
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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252
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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253
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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254
tinge
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| vt.(较淡)着色于，染色；使带有…气息；n.淡淡色彩，些微的气息 | |
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255
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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256
cataracts
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| n.大瀑布( cataract的名词复数 )；白内障 | |
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257
cataract
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| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
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258
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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259
graphically
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| adv.通过图表；生动地，轮廓分明地 | |
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260
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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261
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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262
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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caravan
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| n.大蓬车；活动房屋 | |
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264
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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265
recoil
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| vi.退却，退缩，畏缩 | |
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266
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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267
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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depot
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| n.仓库，储藏处；公共汽车站；火车站 | |
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northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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271
leisurely
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| adj.悠闲的；从容的，慢慢的 | |
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defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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speck
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| n.微粒，小污点，小斑点 | |
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277
clinch
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| v.敲弯，钉牢；确定；扭住对方 [参]clench | |
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stony
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| adj.石头的，多石头的，冷酷的，无情的 | |
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puffs
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| n.吸( puff的名词复数 )；（烟斗或香烟的）一吸；一缕（烟、蒸汽等）；（呼吸或风的）呼v.使喷出( puff的第三人称单数 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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280
gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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281
defiantly
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| adv.挑战地，大胆对抗地 | |
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282
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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284
swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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parched
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| adj.焦干的；极渴的；v.（使）焦干 | |
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trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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bugle
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| n.军号，号角，喇叭；v.吹号，吹号召集 | |
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ripples
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| 逐渐扩散的感觉( ripple的名词复数 ) | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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crumples
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| 压皱，弄皱( crumple的第三人称单数 )； 变皱 | |
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disconsolately
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| adv.悲伤地，愁闷地；哭丧着脸 | |
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wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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294
stranded
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| a.搁浅的，进退两难的 | |
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295
boiler
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| n.锅炉；煮器(壶，锅等) | |
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296
entrenchment
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| n.壕沟，防御设施 | |
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297
ablaze
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| adj.着火的，燃烧的；闪耀的，灯火辉煌的 | |
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298
funnels
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| 漏斗( funnel的名词复数 )； （轮船，火车等的）烟囱 | |
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spurts
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| 短暂而突然的活动或努力( spurt的名词复数 )； 突然奋起 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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302
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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303
impended
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| v.进行威胁，即将发生( impend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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304
subsiding
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的现在分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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305
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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306
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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307
parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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308
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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309
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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310
disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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311
revolve
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| vi.(使)旋转；循环出现 | |
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312
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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313
obliterated
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| v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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314
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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315
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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316
stainless
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| adj.无瑕疵的，不锈的 | |
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317
impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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318
amiability
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| n.和蔼可亲的，亲切的，友善的 | |
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319
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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320
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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321
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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322
dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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323
exultant
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| adj.欢腾的，狂欢的，大喜的 | |
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