Of the military dominations which history records, the Dervish Empire was probably the worst. All others have displayed compensating18 virtues20. A high sense of personal honour has counterbalanced a low standard of public justice. An ennobling patriotism21 may partly repair economic follies22. The miseries23 of the people are often concealed24 by the magnificence of the army. The laxity of morals is in some degree excused by the elegance25 of manners. But the Dervish Empire developed no virtue19 except courage, a quality more admirable than rare. The poverty of the land prevented magnificence. The ignorance of its inhabitants excluded refinement26. The Dervish dominion27 was born of war, existed by war, and fell by war. It began on the night of the sack of Khartoum. It ended abruptly28 thirteen years later in the battle of Omdurman. Like a subsidiary volcano, it was flung up by one convulsion, blazed during the period of disturbance29, and was destroyed by the still more violent shock that ended the eruption30.
After the fall of Khartoum and the retreat of the British armies the Mahdi became the absolute master of the Soudan. Whatever pleasures he desired he could command, and, following the example of the founder31 of the Mohammedan faith, he indulged in what would seem to Western minds gross excesses. He established an extensive harem for his own peculiar32 use, and immured33 therein the fairest captives of the war. The conduct of the ruler was imitated by his subjects. The presence of women increased the vanity of the warriors35: and it was not very long before the patched smock which had vaunted the holy poverty of the rebels developed into the gaudy36 jibba of the conquerors37. Since the unhealthy situation of Khartoum amid swamps and marshes38 did not commend itself to the now luxurious39 Arabs, the Mahdi began to build on the western bank of the White Nile a new capital, which, from the detached fort which had stood there in Egyptian days, was called Omdurman. Among the first buildings which he set his subjects to construct were a mosque40 for the services of religion, an arsenal41 for the storage of military material, and a house for himself. But while he was thus entering at once upon the enjoyments42 of supreme43 power and unbridled lust44, the God whom he had served, not unfaithfully, and who had given him whatever he had asked, required of Mohammed Ahmed his soul; and so all that he had won by his brains and bravery became of no more account to him.
In the middle of the month of June, scarcely five months after the completion of his victorious45 campaigns, the Mahdi fell sick. For a few days he did not appear at the mosque. The people were filled with alarm. They were reassured46 by remembering the prophecy that their liberator47 should not perish till he had conquered the earth. Mohammed, however, grew worse. Presently those who attended him could doubt no longer that he was attacked by typhus fever. The Khalifa Abdullah watched by his couch continually. On the sixth day the inhabitants and the soldiers were informed of the serious nature of their ruler's illness, and public prayers were offered by all classes for his recovery. On the seventh day it was evident that he was dying. All those who had shared his fortunes—the Khalifas he had appointed, the chief priests of the religion he had reformed, the leaders of the armies who had followed him to victory, and his own family whom he had hallowed—crowded the small room. For some hours he lay unconscious or in delirium48, but as the end approached he rallied a little, and, collecting his faculties49 by a great effort, declared his faithful follower50 and friend the Khalifa Abdullah his successor, and adjured51 the rest to show him honour. 'He is of me, and I am of him; as you have obeyed me, so you should deal with him. May God have mercy upon me!' [Slatin, FIRE AND SWORD.] Then he immediately expired.
Grief and dismay filled the city. In spite of the emphatic53 prohibition54 by law of all loud lamentations, the sound of 'weeping and wailing55 arose from almost every house.' The whole people, deprived at once of their acknowledged sovereign and spiritual guide, were shocked and affrighted. Only the Mahdi's wives, if we may credit Slatin, 'rejoiced secretly in their hearts at the death of their husband and master,' and, since they were henceforth to be doomed56 to an enforced and inviolable chastity, the cause of their satisfaction is as obscure as its manifestation57 was unnatural58. The body of the Mahdi, wrapped in linen59, was reverently60 interred61 in a deep grave dug in the floor of the room in which he had died, nor was it disturbed until after the capture of Omdurman by the British forces in 1898, when by the orders of Sir H. Kitchener the sepulchre was opened and the corpse62 exhumed63.
The Khalifa Abdullah had been declared by the Mahdi's latest breath his successor. He determined65 to have the choice ratified66 once for all by the popular vote. Hurrying to the pulpit in the courtyard of the mosque, he addressed the assembled multitude in a voice which trembled with intense excitement and emotion. His oratory67, his reputation as a warrior34, and the Mahdi's expressed desire aroused the enthusiasm of his hearers, and the oath of allegiance was at once sworn by thousands. The ceremony continued long after it was dark. With an amazing endurance he harangued68 till past midnight, and when the exhausted69 Slatin, who hard attended him throughout the crisis, lay down upon the ground to sleep, he knew that his master's succession was assured; for, says he, 'I heard the passers-by loud in their praises of the late Mahdi, and assuring each other of their firm resolve to support his successor.'
The sovereignty that Abdullah had obtained must be held, as it had been won, by the sword. The passionate70 agitation71 which the Mahdi had excited survived him. The whole of the Soudan was in a ferment72. The success which had crowned rebellion encouraged rebels. All the turbulent and fanatical elements were aroused. As the various provinces had been cleared of the Egyptians, the new Executive had appointed military governors by whom the country was ruled and taxed, subject to the pleasure of Mohammed Ahmed. His death was the signal for a long series of revolts of all kinds—military, political, and religious. Garrisons75 mutinied; Emirs plotted; prophets preached. Nor was the land torn only by internal struggles. Its frontiers were threatened. On the east the tremendous power of Abyssinia loomed76 terrible and menacing. There was war in the north with Egypt and around Suakin with England. The Italians must be confronted from the direction of Massowa. Far to the south Emin Pasha still maintained a troublesome resistance. Yet the Khalifa triumphed over nearly all his enemies; and the greatest spectacle which the Soudan presented from 1885 to 1898 was of this strong, capable ruler bearing up against all reverses, meeting each danger, overcoming each difficulty, and offering a firm front to every foe77.
It is unlikely that any complete history of these events will ever be written in a form and style which will interest a later generation. The complications of extraordinary names and the imperfection of the records might alone deter64 the chronicler. The universal squalor of the scenes and the ignorance of the actors add discouragements. Nor, upon the other hand, are there great incentives78. The tale is one of war of the cruellest, bloodiest79, and most confused type. One savage80 army slaughters82 another. One fierce general cuts his rival's throat. The same features are repeated with wearying monotony. When one battle is understood, all may be imagined. Above the tumult83 the figure of the Khalifa rises stern and solitary84, the only object which may attract the interest of a happier world. Yet even the Khalifa's methods were oppressively monotonous85. For although the nature or courage of the revolts might differ with the occasion, the results were invariable; and the heads of all his chief enemies, of many of his generals, of most of his councillors, met in the capacious pit which yawned in Omdurman.
During the thirteen years of his reign3 Abdullah tried nearly every device by which Oriental rulers have sought to fortify86 their perilous87 sovereignty. He shrank from nothing. Self-preservation was the guiding principle of his policy, his first object and his only excuse. Among many wicked and ingenious expedients88 three main methods are remarkable89. First, he removed or rendered innocuous all real or potential rivals. Secondly90, he pursued what Sir Alfred Milner has called 'a well-considered policy of military concentration.' Thirdly, he maintained among the desert and riverain people a balance of power on the side of his own tribe. All these three methods merit some attention or illustration.
The general massacre91 of all possible claimants usually follows the accession of a usurper92 to an Oriental throne. The Khalifa was able to avoid this extreme measure. Nevertheless he took precautions. Availing himself of the grief and terror that had followed Mohammed Ahmed's death, he had extorted93 the oath of allegiance from the two other Khalifas and from the 'Ashraf' or relations of the Prophet. [The Madhi had superseded94 the original Mohammed as 'the Prophet.' His relations consequently became 'Ashraf.'] But these complaisant95 men soon repented96 of their submission97. Each Khalifa boasted his independence. Each marched attended by a numerous retinue98. Each asserted his right to beat his own great copper99 drum. Both the unsuccessful Khalifas combined against Abdullah. But while they had been busy with the beating of war-drums and the preparation of pageants100, that sagacious ruler had secured the loyalty101 of the Baggara tribe, to a section of which he belonged, and of a considerable force of black riflemen. At length matters reached climax102. Both parties prepared for war. Abdullah drew up his array without the city, and challenged his rivals to the utmost proof. The combined forces of the ousted103 Khalifas were the more numerous. But the fierce Baggara waved their swords, and the Soudanese riflemen were famous for their valour. For some hours a bloody104 struggle appeared imminent105. Then the confederacy broke up. The Khalifa Ali-Wad-Helu, a prudent106 man, talked of compromise and amity107. The Khalif Sherif, thus seriously weakened, hastened to make peace while time remained. Eventually both bowed to the superior force of the ruler and the superior courage of his followers108. Once they had submitted, their power was gone. Abdullah reduced their forces to a personal escort of fifty men each, deprived them of their flags and their war-drums—the emblems109 of royalty—and they became for the future the useful supporters of a Government they were unable to subvert110.
To other less powerful and more stubborn enemies he showed a greater severity. The Mahdi's two uncles, named respectively Abdel Kerim and Abdel Kader, were thrown chained into prison, their houses were destroyed, and their wives and other property confiscated111. The numerous persons who claimed to be of the 'Ashraf' found the saintly honour a burden upon earth; for, in order to keep them out of mischief112, the Khalifa enjoined113 them to attend five times every day at the prayers in the mosque. Eighteen months of these devotions, declares the Christian114 chronicler, were considered 'the highest punishment.' [Ohrwalder, TEN YEARS' CAPTIVITY115.] Still more barbarous was the treatment meted116 out to the unfortunate Emir who had charge of the Treasury117. Ahmed Wad Suliman had been accustomed under the Mahdi's mild rule to keep no public accounts, and consequently he had amassed118 a large fortune. He was actively119 hostile to Abdullah, and proclaimed his sympathy with the Ashraf. Whereupon the Khalifa invited him to give an account of his stewardship120. This he was, of course, unable to do. He was then dismissed from his appointment. His private property was taken to fill the deficiencies of the State, and the brutal121 population of Omdurman applauded his punishment as 'an act of justice.' [Slatin, FIRE AND SWORD.]
Although the Khalifa might establish his authority by such atrocities122, its maintenance depended on the military policy which he consistently pursued. The terrible power of a standing123 army may usually be exerted by whoever can control its leaders, as a mighty124 engine is set in motion by the turning of a handle. Yet to turn the handle some muscular force is necessary. Abdullah knew that to rule the Soudan he must have a great army. To make the great army obedient he must have another separate force; for the influences which keep European armies in subjection were not present among the Dervishes. For some years, indeed, he was compelled to leave much to chance or the loyalty of his officers. But latterly, when he had perfected his organisation125, he became quite independent and had no need to trust anyone. By degrees and with astonishing ability he carried out his schemes.
He invited his own tribe, the Taaisha section of the Baggara Arabs, to come and live in Omdurman. 'Come,' he wrote in numerous letters to them, 'and take possession of the lands which the Lord your God has given you.' Allured126 by the hopes of wealth and wives and the promise of power, the savage herdsmen came to the number of 7,000 warriors. Their path was made smooth and easy. Granaries were erected127 along the route. Steamers and sailing-vessels waited on the Nile. Arrived at the capital, all were newly clothed at the expense of the State. An entire district of the city was forcibly cleared of its inhabitants for the accommodation of the strangers. What the generosity128 of the Khalifa forgot or refused, the predatory habits of his clansmen procured129; and they robbed, plundered130, and swindled with all the arrogance132 and impunity133 of royal favourites. The populace of the city returned a bitter hatred134 for these injuries; and the Khalifa's object was attained135. He had created a class in Omdurman who were indissolubly attached to him. Like him, they were detested136 by the local tribes. Like him, they were foreigners in the land. But, like him, they were fierce and brave and strong. His dangers, his enemies, his interests were their own. Their lives depended on their loyalty.
Here was the motor muscle which animated137 the rest. The Taaisha Baggara controlled the black Jehadia, once the irregular troops of the Egyptians, now become the regulars of the Khalifa. The black Jehadia overawed the Arab army in the capital. The army in the capital dominated the forces in the provinces. The forces in the provinces subdued138 the inhabitants. The centralisation of power was assured by the concentration of military material. Cannon139, rifles, stores of ammunition140, all the necessities of war were accumulated in the arsenal. Only the armies on the frontiers, the Taaisha tribe, and the khalifa's personal bodyguard141 habitually142 carried firearms and cartridges143. The enormous population of Omdurman was forced to be content with spears and swords. Rifles were issued to the Soudanese whenever safe and necessary; cartridges only when they were about to be used. Thus several millions of warlike and savage people, owning scarcely any law but that of might, and scattered144 about a vast roadless territory, were brought into the firm grip of a single man.
The third principle of government which the Khalifa was compelled, or inclined, to adopt was to keep the relative power of the various tribes and classes conveniently proportioned. If an Emir rose to great influence and wealth, he became a possible rival, and suffered forthwith death, imprisonment145, or spoliation. If a tribe threatened the supremacy of the Taaisha it was struck down while its menace was yet a menace. The regulation of classes and tribes was a far more complicated affair than the adjustment of individuals. Yet for thirteen years the Khalifa held the balance, and held it exact until the very end. Such was the statecraft of a savage from Kordofan.
His greatest triumph was the Abyssinian war. It is not likely that two great barbaric kingdoms living side by side, but differing in race and religion, will long continue at peace; nor was it difficult to discover a cause of the quarrel between the Dervishes and the Abyssinians. For some time a harassing146 and desultory147 warfare148 disturbed the border. At length in 1885 a Dervish—half-trader, half brigand—sacked an Abyssinian church. Bas Adal, the Governor of the Amhara province, demanded that this sacrilegious robber should be surrendered to justice. The Arabs haughtily149 refused. The response was swift. Collecting an army which may have amounted to 30,000 men, the Abyssinians invaded the district of Gallabat and marched on the town. Against this host the Emir Wad Arbab could muster150 no more than 6,000 soldiers. But, encouraged by the victories of the previous four years, the Dervishes accepted battle, in spite of the disparity of numbers. Neither valour nor discipline could withstand such odds151. The Moslems, broken by the fierce onset153 and surrounded by the overwhelming numbers of their enemies, were destroyed, together with their intrepid154 leader. Scarcely any escaped. The Abyssinians indulged in all the triumphs of savagery155. The wounded were massacred: the slain156 were mutilated: the town of Gallabat was sacked and burnt. The Women were carried into captivity. All these tidings came to Omdurman. Under this heavy and unexpected blow the Khalifa acted with prudence157. He opened negotiations158 with King John of Abyssinia, for the ransom159 of the captured wives and children, and at the same time he sent the Emir Yunes with a large force to Gallabat. The immediate52 necessities having thus been dealt with, Abdullah prepared for revenge.
Of all the Arab leaders which fifteen years of continual war and tumult throughout the Soudan produced, none displayed higher ability, none obtained greater successes, and none were more honourable160, though several were more famous, than the man whom the Khalifa selected to avenge161 the destruction of the Gallabat army. Abu Anga had been a slave in Abdullah's family long before the Mahdi had preached at Abba island and while Egypt yet oppressed the country. After the revolt had broken out, his adventurous162 master summoned him from the distant Kordofan home to attend him in the war, and Abu Anga came with that ready obedience and strange devotion for which he was always distinguished163. Nominally164 as a slave, really as a comrade, he fought by Abdullah's side in all the earlier battles of the rebellion. Nor was it until after the capture of El Obeid that he rose suddenly to power and place. The Khalifa was a judge of men. He saw very clearly that the black Soudanese troops, who had surrendered and were surrendering as town after town was taken, might be welded into a powerful weapon. And in Abu Anga he knew a man who could not only fashion the blade, but would hold it ever loyally at his master's disposal. The former slave threw himself into the duties of his command with extraordinary energy. His humble165 origin pleased the hardy166 blacks, who recognised in their leader their equal in birth, their superior in prowess. More than any other Emir, Abu Anga contributed to the destruction of Hicks's army. The Jehadia, as his soldiers were called—because they had joined in the Jehad, or Holy War—were armed with Remington rifles, and their harassing fire inflicted167 heavy losses on the struggling column until it was finally brought to a standstill, and the moment for the spearmen to charge arrived. Henceforward the troops of Abu Anga became famous throughout the land for their weapons, their courage, and their cruelty. Their numbers at first did not exceed 5,000; but as more towns were taken and more slaves were turned into soldiers they increased, until at one time they reached the formidable total of 15,000 men. During the siege of Khartoum the black riflemen distinguished themselves by the capture of Omdurman fort, but their violent natures and predatory instincts made them an undesirable168 garrison74 even for the Dervish capital, and they were despatched under their general to Kordofan, where they increased their reputation by a series of bloody fights with the Nubas, an aboriginal170 mountain people who cared for nothing but their independence.
At the end of June Abu Anga reached Omdurman with an army variously estimated at from 22,000 to 31,000 men, of whom at least 10,000 were armed with Remington rifles. The Khalifa received him with the utmost honour. After a private interview, which lasted for several hours, a formal entry into the town was arranged. At daybreak on the following morning the whole force marched into the city and camped along the northern suburbs, applauded and welcomed alike by the population and their ruler. A few days after this a great review was held under the Kerreri hills, on the very ground where the Dervish Empire was doomed to be shattered. But the fateful place oppressed the Khalifa with no forebodings. He exulted171 in his power: and well he might, for after the cannon had thundered indefinite salutes172, no fewer than 100,000 armed men defiled174 to the music of the war-drums and the ombyas before the famous Black Flag. The spectacle of the enormous numbers provoked their enthusiasm. The triumphant175 Khalifa was cheered by his mighty host, who pressed upon him in their exuberant176 loyalty until he was almost crushed. It was indeed a stirring scene. The whole plain was filled with the throng177. Banners of every hue178 and shape waved gaily179 in the breeze, and the sunlight glinted from innumerable spear-points. The swarming180 Dervishes displayed their bright parti-coloured jibbas. The wild Baggara cavalry181 circled on the flanks of the array. The brown dome182 of the Mahdi's tomb, rising above the city, seemed to assure the warriors of supernatural aid. Abdullah was at the summit of his power. The movement initiated183 by the priest of Abba island had attained its climax. Behind, in the plain, the frowning rocks of Surgham Hill rose ragged184 and gloomy, as if their silence guarded the secrets of the future.
After the feast of Bairam had been celebrated185 on a gigantic scale, Abu Anga was despatched to Gallabat with his army and considerable reinforcements from the troops in Omdurman, and it became evident that war with Abyssinia was imminent. The great leader relieved the Emir Yunes, much to the latter's disgust, of the chief command, and, since the strong Gallabat garrison was added to his own force, Abu Anga was able to take the field at the head of 15,000 riflemen and 45,000 spearmen. The Khalifa had embarked186 on a great venture in planning the invasion of Abyssinia. The vast strength of the Negus was known to the Dervishes, and has since been proved to the world. The Mahdi had forbidden such a war. An ill-omened prophecy further declared that the King of Abyssinia would tether his horse to a solitary tree by Khartoum, while his cavalry should ride through the city fetlock deep in blood. But Abdullah feared neither God nor man. He reviewed the political situation, and determined at all risks to maintain his frontiers inviolate187. His Emir Wad Arbab had been killed. Blood must settle the matter.
The Abyssinians had not watched the extensive hostile preparations apathetically188. Ras Adal had collected an army which in numbers actually exceeded that of the Dervishes. But the latter were far superior in rifles, and the black infantry189 were of invincible190 valour. Nevertheless, confident in his strength and relying on his powerful cavalry, the Abyssinian general allowed the Arabs to toil191 through all the mountainous country, to traverse the Mintik Pass, and to debouch192 unmolested on to the plain of Debra Sin. Abu Anga neglected no precaution. He knew that since he must fight in the heart of Abyssinia, with the mountains behind him, a defeat would involve annihilation. He drew up his army swiftly and with skill. Then the Abyssinians attacked. The rifle fire of the Soudanese repulsed193 them. The onset was renewed with desperate gallantry. It was resisted with equal valour and superior weapons. After frightful194 losses the Abyssinians wavered, and the wise Arab seized the moment for a counterstroke. In spite of the devotion of his cavalry Ras Adal was driven from the field. Great numbers of his army were drowned in the river in front of which he had recklessly elected to fight. His camp was captured, and a valuable spoil rewarded the victors, who also gratified their passions with a wholesale195 slaughter81 of the wounded—a practice commonly followed by savages196. The effect of the victory was great. The whole of the Amhara province submitted to the invaders197, and in the spring of 1887 Abu Anga was able to advance without further fighting to the capture and sack of Gondar, the ancient capital of Abyssinia.
Meanwhile the Khalifa had been anxiously expecting tidings of his army. The long silence of thirty days which followed their plunge198 into the mountains filled him with fear, and Ohrwalder relates that he 'aged73 visibly' during that period. But his judgment199 was proved by the event, and the arrival of a selected assortment200 of heads turned doubt to triumph. The Dervishes did not long remain in Abyssinia, as they suffered from the climate. In December the army returned to Gallabat, which they commenced to fortify, and their victorious general followed his grisly but convincing despatch169 to Omdurman, where he received the usual welcome accorded by warlike peoples to military heroes. But the famous and faithful slave may have been more gratified by the tears of joy which his master and sovereign shed on beholding201 him again safe and successful.
The greater struggle was still to come. The whole of Abyssinia was convulsed with fury, and King John in person prepared to take the field and settle the quarrel for ever. He assembled a mighty host, which is said to have amounted to 130,000 foot and 20,000 horsemen. The rumours202 of this formidable concentration reached Gallabat and Omdurman, and in spite of the recent victory caused deep alarm. The Khalifa saw his frontiers—even his existence—menaced, for King John had declared that he would sweep the Dervishes from off the face of the earth: and in the hour of need the general on whom so much depended died of some poisonous medicine with which he had endeavoured to cure himself of indigestion. Abu Anga was buried in his red-brick house at Gallabat amid the lamentations of his brave black soldiers, and gloom pervaded204 the whole army. But, since the enemy were approaching, the danger had to be faced. The Khalifa appointed Zeki Tummal, one of Anga's lieutenants205, to the command of the forces at Gallabat, which by strenuous206 exertions207 he brought up to a total of 85,000 men. King John sent word that he was coming, lest any should say that he had come secretly as a thief. The Dervishes resolved to remain on the defensive208, and, fortifying209 themselves in an enormous zeriba around the town, awaited the onslaught.
At dawn on the 9th of March, 1889, the Abyssinians came within sight of their enemies, and early the next morning the battle began. Great clouds of dust obscured the scene, and all intelligible210 sounds were lost in the appalling211 din9. The Abyssinians, undaunted by the rifle fire of the Soudanese, succeeded in setting the zeriba alight. Then, concentrating all their force on one part of the defence, they burst into the enclosure and town. The division of Wad Ali, a fourth part of the entire Dervish army, which bore the brunt of this attack, was almost completely destroyed. The interior of the zeriba was crowded with women and children, who were ruthlessly butchered by the exultant212 Abyssinians. The assailants scattered in all directions in search of plunder131, and they even had time to begin to disinter the body of Abu Anga, which they were eager to insult in revenge for Gondar. The Dervishes already wavered; their ammunition began to fail, when suddenly a rumour203 spread about among the Abyssinians that the King was killed. Seizing what booty they could snatch, the victorious army began a general retreat, and the zeriba was soon cleared. The Arabs were too exhausted to pursue, but when on the following day the attack was not renewed they learned, to their surprise, that they were the victors and that their enemy was falling back towards the Atbara river. Zeki Tummal resolved to pursue, and his army were further incited213 to the chase by the fact that the Abyssinians had carried off with them a large number of Dervish women, including the harem of the late beloved Abu Anga. Two days after the battle the Dervishes overtook the enemy's rearguard and, surprising their camp, inflicted severe loss and captured much booty. The temporary Negus who had been appointed to fill the vacancy214 caused by the death of King John was among the killed. The body of that courageous215 monarch216 fell into the hands of the Dervishes, who struck off the head and sent it—a tangible217 proof of victory—to Omdurman. The Abyssinians, still formidable, made good their retreat; nor did Zeki Tummal venture to follow into the mountains. Internal difficulties within his dominions218 prevented the new Negus from resuming the offensive, and thus the Dervish-Abyssinian war dwindled219 down to, as it had arisen out of, frontier raids.
The arrival in Omdurman of King John's head intoxicated220 the Khalifa with joy. Abyssinia was regarded throughout the Soudan as a far greater power than Egypt, and here was its mighty ruler slain and decapitated. But the victory had been dearly purchased. The two great battles had been fought with indescribable ferocity by both sides, and the slaughter was appalling. No reliable statistics are avaliable, but it may be reasonably asserted that neither side sustained a loss in killed during the war of fewer than 15,000 fighting men. The flower of the Dervish army, the heroic blacks of Abu Anga, were almost destroyed. The Khalifa had won a Pyrrhic triumph. Never again was he able to put so great a force in the field, and, although the army which was shattered at Omdurman was better armed and better drilled, it was less formidable than that which broke the might of Abyssinia.
During the progress of the struggle with Abyssinia the war against Egypt languished221. The Mahdi, counting upon the support of the population, had always declared that he would free the Delta222 from 'the Turks,' and was already planning its invasion when he and his schemes were interrupted by death. His successor inherited all the quarrel, but not all the power. Much of Mohammed Ahmed's influence died with him. Alive, he might conquer the Moslem152 world; dead, he was only a saint. All fanatical feeling in Egypt soon subsided223. Nevertheless the Khalifa persisted in the enterprise. The success of the Abyssinian war encouraged and enabled him to resume the offensive on his northern frontier, and he immediately ordered Wad-el-Nejumi, who commanded in Dongola, to march with his scanty224 force to the invasion of Egypt. The mad enterprise ended, as might have been foreseen, in the destruction of both Emir and army at Toski. The Khalifa received the news with apparent grief, but it is difficult to avoid suspecting him of dark schemes. He was far too clever to believe that Egypt could be conquered by five thousand men. He knew that besides the Egyptians there was a strange white tribe of men, the same that had so nearly saved Khartoum. 'But for the English,' he exclaimed on several occasions, 'I would have conquered Egypt.' Yet, knowing of the British occupation, he deliberately225 sent an army to its inevitable226 ruin. It is difficult to reconcile such conduct with the character for sagacity and intelligence which Abdullah has deserved. There is no doubt that he wanted to conquer Egypt. Possibly by some extraordinary chance Wad-el-Nejumi might succeed, even with his small force. If so, then the glory of God and the power of the Khalifa would advance together. If not—and herein lies the true reason for the venture—the riverain tribes would have received a crippling blow.
The terrible slaughter of the Abyssinian war had fallen mainly on the Jehadia and the eastern Arabs. The jealous tribes in the north had not suffered. The balance of power was in need of re-adjustment. The Jaalin and Barabra were fast becoming dangerous. Nejumi's army was recruited almost entirely from these sources. The reinforcements sent from Omdurman consisted of men selected from the flag of the Khalifa Sherif, who was growing too powerful, and of the Batahin tribe, who had shown a mutinous227 spirit [Ohrwalder, TEN YEARS' CAPTIVITY.] The success of such an army in Egypt would be glorious. Its destruction anywhere would be convenient. Whatever Abdullah's motives228 may have been, his advantage was certain. But the life of the empire thus compelled to prey229 upon itself must necessarily be short.
Other forces were soon added to the work of exhaustion230. The year following the end of the Abyssinian war was marked by a fearful famine. Slatin and Ohrwalder vie with each other in relating its horrors—men eating the raw entrails of donkeys; mothers devouring231 their babies; scores dying in the streets, all the more ghastly in the bright sunlight; hundreds of corpses232 floating down the Nile—these are among the hideous233 features, The depopulation caused by the scarcity234 was even greater than that produced by the fighting. The famine area extended over the whole Soudan and ran along the banks of the river as far as Lower Egypt. The effects of the famine were everywhere appalling. Entire districts between Omdurman and Berber became wholly depopulated. In the salt regions near Shendi almost all the inhabitants died of hunger. The camel-breeding tribes ate their she-camels. The riverain peoples devoured235 their seed-corn. The population of Gallabat, Gedaref, and Kassala was reduced by nine-tenths, and these once considerable towns shrank to the size of hamlets. Everywhere the deserted236 mud houses crumbled237 back into the plain. The frightful mortality, general throughout the whole country, may be gauged238 by the fact that Zeki Tummal's army, which before the famine numbered not fewer than 87,000, could scarcely muster 10,000 men in the spring of 1890.
The new harvest came only in time to save the inhabitants of the Soudan from becoming extinct. The remnant were preserved for further misfortunes. War, scarcity, and oppression there had always been. But strange and mysterious troubles began to afflict239 the tortured tribes. The face of heaven was pitiless or averted240. In 1890 innumerable swarms241 of locusts242 descended243 on the impoverished244 soil. The multitude of their red or yellow bodies veiled the sun and darkened the air, and although their flesh, tasting when roasted like fried shrimps245, might afford a delicate meal to the natives, they took so heavy a toll246 of the crops that the famine was prolonged and scarcity became constant. Since their first appearance the locusts are said to have returned annually247 [Ohrwalder, TEN YEARS' CAPTIVITY.] Their destructive efforts were aided by millions of little red mice, who destroyed the seeds before they could grow. So vast and immeasurable was the number of these tiny pests that after a heavy rain the whole country was strewn with, and almost tinted248 by, the squirrel-coloured corpses of the drowned.
Yet, in spite of all the strokes of fate, the Khalifa maintained his authority unshaken. The centralisation which always occurs in military States was accelerated by the famine. The provincial249 towns dwindled; thousands and tens of thousands perished; but Omdurman continually grew, and its ruler still directed the energies of a powerful army. Thus for the present we might leave the Dervish Empire. Yet the gloomy city of blood, mud, and filth250 that arose by the confluence251 of the Niles deserves a final glance while still in the pride of independent barbarism.
It is early morning, and the sun, lifting above the horizon, throws the shadows of the Khartoum ruins on the brimful waters of the Nile. The old capital is solitary and deserted. No sound of man breaks the silence of its streets. Only memory broods in the garden where the Pashas used to walk, and the courtyard where the Imperial envoy252 fell. Across the river miles of mud houses, lining253 the banks as far as Khor Shambat, and stretching back into the desert and towards the dark hills, display the extent of the Arab metropolis254. As the sun rises, the city begins to live. Along the road from Kerreri a score of camels pad to market with village produce. The north wind is driving a dozen sailing-boats, laden255 to the water's edge with merchandise, to the wharves256. One of Gordon's old steamers lies moored257 by the bank. Another, worked by the crew that manned it in Egyptian days, is threshing up the Blue Nile, sent by the Khalifa to Sennar on some errand of State. Far away to the southward the dust of a Darfur caravan258 breaks the clear-cut skyline with a misty259 blur260.
The prolonged beating of war-drums and loud booming notes of horns chase away the silence of the night. It is Friday, and after the hour of prayer all grown men must attend the review on the plain without the city. Already the streets are crowded with devout261 and obedient warriors. soon the great square of the mosque—for no roof could shelter so many thousand worshippers—is filled with armed men, kneeling in humble supplication262 to the stern God of Islam and his most holy Mahdi. It is finished. They rise and hurry to the parade. The Emirs plant their flags, and all form in the ranks. Woe263 to the laggard264; and let the speedy see that he wear his newest jibba, and carry a sharp sword and at least three spears. Presently the array is complete.
A salute173 of seven guns is fired. Mounted on a fine camel, which is led by a gigantic Nubian, and attended by perhaps two hundred horsemen in chain armour265, the Khalifa rides on to the ground and along the ranks. It is a good muster. Few have dared absent themselves. Yet his brow is clouded. What has happened? Is there another revolt in the west? Do the Abyssinians threaten Gallabat? Have the black troops mutinied; or is it only some harem quarrel?
The parade is over. The troops march back to the arsenal. The rifles are collected, and the warriors disperse266 to their homes. Many hurry to the market-place to make purchases, to hear the latest rumour, or to watch the executions—for there are usually executions. Others stroll to the Suk-er-Rekik and criticise267 the points of the slave girls as the dealers268 offer them for sale. But the Khalifa has returned to his house, and his council have been summoned. The room is small, and the ruler sits cross-legged upon his couch. Before him squat269 the Emirs and Kadis. Yakub is there, with Ali-Wad-Helu and the Khalifa Sherif. Only the Sheikh-ed-Din is absent, for he is a dissolute youth and much given to drinking.
Abdullah is grave and anxious. A messenger has come from the north. The Turks are on the move. Advancing beyond their frontier, they have established themselves at Akasha. Wad Bishara fears lest they may attack the faithful who hold Firket. In itself this is but a small matter, for all these years there has been frontier fighting. But what follows is full of menacing significance. The 'enemies of God' have begun to repair the railway—have repaired it, so that the train already runs beyond Sarras. Even now they push their iron road out into the desert towards their position at Akasha and to the south. What is the object of their toil? Are they coming again? Will they bring those terrible white soldiers who broke the hearts of the Hadendoa and almost destroyed the Degheim and Kenana? What should draw them up the Nile? Is it for plunder, or in sheer love of war; or is it a blood feud270 that brings them? True, they are now far off. Perchance they will return, as they returned before. Yet the iron road is not built in a day, nor for a day, and of a surety there are war-clouds in the north.
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1
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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hierarchies
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| 等级制度( hierarchy的名词复数 )； 统治集团； 领导层； 层次体系 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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impoverishment
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| n.贫穷，穷困；贫化 | |
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17
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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18
compensating
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| 补偿，补助，修正 | |
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19
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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23
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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24
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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25
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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26
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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29
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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30
eruption
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| n.火山爆发；（战争等）爆发；（疾病等）发作 | |
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31
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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32
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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33
immured
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| v.禁闭，监禁( immure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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34
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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35
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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36
gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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38
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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39
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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40
mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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41
arsenal
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| n.兵工厂，军械库 | |
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42
enjoyments
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| 愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 )； 令人愉快的事物； 享有； 享受 | |
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43
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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44
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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45
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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46
reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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47
liberator
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| 解放者 | |
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48
delirium
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| n. 神智昏迷,说胡话;极度兴奋 | |
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49
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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50
follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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51
adjured
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| v.（以起誓或诅咒等形式）命令要求( adjure的过去式和过去分词 )；祈求；恳求 | |
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52
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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53
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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54
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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55
wailing
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的现在分词 )；沱 | |
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56
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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57
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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58
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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59
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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60
reverently
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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61
interred
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| v.埋，葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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63
exhumed
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| v.挖出，发掘出( exhume的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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66
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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68
harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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70
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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71
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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72
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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74
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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75
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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76
loomed
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| v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的过去式和过去分词 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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77
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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incentives
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| 激励某人做某事的事物( incentive的名词复数 )； 刺激； 诱因； 动机 | |
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bloodiest
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| adj.血污的( bloody的最高级 )；流血的；屠杀的；残忍的 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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81
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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82
slaughters
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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84
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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85
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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86
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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89
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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91
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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92
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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93
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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94
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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complaisant
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| adj.顺从的，讨好的 | |
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repented
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| 对（自己的所为）感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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pageants
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| n.盛装的游行( pageant的名词复数 )；穿古代服装的游行；再现历史场景的娱乐活动；盛会 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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102
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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103
ousted
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| 驱逐( oust的过去式和过去分词 )； 革职； 罢黜； 剥夺 | |
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104
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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105
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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106
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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107
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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108
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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109
emblems
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| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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110
subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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111
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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113
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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115
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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116
meted
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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118
amassed
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| v.积累，积聚( amass的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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120
stewardship
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| n. n. 管理工作；管事人的职位及职责 | |
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121
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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122
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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123
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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124
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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125
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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126
allured
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| 诱引，吸引( allure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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127
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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128
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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129
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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130
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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132
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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133
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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134
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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135
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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136
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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138
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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139
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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140
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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141
bodyguard
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| n.护卫，保镖 | |
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142
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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143
cartridges
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| 子弹( cartridge的名词复数 )； （打印机的）墨盒； 录音带盒； （唱机的）唱头 | |
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144
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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145
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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146
harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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147
desultory
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| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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148
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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149
haughtily
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| adv. 傲慢地, 高傲地 | |
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150
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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151
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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152
Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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153
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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154
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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155
savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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156
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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157
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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158
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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159
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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160
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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161
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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162
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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163
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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164
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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165
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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166
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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167
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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168
undesirable
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|
| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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169
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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170
aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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171
exulted
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| 狂喜，欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
salutes
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| n.致敬，欢迎，敬礼( salute的名词复数 )v.欢迎，致敬( salute的第三人称单数 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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173
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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174
defiled
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| v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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175
triumphant
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|
| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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176
exuberant
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| adj.充满活力的；（植物）繁茂的 | |
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177
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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178
hue
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| n.色度；色调；样子 | |
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179
gaily
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| adv.欢乐地，高兴地 | |
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180
swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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181
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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182
dome
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| n.圆屋顶，拱顶 | |
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183
initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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184
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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185
celebrated
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|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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186
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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187
inviolate
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|
| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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188
apathetically
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| adv.不露感情地；无动于衷地；不感兴趣地；冷淡地 | |
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189
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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190
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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191
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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192
debouch
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| v.流出，进入 | |
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193
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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194
frightful
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|
| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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195
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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196
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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197
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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198
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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199
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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200
assortment
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| n.分类，各色俱备之物，聚集 | |
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201
beholding
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| v.看，注视( behold的现在分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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202
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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203
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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204
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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205
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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206
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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207
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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208
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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209
fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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210
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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211
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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212
exultant
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| adj.欢腾的，狂欢的，大喜的 | |
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213
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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214
vacancy
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| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
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215
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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216
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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217
tangible
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| adj.有形的，可触摸的，确凿的，实际的 | |
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218
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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219
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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220
intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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221
languished
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| 长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 )； 受折磨； 变得（越来越）衰弱； 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
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222
delta
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| n.（流的）角洲 | |
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223
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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224
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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225
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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226
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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227
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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228
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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229
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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230
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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231
devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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232
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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233
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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234
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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235
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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236
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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237
crumbled
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| （把…）弄碎， （使）碎成细屑( crumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 衰落； 坍塌； 损坏 | |
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238
gauged
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| adj.校准的；标准的；量规的；量计的v.（用仪器）测量( gauge的过去式和过去分词 )；估计；计量；划分 | |
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239
afflict
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| vt.使身体或精神受痛苦，折磨 | |
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240
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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242
locusts
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| n.蝗虫( locust的名词复数 )；贪吃的人；破坏者；槐树 | |
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243
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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244
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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245
shrimps
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| n.虾，小虾( shrimp的名词复数 )；矮小的人 | |
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246
toll
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| n.过路(桥)费；损失，伤亡人数；v.敲(钟) | |
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247
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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248
tinted
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| adj. 带色彩的 动词tint的过去式和过去分词 | |
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249
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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250
filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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251
confluence
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| n.汇合，聚集 | |
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252
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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253
lining
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| n.衬里，衬料 | |
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254
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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255
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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256
wharves
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| n.码头，停泊处( wharf的名词复数 ) | |
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257
moored
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| adj. 系泊的 动词moor的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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258
caravan
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| n.大蓬车；活动房屋 | |
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259
misty
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| adj.雾蒙蒙的，有雾的 | |
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260
blur
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| n.模糊不清的事物；vt.使模糊，使看不清楚 | |
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261
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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262
supplication
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| n.恳求，祈愿，哀求 | |
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263
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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264
laggard
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| n.落后者；adj.缓慢的，落后的 | |
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265
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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266
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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267
criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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268
dealers
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| n.商人( dealer的名词复数 )；贩毒者；毒品贩子；发牌者 | |
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269
squat
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| v.蹲坐，蹲下；n.蹲下；adj.矮胖的，粗矮的 | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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