The undisputed facts are few. Towards the end of 1896 a French expedition was despatched from the Atlantic into the heart of Africa under the command of Major Marchand. The re-occupation of Dongola was then practically complete, and the British Government were earnestly considering the desirability of a further advance. In the beginning of 1897 a British expedition, under Colonel Macdonald, and comprising a dozen carefully selected officers, set out from England to Uganda, landed at Mombassa, and struck inland. The misfortunes which fell upon this enterprise are beyond the scope of this account, and I shall not dwell upon the local jealousies7 and disputes which marred8 it. It is sufficient to observe that Colonel Macdonald was provided with Soudanese troops who were practically in a state of mutiny and actually mutinied two days after he assumed command. The officers were compelled to fight for their lives. Several were killed. A year was consumed in suppressing the mutiny and the revolt which arose out of it. If the object of the expedition was to reach the Upper Nile, it was soon obviously unattainable, and the Government were glad to employ the officers in making geographical9 surveys.
At the beginning of 1898 it was clear to those who, with the fullest information, directed the foreign policy of Great Britain that no results affecting the situation in the Soudan could be expected from the Macdonald Expedition. The advance to Khartoum and the reconquest of the lost provinces had been irrevocably undertaken. An Anglo-Egyptian force was already concentrating at Berber. Lastly, the Marchand Mission was known to be moving towards the Upper Nile, and it was a probable contingency11 that it would arrive at its destination within a few months. It was therefore evident that the line of advance of the powerful army moving south from the Mediterranean12 and of the tiny expedition moving east from the Atlantic must intersect before the end of the year, and that intersection13 would involve a collision between the Powers of Great Britain and France.
I do not pretend to any special information not hitherto given to the public in this further matter, but the reader may consider for himself whether the conciliatory policy which Lord Salisbury pursued towards Russia in China at this time—a policy which excited hostile criticism in England—was designed to influence the impending14 conflict on the Upper Nile and make it certain, or at least likely, that when Great Britain and France should be placed in direct opposition15, France should find herself alone.
With these introductory reflections we may return to the theatre of the war.
On the 7th of September, five days after the battle and capture of Omdurman, the Tewfikia, a small Dervish steamer—one of those formerly16 used by General Gordon—came drifting and paddling down the river. Her Arab crew soon perceived by the Egyptian flags which were hoisted17 on the principal buildings, and by the battered18 condition of the Mahdi's Tomb, that all was not well in the city; and then, drifting a little further, they found themselves surrounded by the white gunboats of the 'Turks,' and so incontinently surrendered. The story they told their captors was a strange one. They had left Omdurman a month earlier, in company with the steamer Safia, carrying a force of 500 men, with the Khalifa's orders to go up the White Nile and collect grain. For some time all had been well; but on approaching the old Government station of Fashoda they had been fired on by black troops commanded by white officers under a strange flag—and fired on with such effect that they had lost some forty men killed and wounded. Doubting who these formidable enemies might be, the foraging19 expedition had turned back, and the Emir in command, having disembarked and formed a camp at a place on the east bank called Reng, had sent the Tewfikia back to ask the Khalifa for instructions and reinforcements. The story was carried to the Sirdar and ran like wildfire through the camp. Many officers made their way to the river, where the steamer lay, to test for themselves the truth of the report. The woodwork of the hull22 was marked with many newly made holes, and cutting into these with their penknives the officers extracted bullets—not the roughly cast leaden balls, the bits of telegraph wire, or old iron which savages23 use, but the conical nickel-covered bullets of small-bore rifles such as are fired by civilised forces alone. Here was positive proof. A European Power was on the Upper Nile: which? Some said it was the Belgians from the Congo; some that an Italian expedition had arrived; others thought that the strangers were French; others, again, believed in the Foreign Office—it was a British expedition, after all. The Arab crew were cross-examined as to the flag they had seen. Their replies were inconclusive. It had bright colours, they declared; but what those colours were and what their arrangement might be they could not tell; they were poor men, and God was very great.
Curiosity found no comfort but in patience or speculation24. The camp for the most part received the news with a shrug25. After their easy victory the soldiers walked delicately. They knew that they belonged to the most powerful force that had ever penetrated26 the heart of Africa. If there was to be more war, the Government had but to give the word, and the Grand Army of the Nile would do by these newcomers as they had done by the Dervishes.
On the 8th the Sirdar started up the White Nile for Fashoda with five steamers, the XIth and XIIIth Battalions27 of Soudanese, two companies of the Cameron Highlanders, Peake's battery of artillery29, and four Maxim30 guns. Three days later he arrived at Reng, and there found, as the crew of the Tewfikia had declared, some 500 Dervishes encamped on the bank, and the Safia steamer moored31 to it. These stupid fellows had the temerity32 to open fire on the vessels33. Whereat the Sultan, steaming towards their dem, replied with a fierce shell fire which soon put them to flight. The Safia, being under steam, made some attempt to escape—whither, it is impossible to say—and Commander Keppel by a well-directed shell in her boilers34 blew her up, much to the disgust of the Sirdar, who wanted to add her to his flotilla.
After this incident the expedition continued its progress up the White Nile. The sudd which was met with two days' journey south of Khartoum did not in this part of the Nile offer any obstacle to navigation, as the strong current of the river clears the waterway; but on either side of the channel a belt of the tangled35 weed, varying from twelve to twelve hundred yards in breadth, very often prevented the steamers from approaching the bank to tie up. The banks themselves depressed36 the explorers by their melancholy37 inhospitality. At times the river flowed past miles of long grey grass and swamp-land, inhabited and habitable only by hippopotami. At times a vast expanse of dreary38 mud flats stretched as far as the eye could see. At others the forest, dense39 with an impenetrable undergrowth of thorn-bushes, approached the water, and the active forms of monkeys and even of leopards40 darted41 among the trees. But the country—whether forest, mud-flat, or prairie—was always damp and feverish42: a wet land steaming under a burning sun and humming with mosquitoes and all kinds of insect life.
Onward43 and southward toiled44 the flotilla, splashing the brown water into foam45 and startling the strange creatures on the banks, until on the 18th of September they approached Fashoda. The gunboats waited, moored to the bank for some hours of the afternoon, to allow a message which had been sent by the Sirdar to the mysterious Europeans, to precede his arrival, and early in the morning of the 19th a small steel rowing-boat was observed coming down stream to meet the expedition. It contained a Senegalese sergeant46 and two men, with a letter from Major Marchand announcing the arrival of the French troops and their formal occupation of the Soudan. It, moreover, congratulated the Sirdar on his victory, and welcomed him to Fashoda in the name of France.
A few miles' further progress brought the gunboats to their destination, and they made fast to the bank near the old Government buildings of the town. Major Marchand's party consisted of eight French officers or non-commissioned officers, and 120 black soldiers drawn47 from the Niger district. They possessed48 three steel boats fitted for sail or oars49, and a small steam launch, the Faidherbe, which latter had, however, been sent south for reinforcements. They had six months' supplies of provisions for the French officers, and about three months' rations5 for the men; but they had no artillery, and were in great want of small-arm ammunition50. Their position was indeed precarious51. The little force was stranded52, without communications of any sort, and with no means of either withstanding an attack or of making a retreat. They had fired away most of their cartridges53 at the Dervish foraging party, and were daily expecting a renewed attack. Indeed, it was with consternation54 that they had heard of the approach of the flotilla. The natives had carried the news swiftly up the river that the Dervishes were coming back with five steamers, and for three nights the French had been sleeplessly55 awaiting the assault of a powerful enemy.
Their joy and relief at the arrival of a European force were undisguised. The Sirdar and his officers on their part were thrilled with admiration56 at the wonderful achievements of this small band of heroic men. Two years had passed since they left the Atlantic coast. For four months they had been absolutely lost from human ken10. They had fought with savages; they had struggled with fever; they had climbed mountains and pierced the most gloomy forests. Five days and five nights they had stood up to their necks in swamp and water. A fifth of their number had perished; yet at last they had carried out their mission and, arriving at Fashoda on the 10th of July, had planted the tricolour upon the Upper Nile.
Moved by such reflections the British officers disembarked. Major Marchand, with a guard of honour, came to meet the General. They shook hands warmly. 'I congratulate you,' said the Sirdar, 'on all you have accomplished57.' 'No,' replied the Frenchman, pointing to his troops; 'it is not I, but these soldiers who have done it.' And Kitchener, telling the story afterwards, remarked, 'Then I knew he was a gentleman.'
Into the diplomatic discussions that followed, it is not necessary to plunge58. The Sirdar politely ignored the French flag, and, without interfering59 with the Marchand Expedition and the fort it occupied, hoisted the British and Egyptian colours with all due ceremony, amid musical honours and the salutes61 of the gunboats. A garrison62 was established at Fashoda, consisting of the XIth Soudanese, four guns of Peake's battery, and two Maxims63, the whole under the command of Colonel Jackson, who was appointed military and civil commandant of the Fashoda district.
At three o'clock on the same afternoon the Sirdar and the gunboats resumed their journey to the south, and the next day reached the mouth of the Sobat, sixty-two miles from Fashoda. Here other flags were hoisted and another post formed with a garrison of half the XIIIth Soudanese battalion28 and the remaining two guns of Peake's battery. The expedition then turned northwards, leaving two gunboats—the Sultan and the Abu Klea—at the disposal of Colonel Jackson.
I do not attempt to describe the international negotiations64 and discussions that followed the receipt of the news in Europe, but it is pleasing to remember that a great crisis found England united. The determination of the Government was approved by the loyalty65 of the Opposition, supported by the calm resolve of the people, and armed with the efficiency of the fleet. At first indeed, while the Sirdar was still steaming southward, wonder and suspense66 filled all minds; but when suspense ended in the certainty that eight French adventurers were in occupation of Fashoda and claimed a territory twice as large as France, it gave place to a deep and bitter anger. There is no Power in Europe which the average Englishman regards with less animosity than France. Nevertheless, on this matter all were agreed. They should go. They should evacuate67 Fashoda, or else all the might, majesty68, dominion69, and power of everything that could by any stretch of the imagination be called 'British' should be employed to make them go.
Those who find it difficult to account for the hot, almost petulant70, flush of resolve that stirred the nation must look back over the long history of the Soudan drama. It had always been a duty to reconquer the abandoned territory. When it was found that this might be safely done, the duty became a pleasure. The operations were watched with extravagant71 attention, and while they progressed the earnestness of the nation increased. As the tides of barbarism were gradually driven back, the old sea-marks came one after another into view. Names of towns that were half forgotten—or remembered only with sadness—re-appeared on the posters, in the gazettes, and in the newspapers. We were going back. 'Dongola,' 'Berber,' 'Metemma'—who had not heard of them before? Now they were associated with triumph. Considerable armies fought on the Indian Frontier. There was war in the South and the East and the West of Africa. But England looked steadfastly72 towards the Nile and the expedition that crawled forward slowly, steadily73, unchecked, apparently74 irresistible75.
When the final triumph, long expected, came in all its completeness it was hailed with a shout of exultation76, and the people of Great Britain, moved far beyond their wont77, sat themselves down to give thanks to their God, their Government, and their General. Suddenly, on the chorus of their rejoicing there broke a discordant78 note. They were confronted with the fact that a 'friendly Power' had, unprovoked, endeavoured to rob them of the fruits of their victories. They now realised that while they had been devoting themselves to great military operations, in broad daylight and the eye of the world, and prosecuting79 an enterprise on which they had set their hearts, other operations—covert and deceitful—had been in progress in the heart of the Dark Continent, designed solely80 for the mischievous81 and spiteful object of depriving them of the produce of their labours. And they firmly set their faces against such behaviour.
First of all, Great Britain was determined82 to have Fashoda or fight; and as soon as this was made clear, the French were willing to give way. Fashoda was a miserable83 swamp, of no particular value to them. Marchand, Lord Salisbury's 'explorer in difficulties upon the Upper Nile,' was admitted by the French Minister to be merely an 'emissary of civilisation84.' It was not worth their while to embark20 on the hazards and convulsions of a mighty85 war for either swamp or emissary. Besides, the plot had failed. Guy Fawkes, true to his oath and his orders, had indeed reached the vault86; but the other conspirators87 were less devoted88. The Abyssinians had held aloof89. The negro tribes gazed with wonder on the strangers, but had no intention of fighting for them. The pride and barbarism of the Khalifa rejected all overtures90 and disdained91 to discriminate92 between the various breeds of the accursed 'Turks.' Finally, the victory of Omdurman and its forerunner—the Desert Railway—had revolutionised the whole situation in the Nile valley. After some weeks of tension, the French Government consented to withdraw their expedition from the region of the Upper Nile.
Meanwhile events were passing at Fashoda. The town, the site of which had been carefully selected by the old Egyptian Government, is situated93 on the left bank of the river, on a gentle slope of ground which rises about four feet above the level of the Nile at full flood. During the rainy season, which lasts from the end of June until the end of October, the surrounding country is one vast swamp, and Fashoda itself becomes an island. It is not, however, without its importance; for it is the only spot on the west shore for very many miles where landing from the river is possible. All the roads—mere camel-tracks—from Lower Kordofan meet at the Government post, but are only passable in the dry season. The soil is fertile, and, since there is a superabundance of sun and water, almost any crop or plant can be grown. The French officers, with the adaptive thrift94 of their nation, had already, in spite of the ravages95 of the water-rats, created a good vegetable garden, from which they were able to supplement their monotonous96 fare. The natives, however—aboriginal negroes of the Dinka and Shillook tribes—are unwilling97 to work, except to provide themselves with the necessaries of life; and since these are easily obtained, there is very little cultivation98, and the fertility of the soil may be said to increase the poverty of the country. At all seasons of the year the climate of Fashoda is pestilential, and the malarial99 fever attacks every European or Egyptian, breaking down the strongest constitutions, and in many cases causing death. [The place is most unhealthy, and in March 1899 (the driest season of the year) out of a garrison of 317 men only 37 were fit for duty.—Sir William Garstin's Report: EGYPT, No. 5, 1899.]
On this dismal100 island, far from civilisation, health, or comfort, the Marchand Mission and the Egyptian garrison lived in polite antagonism101 for nearly three months. The French fort stood at the northern end. The Egyptian camp lay outside the ruins of the town. Civilities were constantly exchanged between the forces, and the British officers repaid the welcome gifts of fresh vegetables by newspapers and other conveniences. The Senegalese riflemen were smart and well-conducted soldiers, and the blacks of the Soudanese battalion soon imitated their officers in reciprocating102 courtesies. A feeling of mutual103 respect sprang up between Colonel Jackson and Major Marchand. The dashing commandant of the XIth Soudanese, whose Egyptian medals bear no fewer than fourteen clasps, was filled with a generous admiration for the French explorer. Realising the difficulties, he appreciated the magnificence of the achievement; and as he spoke104 excellent French a good and almost cordial understanding was established, and no serious disagreement occurred. But, notwithstanding the polite relations, the greatest vigilance was exercised by both sides, and whatever civilities were exchanged were of a formal nature.
The Dinkas and Shillooks had on the first arrival of the French made submission105, and had supplied them with provisions. They knew that white men were said to be coming, and they did not realise that there were different races among the whites. Marchand was regarded as the advance guard of the Sirdar's army. But when the negroes gradually perceived that these bands of white men were at enmity with each other—were, in fact, of rival tribes—they immediately transferred their allegiance to the stronger force, and, although their dread106 of the Egyptian flag was at first very marked, boycotted107 the French entirely108.
In the middle of October despatches from France arrived for Marchand by steamer; and that officer, after reading them, determined to proceed to Cairo. Jackson, who was most anxious that no disagreement should arise, begged him to give positive orders to his subordinate to maintain the status quo, as had been agreed. Marchand gladly consented, and departed for Omdurman, where he visited the battlefield, and found in the heaps of slain109 a grim witness of the destruction from which he had been saved, and so on to Cairo, where he was moved to tears and speeches. But in his absence Captain Germain, who succeeded to the command, diverged110 from his orders, No sooner had Marchand left than Germain, anxious to win distinction, embarked21 upon a most aggressive policy. He occupied the Dinka country on the right bank of the river, pushed reconnoitring parties into the interior, prevented the Dinka Sheikhs from coming to make their submission at Fashoda, and sent his boats and the Faidherbe steam launch, which had returned from the south, beyond the northern limits which the Sirdar had prescribed and Marchand had agreed to recognise.
Colonel Jackson protested again and again. Germain sent haughty111 replies, and persisted in his provoking policy. At last the British officer was compelled to declare that if any more patrols were sent into the Dinka country, he would not allow them to return to the French post. Whereat Germain rejoined that he would meet force with force. All tempers were worn by fever, heat, discomfort112, and monotony. The situation became very difficult, and the tact113 and patience of Colonel Jackson alone averted114 a conflict which would have resounded115 in all parts of the world. He confined his troops strictly116 to their lines, and moved as far from the French camp as was possible. But there was one dark day when the French officers worked in their shirts with their faithful Senegalese to strengthen the entrenchments, and busily prepared for a desperate struggle. On the other side little activity was noticeable. The Egyptian garrison, although under arms, kept out of sight, but a wisp of steam above the funnels117 of the redoubtable118 gunboats showed that all was ready.
At length in a fortunate hour Marchand returned, reproved his subordinate, and expressed his regrets to Colonel Jackson. Then it became known that the French Government had ordered the evacuation of Fashoda. Some weeks were spent in making preparations for the journey, but at length the day of departure arrived. At 8.20 on the morning of the 11th of December the French lowered their flag with salute60 and flourish of bugle119. The British officers, who remained in their own camp and did not obtrude120 themselves, were distant but interested spectators. On the flag ceasing to fly, a sous-officier rushed up to the flagstaff and hurled121 it to the ground, shaking his fists and tearing his hair in a bitterness and vexation from which it is impossible to withhold122 sympathy, in view of what these men had suffered uselessly and what they had done. The French then embarked, and at 9.30 steamed southward, the Faidherbe towing one oblong steel barge123 and one old steel boat, the other three boats sailing, all full of men. As the little flotilla passed the Egyptian camp a guard of honour of the XIth Soudanese saluted124 them and the band struck up their national anthem125. The French acknowledged the compliment by dipping their flag, and in return the British and Egyptian flags were also lowered. The boats then continued their journey until they had rounded the bend of the river, when they came to land, and, honour being duly satisfied, Marchand and his officers returned to breakfast with Colonel Jackson. The meeting was very friendly. Jackson and Germain exchanged most elaborate compliments, and the commandant, in the name of the XIth Soudanese, presented the expedition with the banner of the Emir who had attacked them, which had been captured at Reng. Marchand shook hands all round, and the British officers bade their gallant126 opponents a final farewell.
Once again the eight Frenchmen, who had come so far and accomplished so much, set out upon their travels, to make a safe though tedious journey through Abyssinia to the coast, and thence home to the country they had served faithfully and well, and which was not unmindful of their services.
Let us settle the international aspect of the reconquest of the Soudan while we are in the way with it. The disputes between France and England about the valley of the Upper Nile were terminated, as far as material cause was concerned, by an Agreement, signed in London on the 21st of March, 1899, by Lord Salisbury and M. Cambon. The Declaration limiting the respective spheres of influence of the two Powers took the form of an addition to the IVth Article of the Niger Convention, concluded in the previous year. Its practical effect is to reserve the whole drainage system of the Nile to England and Egypt, and to engage that France shall have a free hand, so far as those Powers are concerned, in the rest of Northern Africa west of the Nile Valley not yet occupied by Europeans. This stupendous partition of half a continent by two European Powers could scarcely be expected to excite the enthusiasm of the rest. Germany was, however, soothed127 by the promise of the observance of the 'Open Door' policy upon the Upper Nile. Italy, protesting meekly128, followed Germany. Russia had no interests in this quarter. France and England were agreed. The rest were not consulted: and the Declaration may thus be said to have been recognised by the world in general.
It is perhaps early to attempt to pronounce with which of the contracting Powers the advantage lies. France has acquired at a single stroke, without any serious military operations, the recognition of rights which may enable her ultimately to annex129 a vast African territory. At present what she has gained may be described as a recognised 'sphere of aspiration130.' The future may convert this into a sphere of influence, and the distant future may witness the entire subjugation131 of the whole region. There are many difficulties to be overcome. The powerful influence of the Senussi has yet to be overthrown132. The independent kingdom of Wadai must be conquered. Many smaller potentates133 will resist desperately134. Altogether France has enough to occupy her in Central Africa for some time to come: and even when the long task is finished, the conquered regions are not likely to be of great value. They include the desert of the Great Sahara and wide expanses of equally profitless scrub or marsh135. Only one important river, the Shari, flows through them, and never reaches the sea: and even Lake Chad, into which the Shari flows, appears to be leaking through some subterranean136 exit, and is rapidly changing from a lake into an immense swamp.
Great Britain and Egypt, upon the other hand, have secured a territory which, though smaller, is nevertheless of enormous extent, more fertile, comparatively easy of access, practically conquered, and containing the waterway of the Nile. France will be able to paint a great deal of the map of Africa blue, and the aspect of the continent upon paper may please the patriotic137 eye; but it is already possible to predict that before she can develop her property—can convert aspiration into influence, and influence into occupation—she will have to work harder, pay more, and wait longer for a return than will the more modest owners of the Nile Valley. And even when that return is obtained, it is unlikely that it will be of so much value.
It only remains138 to discuss the settlement made between the conquerors139 of the Soudan. Great Britain and Egypt had moved hand in hand up the great river, sharing, though unequally, the cost of the war in men and money. The prize belonged to both. The direct annexation140 of the Soudan by Great Britain would have been an injustice141 to Egypt. Moreover, the claim of the conquerors to Fashoda and other territories rested solely on the former rights of Egypt. On the other hand, if the Soudan became Egyptian again, it must wear the fetters142 of that imprisoned143 country. The Capitulations would apply to the Upper Nile regions, as to the Delta144. Mixed Tribunals, Ottoman Suzerainty, and other vexatious burdens would be added to the difficulties of Soudan administration. To free the new country from the curse of internationalism was a paramount145 object. The Soudan Agreement by Great Britain and Egypt, published on the 7th of March, 1899, achieves this. Like most of the best work done in Egypt by the British Agency, the Agreement was slipped through without attracting much notice. Under its authority a State has been created in the Nile Valley which is neither British nor Ottoman, nor anything else so far known to the law of Europe. International jurists are confronted with an entirely new political status. A diplomatic 'Fourth Dimension' has been discovered. Great Britain and Egypt rule the country together. The allied146 conquerors have become the joint-possessors. 'What does this Soudan Agreement mean?' the Austrian Consul-General asked Lord Cromer; and the British Agent, whom twenty-two years' acquaintance with Egyptian affairs bad accustomed to anomalies, replied, 'It means simply this'; and handed him the inexplicable147 document, under which the conquered country may some day march to Peace and Plenty.
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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marred
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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ken
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| n.视野，知识领域 | |
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contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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intersection
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| n.交集，十字路口，交叉点；[计算机] 交集 | |
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impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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opposition
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formerly
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hoisted
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battered
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foraging
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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embarked
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hull
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savages
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speculation
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shrug
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penetrated
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battalions
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battalion
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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moored
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| adj. 系泊的 动词moor的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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temerity
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| n.鲁莽，冒失 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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boilers
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| 锅炉，烧水器，水壶( boiler的名词复数 ) | |
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tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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40
leopards
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| n.豹( leopard的名词复数 )；本性难移 | |
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41
darted
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| v.投掷，投射( dart的过去式和过去分词 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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43
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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45
foam
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| v./n.泡沫，起泡沫 | |
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46
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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47
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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48
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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49
oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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50
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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51
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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52
stranded
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| a.搁浅的，进退两难的 | |
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53
cartridges
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| 子弹( cartridge的名词复数 )； （打印机的）墨盒； 录音带盒； （唱机的）唱头 | |
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54
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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55
sleeplessly
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| adv.失眠地 | |
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56
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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57
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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58
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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60
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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61
salutes
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| n.致敬，欢迎，敬礼( salute的名词复数 )v.欢迎，致敬( salute的第三人称单数 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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62
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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63
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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64
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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65
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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66
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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67
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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68
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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69
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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70
petulant
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| adj.性急的，暴躁的 | |
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71
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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72
steadfastly
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| adv.踏实地，不变地；岿然；坚定不渝 | |
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73
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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74
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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75
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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76
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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77
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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78
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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79
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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80
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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81
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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82
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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83
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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84
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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85
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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86
vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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87
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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88
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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89
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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90
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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91
disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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92
discriminate
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| v.区别，辨别，区分；有区别地对待 | |
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93
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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94
thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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95
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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96
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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97
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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98
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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99
malarial
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| 患疟疾的，毒气的 | |
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100
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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101
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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102
reciprocating
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| adj.往复的；来回的；交替的；摆动的v.报答，酬答( reciprocate的现在分词 )；（机器的部件）直线往复运动 | |
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103
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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104
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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105
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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106
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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107
boycotted
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| 抵制，拒绝参加( boycott的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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109
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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110
diverged
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| 分开( diverge的过去式和过去分词 )； 偏离； 分歧； 分道扬镳 | |
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111
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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112
discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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113
tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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114
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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115
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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116
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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117
funnels
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| 漏斗( funnel的名词复数 )； （轮船，火车等的）烟囱 | |
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118
redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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119
bugle
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| n.军号，号角，喇叭；v.吹号，吹号召集 | |
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120
obtrude
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| v.闯入；侵入；打扰 | |
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121
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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122
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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123
barge
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| n.平底载货船，驳船 | |
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124
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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125
anthem
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| n.圣歌，赞美诗，颂歌 | |
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126
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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127
soothed
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| v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
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128
meekly
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| adv.温顺地，逆来顺受地 | |
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129
annex
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| vt.兼并，吞并；n.附属建筑物 | |
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130
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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131
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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132
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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133
potentates
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| n.君主，统治者( potentate的名词复数 )；有权势的人 | |
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134
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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135
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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136
subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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137
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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138
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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139
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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140
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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141
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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142
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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143
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
delta
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| n.（流的）角洲 | |
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145
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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146
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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147
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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